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Condom
Semiotics: Meaning
and Condom
AnnSwidler
IddoTavory
This
examines
article
use. These
and
partners,
thatframing
rational
assessments
attempts
that organize
the "sweetness
toprotect
how people
"
s health
use. Semiotic
condom
use
Condom
choice
that condom
believe
statement
constraints
use
use makes
that condom
a more
We call for
meanings.
agents
navigate
axes
semiotic
are
is appropriate,
to bear
less
meanings,
high-risk
The
NICHD
HD044228,
supported
by grants
from
Hans-Peter)
Research
and
on Research
the Committee
of the
Susan Watkins,
of California,
Berkeley.
University
offered intel
and Kim Yi Dionne
Reniers,
Georges
Richard
Madsen,
Tom
Pessah,
William
feed
like to
reviewers whose
Jonathan Vespa, and the anonymous
the article.
comments greatly strengthened
American
Sociological
Review,
rural
related
Even
to
when people
usually
one
the
to the
that is attentive
that demonstrates
interactional
axes
and
and
of culture,
inparticular
that record
a matter
relationship
show
that
space
the semiotic
intimate partner.
or even
analysis
contested
multiple,
brought
and
wise,
about
nuanced
diaries
sexual
we
risky behavior
semiotic
by
and
love between
between
most powerfully
operate
Africa
condoms
rural Malawi,
the complex
ignores
signifies
talk about
data from
Using
as a simple
in sub-Saharan
trust and
of sex,
Malawians
The
include
the meaning
Malawians
ways
axes
use
to condom
resistance
axes
semiotic
the major
describing
condom
the widespread
University ofCalifornia-Berkeley
how
specific
contexts.
1
Cost
mentioned
Malawi,
limit condom
use,
may
availability
In our
in very poor countries likeMalawi.
and the diaries, however, cost was never
and
especially
interviews
as a reason
Chisango
In
for not using condoms.
are heavily subsidized
condoms
two kwacha
pensive
even by Malawian
2009, Vol.
each
74 (April:l71-189)
1.4 cents),
(about
standards.
inex
172
Africa.
sexual
use
people
interaction. We
a condom
examine
in a par
the mean
everyday
conversations,
we
chart
but also
some
short-term
miniscule (Chimbiri
partnerships?remains
2007; Varga 2000). Without a semiotic per
spective on culture, this gap between attitudes
and behavior with respect to condom use
remains opaque. Cultural constraintson condom
use
are
real. They
do not derive
from
stubborn
the use
of a condom
of a sexual
says
relationship.
about
the char
Conceptualizing
condom
use with
2
the wide range
The polysemy of language?and
of metaphors
for sexual organs and activities?cre
ates specialdifficulties
forthiskindof article.Almost
about
every metaphor
dimensional
"semiotic
such matters,
such as three
suggests
space," immediately
and makes writing a per
double-entendres
multiple
ilous, albeit entertaining, adventure.
3
differs from theories of "frames"
Our approach
and "framing." Framing
theories suggest that indi
to practi
subordinate meanings
viduals consciously
cal ends. That is, actors are consciously
"mobilizing
ideas and meanings"
and countermobilizing
(Benford
and Snow 2000:613). We suggest that although agents
can navigate within a semiotic
constrain action by defining
actions
for others. A
the situated
location
agents have
of others'
semiotic
of action
expectations.
CONDOM SEMIOTICS
in such a semiotic space recognizes that the
condom does not have a fixed meaning, but
rather serves as a gesture or statementwithin a
largersystemof signification?a systemencom
passing the self, the other, thenature of a rela
tionship, and concerning danger, disease, and
desire.4 Moreover, a semiotic space suggests
thatmeanings can shiftwithin thatspace, so the
meaning of condom use can change registersor
locations even within a particular interaction
(Sewell 1992,1996). Third, the image ofmean
ings as enactedwithin amultidimensional semi
interaction.
most
sources
of resistance
to condoms
in ruralMalawi.5
interest us
1987).
5
We
do not address
religious
prohibitions
of con
to con
objections
(Smith 2004a), political
as products of malevolent
government or white
identities slowly
aid (Kaler 2003), or the "modern"
dom use
doms
rural Malawi
2002).
(Johnson-Hanks
in diaries and
these axes appear sporadically
the three axes we describe were much
interviews,
penetrating
Although
more
views.
prevalent
in everyday
conversations
and inter
173
and thedata
at: http://www.malawi.
pop.upenn.edu.
7
MDICP
recruited
at each site.
for the 40 or so positions
ple applied
candidates had to be fluent in the local lan
Successful
is required in
in English, which
guage and proficient
school
schools.
Malawi's
graduates
High
public
inMalawi's
British-style
(those with Form 4 diplomas
can rarely find work
system) in rural Malawi
so most
live in the villages,
formal economy,
in the
prac
174
what
was
said as close
to word-for
trad
and small-scale
agriculture
ticing subsistence
one
rare opportunity
to
work
for
the
have
Some
ing.
or a project
or two months with an NGO
like the
MDICP.
about
ment.
8
Interviewingfor theMDICP
two months;
For
a fuller
methodological
lasted only
regular employ
as a
of the journals
and a form of social
inquiry,
discussion
tool
describe. When
we had ques
in the journals,
of a passage
of a word, or other matters relevant to
the journals, we asked the journalist
understanding
and conferred with other local informants.
9
Malawian
public schools teach English from the
with
formal English starting in Standard
grades,
early
English
is widespread
indigenized
of a chiChewa
woyen
expression,
Anglicization
of multiple
from an association
derived
dayenda,
labor.
partners with migrant
10
are a delegated
observational
The journals
access
to a much
the advantage
of allowing
and
of
conversational
range
partici
settings
pants than a researcher might otherwise be able to
enter.
11
the double polyphony
This analysis crystallizes
observers
of the diaries?multiple
recording multi
have
wider
ple voices.
This
at multivocality
attempts
Marcus
1986), and we have
els of polyphony.
CONDOM SEMIOTICS
We first coded the diaries for sections per
taining to condom use. These sections include
approximately 1,600 excerptsfrom 304 journals
(650 single-spaced pages, more than 1,000 con
versations),with many journals containingmul
tiple conversational episodes thatmention
condoms and condom use. In the second phase,
we employed a more fine-grained
coding
Furthermore,
because
there
are
no
set
as abstract
ideas.
12
Religious
175
women.
Interviews
were
conduct
176
he use
in a
Sweets
The Axis of Sensuality
"One Does
Not
Wrapper":
Eat
use
conversa
too. These
this metaphor
Dili
can't and
I am having
when
sex because
see
I don't
the
because
real
with
sweetness,
a condom.
turbation
a woman
It's better
to continue
with mas
men's,
as some women's,
unwillingness
eating
Whyte
one
in the wrappers"
(see
also
Preston
cannot
experience
a condom.
using
Condom
the sweetness
sexual
metaphor.
One
when
pleasure
inMalawi
manufacturers
new,
a condom:
he was
Then
also
popular
use
a hole
latest Manyuchi
are sweet,
condoms
that is
You
posing
tome
leave me,
tance
condoms.
For
rural Malawians,
local
13
In both chiChewa
and
ubenga,
sperm and semen.
(umuna
and chiYao,
respectively)
to both
CONDOM SEMIOTICS
theuse of condoms does not just dull sexual sen
sation, it eliminates its essential element. A
local physiological understanding liesbehind the
Malawian understanding of sexual pleasure.
Different cultures use metaphors of both heat
and taste to describe sex, as Emanatian (1995)
shows in the case of the Chagga inTanzania.
Emanatian claims thatalthough there is cross
cultural similarity between theAfrican and
English metaphors for sexual pleasure, English
speakers tend to use metaphors of heat, force,
and friction,rather than taste.These metaphors
can be traced back to Renaissance England,
where Shakespeare's comedies played with the
idea of frictiongenerating "heat" tomake sex
ual unions fruitful (Greenblatt 1986). In the
African context, however, there seems to be a
differentethno-physiologyat play.Both men and
women view the release of semen as theheight
of sexual sweetness.The sweetness of the semen
as shown in the fol
is also related to fertility,14
lowing diary excerpt:
say
laughing at her husband,
people were
ing that his wife has revealed that he is a useless
man
in terms of sex. He does not produce
live
Some
(Alice 10/29/2004)
Although thehusband can have sexwith his
wife, the act is flawed. Being barren, his semen
lacks the sweetness of fertility;the sexual act is
"not sweet." The idea of the sweetness of the
semen itself is also seen in the following inter
view excerpt, inwhich a 22-year-old married
a con
dom
a part
ner with
a condom.
It's different.
I:What is thedifference?
R: The differenceis thataaah! [slightlaugh] It's
differentforher to be satisfiedand believe that
indeed
I have
things
[sperms]
because
14Swidler andWatkins
(2007) note the ties of
unequal
"wealth
societies.
that make
interdependence
in people"
critically
and
fertility
in African
important
Cancer,
Danger,
As
elsewhere,
Risk,
see condoms
Malawians
as a way
mental
organizations
promote
condoms
as
an
are
seen
as a malevolent
threat
those
block.
177
15
and Health
In theMalawi
Survey
Demographic
ofMalawi
2004), 99.5 percent ofmen
(Government
and 98.6 percent of women
sampled knew of AIDS.
16
in other parts of Africa,
For related phenomena
see
Johnson-Hanks
Watkins
(1997);
(2002,
Watkins,
and
Rutenberg
Green
and
Rutenberg,
2006);
178
said "No,
it brings
So
it's better
to be doing plain
I can't use. And
said are
in the condoms
the way
really destroys
geni
fertility and as the result he develops
tal sores and these genital sores ifnot treated early
one can die of them. A lot of people refused [reject
man's
ed]
this statement
and
[mis
completely
cheating
course he heard that
leading him]. He said that of
causes
the genital
the oils found in the condoms
saying
some disease
cause
to
especially
put them on. They cause some sores on
on the foreskin.
the penis's skin and some wounds
She continued by saying that she doesn't see about
The
condoms
men who
sores as well
die of that.We
really develops
of the man and vaginal
sores
genital
sores in the
partsofwomen/girls.(Simon 1/04/2003)
the condoms
and
she
is safe from
to the hospital
especially
had AIDS.
In so doing
she also
gets AIDS.
(Alice 10/25/2002)
This excerpt shows thatpublic health informa
tion disseminated about AIDS can itself dis
courage condom use. Learning thatunsterilized
needles and transfusions can transmitAIDS is
an educational success from the point of view
ofAIDS programs. However, when Malawians
with other stories they
combine this information
hear about condoms, such as condoms leading
to diseases and "sores," some come to believe
that condoms may indirectly increase their
chances of contracting AIDS.18 On the other
hand, sometimes suchweighing of risksmakes
people more willing to use condoms:
She also
in doing
like
Mr Njalale
thesoresour father[respectedspeaker]
has
said.
It is better
than die
17
The
"sores"
he heard,
high prevalence
of lesions
from sexually
infections(STIs).When theMDICP
mention
indicate
transmitted
testedforSTIs
was
low. Gonorrhea
however, prevalence
women
was
and .3 percent
5.4
for
percent
prevalence
.5 percent for women and. 1
formen; chlamydia was
in 2004,
was
2.4 per
and trichomoniasis
percent for men;
=
cent forwomen
1,303 men and 1,497 women).
(N
18
about
raise another question
These
findings
whether scientific information allows agents tomas
are
ter problems
in their everyday world. Malawians
bombarded
with
scientific
information
about AIDS
CONDOM SEMIOTICS
be helped by theDoctorswhile ifyou justhave sex
withoutanyprotectionlikecondomsand be infect
ed toAIDS, just know thatthehospital can help
you but you
cannot
get recovered
(Alice 10/25/2002)
These conflicting assessments of condom
riskmean that the semiotic coding of condom
use is ambiguous. In theWest, a refusal to use
of condom
The Inversions
use.
of Trust
lem of trustrequires.
The question of trustderives from a practi
cal need to gauge the safety of potential part
ners (Chimbiri 2007; Donovan 2000). Almost
all the interviewees and thepeople recorded by
the journalists agreed thatcondoms are needed
when a sexual partner cannot be fully trusted.
one might
use
a condom
when
I use
whom
partners?
I don't know exactly how she moves.
with a 23-year-old married man)
our data,
as well
as previous
studies
with
"non-regular
partners,"
such
as
example,
(Interview
sexual
and Love
For
/: To which
R: To whom
179
one might
see condoms
as unnecessary.
day
were
180
or that the
requesting
partner,
partner
can
intercourse with
wards
suspectthemselvesofhavingmaybeHIV/AIDS or
transmitted disease
that's why
wants
to use
one,
issues
of trust must
and
tell them openly of using condoms
some partners tend to wonder
and ask, "The way
I am you say that you want to use a condom? What
R:
have you
suspected
suspected
according
there is need
they know
is dangerous.
many
Malawians
are
reluctant
face. Indeed,
to use
a condom
These
numbers
are miniscule,
with
1.6
19
The 2006 MDICP
to use a number
of beans
of different assertions
accuracy
viewers. Of themarried women,
five or more
"your spouse
2004 MDICP
answered
presented by inter
12.2 percent placed
to the assertion
that
in response
is infected with HIV/AIDS
beans
now."
In the
is the likelihood
(chance)
that your
CONDOM SEMIOTICS
181
100%
80%
60%
40%
20%
MDICP
Panel
N = 947 women
1998,
Surveys
and 568 men.
2001,
Figure
and
2004.
excludes
"Don't
Know"
he was
his wife
never had
condoms
reached
the point
should
responses.
as he further elabo
said
but
182
positive
or negative.
(Chihana 9/13/2005)
Malawians
consider this shift?from con
dom use in the beginning of a relationship to
"plain" sex when the relationship has solidi
fied?not only in symbolic termsbut also as a
As with the sweetness of sex,
sensual reality.20
a set of bodily metaphors
govern how
Malawians show emotion and interpretphysi
cal experiences. Reporting a conversation in
which he asked a friend about love, a journal
wife,
said:
The
is no mixture
comes
the wife
between
to know
to use
a condom
on
an
assessment
of a
20
The
sexual
between
connection
relationship
and condom
love in a
perceived
use is seen in the
women
in Cleveland
advantaged African American
to signal that a relationship
is
avoid using condoms
use, on the other hand, signifies
serious; condom
In Africa,
it is likely that condom pro
promiscuity.
motion
and
association
education
between
has
condom
generated
use and
some
of the
lack of trust.
relationship,
one must
over
21
rests
6/13/2002)
With respect to condom use, the semiotic
logic of love operates as an inversion of the
logic of trust. In the logic of trust,thedecision
sustain
This
leads
to an alternative
interpretation
of
Kenyan
mercial
a man
men's
sexual
to give
relationships, where
gifts to the woman.
it is common
Luke
for
that
posits
always prefer not to use condoms, while women
to have
try to lower their risks, so men pay more
women not use condoms. Luke hypothesizes
that the
men
a woman
she will be to
is, the more willing
accept this bargain (see also Poulin 2006). The semi
otics of love and trust, however, suggest a different
use implies a less intimate
Condom
explanation.
poorer
more money
and gifts to their partners. In commer
cial sexual encounters, women may negotiate HIV
risks and men may pay more money to "go plain." But
and noncom
the homology
between
commercial
of
mercial
condom use is deceptive.
Relationships
love and trust demand an intimacy incompatible with
use. A man
in a more
intimate relationship
to give the woman
gifts com
love for her and they enact the
use.
intimacy of the relationship by forgoing condom
condom
a responsibility
mensurate
with his
has
CONDOM SEMIOTICS
intertwined as people navigate the different
dimensions. The simplest navigation among
these dimensions is additive, with thedifferent
semiotic axes reinforcingeach other.For exam
ple, the following diary excerpt shows how
sweetness, calculations of risk, and issues of
trustall play a part in the decision not to use a
condom:
them because
Iwant
to feel sweet
when
formany
by wear
than getting
cancer;
or
to use,
the other
or not use,
a con
meaning
of condom
a nice
for Grace.
total
183
because
of her
age
and
"moreover,
her
even
tomorrow...
184
DISCUSSION
Three different axes of meaning frame rural
Malawians' willingness or reluctance to use
condoms. First, local understandings of sensu
al pleasure as dependent on the "sweetness" of
bodily fluids shape sexual experience differ
ently than do Western sexual metaphors. For
use
condom
Malawians,
is a more
radical
obsta
use
(e.g.,
sores or cancer)
confounds
the
avoid
or use
condoms
with
those
con
between
ed, as condom
condom
use
use
signifies
and
trust is invert
the absence
of love,
axes
serve
as pragmatic
of knowl
tools
are
structures
The
ever-changing.
idea
"culture,"
"beliefs,"
resistance
to condom
con
"norms"?when
inAfrica,
culture
ana
beliefs
that, once
corrected,
CONDOM SEMIOTICS
will produce differentbehavior or, in an all too
similar inversion, to explain thisresistance sim
plistically as part of local "culture."We argue
that semiotic framings define themeanings of
particular actions (Swidler 2001). By paying
attentionto these differentsemiotic axes,we can
seewhy people do not necessarily act differently
in lightof new information,and why changes,
when theydo come,may takeunexpected direc
tions.
to view
tended
culture
as a broad,
overar
notion
of "culture"
as an analyt
may
masculinity,
to assert
reject condoms
or to communicate
and
a claim
enact
to
bod
185
of "plain"
sex,
nor
the meanings
have
power
to use
and
change
the semi
186
author
of, among
Talk
other works,
of Love:
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