EPHEMERIS NAPOCENSIS

XXII
2012

ROMANIAN ACADEMY
INSTITUTE OF ARCHAEOLOGY AND HISTORY OF ART CLUJ-NAPOCA
EDITORIAL BOARD
Editor: Coriolan Horaiu Opreanu
Members: Sorin Coci, Vlad-Andrei Lzrescu, Ioan Stanciu

ADVISORY BOARD
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Poland); Falko Daim (Mainz, Germany); Andreas Lippert (Vienna, Austria); Bernd Pfgen (Munich,
Germany); Marius Porumb (Cluj-Napoca, Romania); Alexander Rubel (Iai, Romania); Peter Scherrer
(Graz, Austria); Alexandru Vulpe (Bucharest, Romania).

Responsible of the volume: Ioan Stanciu

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EPHEMERIS
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XXII
2012

EDITURA ACADEMIEI ROMNE

SOMMAIRE CONTENTS INHALT

STUDIES
FLORIN GOGLTAN
Ritual Aspects of the Bronze Age Tell-Settlements in the Carpathian Basin.
A Methodological Approach . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
ALEXANDRA GVAN
Metallurgy and Bronze Age Tell-Settlements from Western Romania (I) . . . . . . . . . . . . 57
DVID PETRU
Everyday Life in the Research Concerning the Roman Army in the Western European
Part of the Empire and the Province of Dacia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91
CORIOLAN HORAIU OPREANU
From to Colonia Dacica Sarmizegetusa. A File of the Problem . . . . . . . . 113
CLIN COSMA
Ethnische und politische Gegebenheiten im Westen und Nordwesten Rumniens
im 8.10. Jh. n.Chr. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 137

ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND EPIGRAPHICAL NOTES

AUREL RUSTOIU
Commentaria Archaeologica et Historica (I) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 159
VITALIE BRC
Some Remarks on Metal Cups with Zoomorphic Handles
in the Sarmatian Environment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 185
FLORIN FODOREAN
Spa Vignettes in Tabula Peutingeriana. Travelling Ad Aquas: thermal Water Resources
in Roman Dacia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 211
DAN AUGUSTIN DEAC
Note on Apis Bull Representations in Roman Dacia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 223
SILVIA MUSTA, SORIN COCI, VALENTIN VOIIAN
Instrumentum Balnei from Roman Napoca. Two Iron Vessels Discovered on the Site
from Victor Deleu Street . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 235
IOAN STANCIU
About the Use of the So-Called Clay Breadcakes in the Milieu of the Early Slav
Settlements (6th7th Centuries) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 253

DAN BCUE-CRIAN
Contributions to the Study of Elites and Power Centers in Transylvania during the second
Half of the 9th first Half of the 10th Centuries. Proposal of Identification Criteria Based
on archaeological Discoveries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 279
ADRIANA ISAC, ERWIN GLL, SZILRD GL
A 12th Century Cemetery Fragment from Gilu (Cluj County) (Germ.: Julmarkt;
Hung.: Gyalu) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 301
ADRIAN ANDREI RUSU
Stove Tiles with the Royal Coat of Arms of King Matthias I Corvinus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 313

REVIEWS
IULIAN MOGA, Culte solare i lunare n Asia Mic n timpul Principatului/Solar and Lunar Cults in
Asia Minor in the Age of the Principate, Editura Universitii Alexandru Ioan Cuza Iai (Iai
2011), 752 p.(Szab Csaba) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 327
DAN GH. TEODOR, Un centru meteugresc din evul mediu timpuriu. Cercetrile arheologice de la
Lozna-Botoani/An Artisan centre from the Early Middle Ages. The archaeological research from
Lozna-Botoani, Bibliotheca Archaeologica Moldaviae XV, Academia Romn Filiala Iai,
Institutul de Arheologie, Editura Istros (Brila 2011), 200 p.(including 118 figures), abstract
and list of figures in French (Ioan Stanciu) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 331
CLIN COSMA, Funerary Pottery in Transylvania of the 7 th10 th Centuries, Series Ethnic and
Cultural Interferences in the 1st Millenium B.C. to the 1st Millenium AD. 18, Romanian
Academy Institute of Archaeology and Art History Cluj-Napoca, Mega Publishing House
(Cluj-Napoca 2011), 183 p., 49 plates (Aurel Dragot) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 339
PETER C. RAMSL, Das latnezeitliche Grberfeld von Mannersdorf am Leithagebirge, Flur Reinthal
Sd, Niedersterreich. Studien zu Phnomenen der latnezeitlichen Kulturausprgungen.
Mit Beitrgen von M. R. Megaw und J. V. S. Megaw, K. Kastowsky, M. Mehofer und
P.Spindler, N. Mllauer, B. Bhler und M. Kucera, R. Sauer, J. P. Northover, S. Swoboda,
T.Prohaska und G. Stingeder, E. Draganits, (Mitteilungen der Prhistorischen Kommission,
Bd. 74), Wien, Verlag der sterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2011, 670 p.
ISSN 0065-5376, ISBN 978-3-7001-6720-4 (Aurel Rustoiu).. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 342

RESEARCH PROJECTS
Crossing the Boundaries. Remodeling Cultural Identities at the End of Antiquity in Central and Eastern
Europe. A Case Study (Coriolan H.Oprean, Vlad-Andrei Lzrescu) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 347
Warriors and military retainers in Transylvania of the 7th9th centuries (Clin Cosma) . . . . . . . . . 353
Seeing the Unseen. Landscape Archaeology on the Northern Frontier of the Roman Empire at Porolissvm
(Romania) (Coriolan H.Oprean, Vlad-Andrei Lzrescu) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 356
Abbreviations that can not be found in Bericht der Rmisch-Germanische Kommission . . . . . 367
Guidelines for Ephemeris Napocensis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 370

ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND EPIGRAPHICAL NOTES

COMMENTARIA ARCHAEOLOGICA ET HISTORICA (I)

Aurel Rustoiu1

Abstract: The irst note is discussing the Celtic grave with a helmet from Ciumeti and the signiicance of
the Greek bronze greaves which belong to this burial. During the 50 years which passed since its discovery,
the aforementioned grave generated numerous comments, interpretations and scientiic debates. The note
is a synthesis of the information regarding its context of discovery, the stages of publication of the inventory
and the successive theories concerning the chronology and interpretation of the grave. A recent analysis has
demonstrated that the burial can be dated to the LT B2-C1 (or more likely only to the LT C1) and very
probably belonged to a Celtic warrior from the Carpathian Basin who was a mercenary in the eastern
Mediterranean region in the second half of the 3rd century BC. Starting from these aspects, the Greek bronze
greaves belonging to the funerary inventory, alongside other items of LT military equipment, are analysed
in detail. The artefacts played an important role in deining a particular warlike identity in comparison
with the military elites of the eastern Mediterranean.
The second note comprises an evaluation of the older or more recent Transylvanian discoveries belonging
to the Padea-Panagjurski kolonii group: funerary contexts or isolated inds including speciic weaponry or
harness ittings. They illustrate a concentration of the burials of Padea-Panagjurski kolonii type in southwestern Transylvania, more precisely in an area related to the centre of power of the Dacian kingdom
prior to and during the rule of Burebista. At the same time, some burials point to an extension of this
phenomenon in farther areas from central or northern Transylvania, up to the upper Tisza, these regions
being very probably taken over and controlled by Dacian kings. Chronologically, most of these discoveries
can be dated to the LT D1, the latest dated burials belonging to the Augustan period.
Keywords: Ciumeti, graves, greaves, helmets, sica, Padea-Panagjurski kolonii

1. he grave with a helmet from Ciumeti 50 years from its discovery.

Comments on the greaves2
he well-known grave from Ciumeti (Satu Mare County, Romania), containing an
iron helmet having a realistic-made bronze bird of prey fitted on the calotte, was discovered 50
years ago, on 10 August 1961. he helmet is a unique artefact amongst the La Tne finds from
Europe due to its outstanding features. As a consequence it was included in numerous exhibitions and catalogues, as well as in syntheses concerning Celtic art and civilization. Unfortunately
theburial was incidentally discovered and its inventory was recovered and published in successive
stages. his situation led to the appearance and perpetuation of several confusions regarding the
Institute of Archaeology and History of Art Cluj-Napoca, Romanian Academy Cluj Branch, M.Koglniceanu
str.1214, 400084, Cluj-Napoca, Cluj county, RO; e-mail: aurelrustoiu@yahoo.com.
2
his work was supported by a grant of the Romanian National Authority for Scientific Research, CNCS
UEFISCDI, project number PN-II-ID-PCE-2011-3-0278.
1

Ephemeris Napocensis, XXII, 2012, p. 159183

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Aurel Rustoiu

interpretation of the grave from Ciumeti. he main stages in the recovering of archaeological
information and the subsequent chronological and cultural interpretation of this outstanding
discovery are presented below.
he first group of finds recovered from the inventory arrived in the Museum of Baia
Mare, being later published by M.Rusu3. It included the iron helmet with the bronze bird, two
bronze greaves, an iron javelin head and an iron chainmail (Fig.1). M.Rusu noted that all of
these artefacts lacked burning traces and, according to the information collected from discoverers, burnt remains or human bones (cremated or not) were not seen in the burial pit (having
a circular shape and a diameter of about 1.21.5 m). he context suggested a symbolic burial
(cenotaph), or a ritual deposition. As concerning the chronological aspect, M.Rusu considered
that the inventory could be dated towards the end of the 4th century BC (La Tne B).
Shortly after the publication J.V.S.Megaw remarked the typological resemblance of
the helmet from Ciumeti with the one from Batina, as well as the depiction of a similar helmet
on the weapons frieze from Pergamon. Megaw also made some pertinent observations about
the entire inventory4, but these were ignored by Romanian specialist literature. A few years
later U.Schaaf, analysing Celtic iron helmets, added the find from Ciumeti to a type specific
to the eastern Celts (Helme mit verstrkte Kalotte), known in the area between Slovenia and
Transylvania, although some examples reached Asia Minor, according to the depictions from
the temple of Athena Nikephoros from Pergamon5. Later discoveries confirmed the distribution
of such helmets towards the Balkans, for example the finds identified in Bulgaria, Albania and
Macedonia (FYROM)6.
Still, the grave from Ciumeti was not an isolated deposition, but a part of a larger
LaTne cemetery. hus its discovery led to the investigation of this site. Systematic archaeological excavations were carried out on the entire area of the cemetery (Fig.3/1), as well as in the
contemporaneous settlement from its vicinity (Fig.3/24). he investigations were done in the
following years (1962, 19641965), being published by V.Zirra7. In total were uncovered 32
graves seven of inhumation, 21 of cremation in pit and four of cremation in urn. Other three
cremation graves in urn, initially considered as belonging to the La Tne cemetery, being ascribed
to the indigenous population8, are earlier dated and belong to the Early Iron Age9. V. Zirra
considered that despite some early artefacts the cemetery should be dated only in the La Tne
C, with an absolute date-range from around 230 to 130 BC10. At the same time I.H.Crian11
continued to sustain an earlier dating in the La Tne B2. K.Horedt12 also remarked that the
Ciumeti cemetery began in the La Tne B2 (after 275 BC), but most of the burials belonged
to the La Tne C1 sub-phase. Today it is accepted that in general the entire cemetery can be
RUSU 1969; RUSU/BANDULA 1970.
MEGAW 1970, 133134.
5
SCHAAFF 1974, 171173, Fig.25 (distribution map); SCHAAFF 1988, 300301, Fig.14 (distribution map).
6
RUSTOIU 2006, 4849, Fig. 4; RUSTOIU 2008, 2125, Fig. 7 (distribution map); GUTIN 2011,
123124, Fig.2 (the most recent distribution map). GUTIN/KUZMAN/MALENKO 2011 published a grave
belonging to a Celtic mercenary from Ohrid, dated to the La Tne C1, and having in inventory a helmet of the same
type to the one from Ciumeti, again confirming the dating of the Transylvanian burial (I am grateful to M.Gutin
for allowing me to read the manuscript before publication). See below.
7
ZIRRA 1967 (cemetery); ZIRRA 1980 (settlement). he research team also included M.Rusu (1962), I.Nmeti
and M.Zdroba for the cemetery, while I.H.Crian participated in the investigations from the settlement (19641965).
8
CRIAN 1966, 522; ZIRRA 1967, 4852.
9
NMETI 20002001, 62; NMETI 2003, 164.
10
ZIRRA 1967, 114. See also ZIRRA 1991, 382, this time providing a date-range between 240 and 130 BC.
11
CRIAN 1966, 41; CRIAN 1971, 70.
12
HOREDT 1973, 299303.
3
4

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Commentaria Archaeologica et Historica (I)

Fig. 1. Ciumeti grave with helmet. he finds published by M. Rusu (after RUSU 1969).

162

Aurel Rustoiu

dated to the La Tne B2bC1 sub-phases13, being contemporaneous with the horizons IIIIV
ofthecemetery from Picolt, in the same region14. he mentioned chronological limits raised
some doubts about the too early dating of the rich grave that belonged to a Celtic warrior.
he chronological problem came again into discussion during the following years.
Another part of the graves inventory remained in the possession of a local man who participated in the works of 1961 leading to the discovery of the grave. he artefacts were recovered
in 1973 by T.Bader (from the Museum of Satu Mare on that time) and published two years
later by I.Nmeti15. he remaining inventory includes an iron belt with lanceolated buckle,
the spring of an iron brooch, fragments from the chainmail, and another fragment of a cheekpiece belonging to the iron helmet, a large bi-truncated vessel and a bowl (Fig.2). Somefinds
have burning traces, whereas the person who had them airmed that in the pit were also
cremated human bones. hese new data demonstrate that the grave was of cremation in a
pit. I.Nmeti opted for a dating in the La Tne B2bC1 sub-phases, similar to the one of
theentire cemetery.

1
4

Fig. 2. Ciumeti grave with helmet. he finds published by I. Nmeti (after KULL 1997).
In Transylvania the absolute dating for the LT B2b is around 280/277250 BC, while that of the LT C1
is around 250175 BC. See HOREDT 1973, 302; RUSTOIU 2000, 182184; RUSTOIU/EGRI 2010, 218;
RUSTOIU/EGRI 2011, 18.
14
According to NMETI 1975, 244245; NMETI 1992b, 110.
15
NMETI 1975, 243245.
13

Commentaria Archaeologica et Historica (I)

163

Fig. 3. 1 he plan of the cemetery from Ciumeti (after RUSU 1969) (1 limits of the excavations; 2 limit of the
sand dune; 3 limit of the area destroyed before the beginning of systematic excavations; 4 modern constructions;
5 grave with helmet; 6 La Tne cremation graves; 7 La Tne inhumation graves; 8 cremation graves of the Early Iron
Age). 2 he plan of the settlement from Ciumeti (after ZIRRA 1980). 3, 4 Dwellings from the settlement from
Ciumeti (after ZIRRA 1980).

In 1984 T. Bader published another piece found on the area of the cemetery an
iron horse-bit belonging to a common type from the northern Balkans16. However, there is
no evidence that the piece belonged to this grave17, as B.Kull has suggested18. he horse-bit is
nevertheless important as evidence of the connections between the Celts from Ciumeti and the
northern Balkans. Lastly, while re-drawing the finds from the Museum of Satu Mare, B.Kull
added another fragmentary iron object, probably a scissors19. Still the artefact is not belonging
to the grave with helmet20.
BADER 1984.
NMETI 1992a, 139 airmed that the horse-bit was found on the cemeterys area after the end of the excavations.
18
KULL 1997, Fig.38/8. he horse-bit is also included in the inventory by TELEAG 2008, 15, no.49.
19
KULL 1997, 280281, Fig.38.
20
I. Nmeti made me aware that the mentioned scissors was placed in the permanent exhibition of the Museum
of Satu Mare in the same showcase with other artefacts from the grave with helmet from Ciumeti. For this reason
the German specialist got the impression that all of the artefacts from the showcase belonged to the same grave, but
the scissors has a diferent provenance.
16
17

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Aurel Rustoiu

Recently I have comprehensively discussed the problem of the grave with helmet
from Ciumeti21. After analysing the entire archaeological dossier my conclusion was that
the burial is quite clearly of cremation in a pit. he burnt traces are missing on several objects
(helmet, greaves and javelin head), while the chainmail was folded before being placed in the
pit. hese observations suggest that some of the grave goods did not accompany the deceased
on the pyre, being laid in the pit separately from the cinerary remains. Chronologically an
early dating in the 4th century BC cannot be sustained anymore. he analysis of the funerary
inventory indicates that the dating should be placed in the La Tne B2bC1 sub-phases,
or more likely only in the La Tne C1. At the same time, the presence of the iron chainbelt made of eight-shaped segments, commonly encountered in feminine graves from the
Carpathian Basin, suggests a double burial.
Another important aspect concerns the identity of the warrior interred at Ciumeti.
he rich funerary inventory indicates that the deceased was an important person in
thelocal community, a representative of the warlike Celtic elites from the Carpathian Basin
of the second half of the 3rd century BC. More than that, the mentioned recent analysis
suggests that the warrior from Ciumeti was a mercenary on the battlefields from the eastern
Mediterranean in a period in which the recruitment of Celtic troops by various Hellenistic
rulers became a habit.
In this context the presence of the bronze greaves in the assemblage of military equipment
is relevant. hese pieces were each made from a single sheet of bronze (with a high percentage
of tin). hey were carefully hammered to copy the anatomic details of the legs22 (Fig.4). Similar
items, made according to the anatomic characteristics of the owner, appeared in Greece at the
end of the Archaic period, and were used during the Classical period23 and occasionally later in
the Hellenistic times24. he right greave from Ciumeti, better preserved, has a length of 46cm25,
which suggest a tall owner of about 1.801.90 m. For example the greaves from Olympia (dated
to the Classical period) have lengths of about 3941 cm26, pointing to some anthropological
diferences between the two mentioned regions.
hese greaves were not simple imported goods. J.V.S.Megaw noted four decades ago
that they have a Hellenistic origin and seem to be the prize of some foray into the southern
Balkans27. Still, their manufacturing required the precise measurements of the dimensions
and anatomic characteristics of the owners, and this could have only been done by specialised
craftsmen. he two gilded greaves from the so-called grave of Philip II from Vergina, whichhave
RUSTOIU 2006; RUSTOIU 2008, 1363.
RUSU 1969, 278279, Fig.6; RUSU/BANDULA 1970, 8, 13, Pl.13.
23
KUNZE 1991, 7680 (gr. IV); JARVA 1995, 9697 (the anatomy group).
24
See for example the finds from the northern Black Sea region: GALANINA 1965.
25
RUSU 1969, 279, Fig.6; RUSU/BANDULA 1970, 8, Pl: II; XIII. TELEAG 2008, 442, no.953, lists a
length of 42 cm and 42.5 cm respectively (!?). I am wondering if these diferences are resulting from the way in
which the artefacts were restored in the laboratory and preserved in the stores of the Museum of Baia Mare during
the last decades (some diferences can be observed between the images published by M.Rusu and the more recent
ones). Still, even if the new dimensions are taken into consideration, the greaves from Ciumeti are amongst those
which exceed the upper limit of the size of similar artefacts from the Mediterranean region.
26
KUNZE 1991, 117120. Some pairs of greaves which exceed the size of the commonly found ones in
the Greek region are also known from graves from the northern Pontic region, dated to the 4th3rd centuries BC.
Forexample in diferent graves from Pervomaevka they have a length of 4646.5 cm, while in another grave from
Kertch they reach a length of 47 cm. On the other hand there are also pairs of greaves which are well below the limit.
For example a pair of greaves from Aksjutincy has a length of only 33 cm (ERNENKO 2006, 102103, no.649,
666667, 681). All these variations demonstrate a wide range of anthropological dimensions which had to be taken
into consideration by the craftsmen who made such objects.
27
MEGAW 1970, 133 no.211.
21
22

Commentaria Archaeologica et Historica (I)

Fig. 4. Greaves from Ciumeti. County Museum of History and Archaeology, Baia Mare
(photos Zamfir omcutean Baia Mare).

165

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Aurel Rustoiu

diferent dimensions, being made for a crippled man, are a significant example28 (Fig. 5/1).
Atthe same time the dimensional variations of the greaves discovered in diferent geo-cultural
areas, previously mentioned, also support their made-to-order manufacturing. It is less probable
that a Greek artisan could have made such objects in the Carpathian Basin to orders of some
local aristocrats, since the greaves from Ciumeti are unique not only in this region but across
the whole Celtic area. he activity of such a specialised Greek artisan would have left more
archaeological traces in the region. hus it is almost sure that the warrior from Ciumeti ordered
and got the greaves from a Greek workshop in the Mediterranean area. his was possible only
because the warrior himself travelled in the mentioned region. In the 3rd century BC the mobility
of certain groups from temperate Europe was often related to the mercenary activities. Due to
this reason my presumption is that the warrior from Ciumeti went to the Mediterranean as
mercenary and this happened in the second half of the 3rd century BC29.
Recently E.Teleag has published a vast work regarding the Greek imports recovered
from cemeteries of the 6th3rd centuries BC in the lower Danube basin. he author
catalogued and classified numerous artefacts discovered in funerary contexts, also bringing
into discussion the finds from other archaeological contexts (settlements, depositions etc)
and from outside the mentioned area, for example those found in graves from Transylvania30.
he book, despite some errors regarding the cultural identification and chronology probably
resulting from the huge quantity of data collected31, will remain a reference work for this
subject. Writing about the grave with helmet from Ciumeti, E. Teleag has suggested a
dating around 300 BC, despite the general dating of the cemetery at the end of the LaTne
B2 and in the La Tne C132. his dating is leading to an earlier dating of the funerary
inventory and implicitly of the greaves, which are dated after 450 BC33. hus the proposed
dating is wrong, as it will be shown below.
he presence of some Greek artefacts in contexts which are later dated than their regular
period of use is theoretically possible. An episode from 274 BC is relevant in this context. During
the campaign of Pyrrhus in Macedonia against Antigonos Gonatas, Celtic mercenaries of the king
of Epirus pillaged the royal Macedonian cemetery from Aegae (Plutarch, Pyrrhus 26. 6)34. hrough
such actions a Celtic mercenary could have gained some older prestige objects, brought afterwards
home. Still, as previously demonstrated, the grave from Ciumeti belongs to the second half of the
3rd century BC and the greaves were made in the same period by a Greek artisan who measured
the anatomic characteristics of the person who ordered the objects. hus the dating proposed by
E.Teleag is incorrect, so the interpretation has to turn to another direction.
ANDRONICOS 1984, 186189, Fig.150.
RUSTOIU 2006; RUSTOIU 2008, 3649.
30
TELEAG 2008.
31
For example TELEAG 2008, 256257 no.2, Karte 45, wrongly localizes Bene (nowadays Dobroselie in
Trans-Carpathian Ukraine) in Transdanubia (in Hungary). More than that, probably the bronze vessel discovered
at Bene, which arrived in the Museum of Cluj at the beginning of the 20th century, was found in a funerary context
(see POPOVICH 19951996, 86). At the same time, while the funerary inventories from the Carpathian Basin are
discussed, a series of important discoveries are missing, for example the oenochoe dated to the end of the 4th century
BC and coming from a grave from Peine cemetery (PAROVIPEIKAN 1993, 1243, Fig.: 1/4; 3/23) etc.
32
TELEAG 2008, 15 no.49.
33
TELEAG 2008, 249, 442 no.953, Pl.133/14.
34
And after getting Aegae into his power, besides other seventies exercised upon its inhabitants he left as a
garrison in the city some of the Gauls who were making the campaign with him. But the Gauls, a race insatiable of
wealth, set themselves to digging up the tombs of the kings who had been buried there; the treasure they plundered,
the bones they insolently cast to the four winds. (Translation PERRIN 1920). Plutarch. Plutarchs Lives. with an
English Translation by Bernadotte Perrin. Cambridge, MA. Harvard University Press. London. William Heinemann
Ltd. 1920. See also GRIFFITH 1968, 63.
28
29

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Commentaria Archaeologica et Historica (I)

Fig. 5. 1 Greaves from the grave of Philip II from Vergina (after ANDRONICOS 1984). 2 Silver plaque
from Letnica. 3, 4 Greaves from Agighiol. 5 Greave from Vraca (all after KULL 1997). 6 Greave from
Malomirovo (after SRBU 2006).

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Aurel Rustoiu

he greaves were very popular in Greece during the Archaic and Classical periods, being
part of the hoplites equipment35. hey are discovered in archaeological contexts (graves or sanctuaries), but are also depicted on numerous monuments or painted vessels, underlining the role and
significance of these artefacts in the assemblages of defensive military equipment. In the same
period, and also in the 4th3rd centuries BC, the anatomic variants of the Greek greaves became
popular amongst hracian populations from the Balkans or Scythian tribes from the northern
Black Sea region36 (in the latter area the latest dated examples belong to the 2nd century BC37).
In the lower Danube basin, at Agighiol and Vraca, and more recently at Malomirovo in Bulgaria,
were found local variants made of silver and richly decorated38 (Fig.5/36). Aside from that on an
appliqu from the Letnica hoard (Bulgaria) is shown a hunting scene in which a rider wears such
greaves39 (Fig.5/2), pointing to the role of status symbol of these objects for the aristocracy of the
northern Balkans, together with the remaining elements of the military equipment.
In Greece, greaves continued to be used in the Hellenistic period, but their symbolic role
was modified. A grave with funerary chamber discovered at Lefkadia in Macedonia, and built around
200 BC or slightly later, is relevant from this point of view. he burial belonged to the brothers Lyson
and Kallikles, but it was designed to also hold the funerary urns of an entire series of descendants.
On one of the walls is painted a panoply of arms having a Macedonian shield in the middle, lanked
by two swords (a Macedonian one and another of western type), while two helmets and a pair of
greaves are depicted below (Fig.6). On the opposite wall the shield and the two swords are accompanied by two body armours and two helmets40. he images of weapons on funerary monuments
from Greece originate from earlier traditions of displaying real objects41. heir painting in a realistic
manner, as in the case of the grave from Lefkadia, indicates that the intention was to present the real
panoplies of arms of the deceased42. hey belonged to a class of lower local warlike aristocrats who
increased their status, accumulated fortunes through military activities and expressed their social
position and identity a few generations after the death of Alexander the Great43. he panoplies of
arms consisting of defensive items (including the greaves) and ofensive weapons were true emblems
of their status within the society. More than that, the weapons depicted in the grave also played a
symbolic role for their descendants, as they reiterated the right to inherit the same privileged status.
he greaves, together with other weapons, were also shown on a series of public monuments.
Probably the best known example is the weapons frieze from the stoa of the temple of Athena
Nikephoros from Pergamon (Fig.6). he relief was probably made during the reign of Eumenes II
(after the defeat of Antiochus III at Magnesia in 190 BC) and shows the weapons captured from
the enemy, both the Hellenistic ones and the weapons of Celtic mercenaries hired by the Seleucid
king44. hey were represented in a realistic manner, the military equipment being easily recognizable
in detail. Amongst the well known and most relevant examples belonging to the La Tne panoply
of arms can be mentioned: a helmet having a morphology similar to the one from Batina and
belonging to the same type as the helmet from Ciumeti; the typical Celtic oval shields with iron
bosses; the chainmails with a closing system identical to those discovered in the Balkans (Fig.7) etc.
SNODGRASS 1964, 88; SNODGRASS 1967, 58.
TELEAG 2008, 249251, Karte 43; ERNENKO 2006, 98105.
37
ERNENKO 2006, 105 no.694.
38
See for example BERCIU 1974, 5255, Fig.89; KULL 1997, 291292,Fig. 46/13; TORBOV 2005, 59,
167, 193, Pl.8, 21; SRBU 2006, 89 Fig.59/2.
39
KULL 1997, 291 Fig.4/12; SRBU 2006, Fig.53/1.
40
SAKELLARIOU 1983, 150151 Fig.9697; POLITO 1998, 7576 Fig.34.
41
POLITO 1998, 97.
42
POLITO 1998, 76.
43
It is significant that in the royal cemetery from Vergina such images are missing, and real weapons were placed
in graves. See also POLITO 1998, 77.
44
A synthesis of the current debates regarding the dating of the monument from Pergamon in POLITO 1998,
9195.
35
36

Commentaria Archaeologica et Historica (I)

169

In comparison with the frequency of other types of weapons shown on the weapons frieze from
Pergamon, the greaves were seldom depicted (Fig.6). his diference may suggest a selective use
of them, only by certain individuals, probably high rank oicers. A similar phenomenon has been
noted in the Republican Roman army when only centurions and superior oicers worn greaves45.

Fig. 6. Detail of the painting on the wall of the grave belonging to brothers Lyson and Kallikles from Lefkadia
above (after SAKELLARIOU 1983); fragment of the weapons frieze from Pergamon, on which a pair of greaves is
depicted bellow (after BOHN 1885).
45

FEUGRE 2002, 76.

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Aurel Rustoiu

2
6

Fig. 7. Pieces of military equipment and their representation on the weapons frieze from Pergamon. 1 Helmet
from Batina, Croatia (after SCHAAFF 1988). 2 Shield-boss from Fntnele-Dealul Popii, Transylvania
(after RUSTOIU 2008). 3, 4 Closing systems of some chainmails from Smochan (3) and Trnava (4), Bulgaria
(after TORBOV 2004). 5, 6 Pergamon (after BOHN 1885).

Commentaria Archaeologica et Historica (I)

171

he monument from Pergamon is also important for the chronological aspect of this
discussion. Its decorative panels illustrate a large range of weapons and military equipment,
Hellenistic and Barbarian, some of them older but still in use at the beginning of the
2ndcenturyBC, others new and archaeologically documented up to the end of the 2nd century
or the beginning of the 1st century BC.
In conclusion, returning to the warrior buried at Ciumeti, it has to be noted that the
funerary inventory points to his belonging to a warlike elite displaying well defined and visible
signs of status. Still, these have to be interpreted from two diferent perspectives.
he chainmail and the helmet decorated with a bird of prey were symbolic elements
designed to set him apart within the group of warriors from both its own community and on a
wider area in the Carpathian Basin. he remaining graves with weapons from Ciumeti (no.9
and 12) contain standard panoplies of weapons of the period, commonly encountered in other
cemeteries from the Carpathian Basin or other areas in temperate Europe: sword (sometimes
with the chain-belt), spear head and shield46. For this reason the military equipment of the
mentioned deceased can be considered insignia of a chieftain having a significant authority in
his community, and perhaps even on a larger area.
On the other hand the greaves were also symbols of his rank, but of diferent nature
than the local traditional equipment. It may be presumed that during his peregrinations in the
eastern Mediterranean, and the military actions in which he was involved, the warrior from
Ciumeti, as head of a unit of mercenaries, must have compared himself with the Greek oicers
fighting alongside him. Aiming to be perceived as equal to these oicers (perhaps also mercenaries hired by the same master), he adopted the insignia of the prominent military function
which were comprehended and acknowledged as such by his Greek colleagues.
Lastly, it has to be noted that in the 50 years which passed since the discovery, thegrave
with helmet from Ciumeti continues to determine numerous scientific debates and to attract
the public interest whenever it is presented in exhibitions, catalogues or books of general interest,
due to its spectacular inventory.

2. he Padea-Panagjurski kolonii group in Transylvania. Old and new discoveries

Nearly four decades ago Z.Woniak noted the spread of some cremation graves containing
panoplies of weapons consisting of swords of La Tne type, spears, shields and curved daggers
(sometimes decorated) on the territory of today Bulgaria (mainly in the north and north-west) and
Romania (mainly in Oltenia). In many cases the inventories also contained horse-bits of local type,
indicating that the graves belonged to riders. he entire phenomenon was named Padea-Panagjurski
kolonii and was dated mainly to the 2nd1st centuries BC47. Still it was noted that during this period
some elements of the funerary rite and ritual were diferent from a zone to another (tumuli in
north-western Bulgaria, cremation graves in pit, sometimes with the burnt remains placed in urns in
Oltenia etc), suggesting the existence of diferent traditions and ethnic origins of the members of the
warlike elites which used an otherwise unitary, typologically and functionally, military equipment.
Later discoveries revealed that the mentioned phenomenon was extended over a wider
area, including both banks of the Danube in the Iron Gates region, areas in western and southern
Muntenia, and south-western Transylvania48.
ZIRRA 1967, 2428 (Grave 9 complete panoply), 2932 (Grave 12 only a sword).
WONIAK 1974, 74138; WONIAK 1976, 388394. It was later noted that sometimes the military
equipment also contained helmets and chainmails: RUSTOIU 1994a, 3435; RUSTOIU 1996, 36, 147150 etc.
48
RUSTOIU 1994a; RUSTOIU 1994b; SRBU/RUSTOIU 1999 (with bibliography); RUSTOIU 2002,
1123; RUSTOIU 2005, 110 Fig.1; RUSTOIU 2008, 147 Fig.73 (distribution map).
46
47

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Aurel Rustoiu

7
(1, 2)

2
cm

Fig. 8. 1 Curved dagger from Deva (after BAJUSZ 2005). 2 Curved dagger from Berghin
(drawing A. Rustoiu). 3 Iron horse-bit from Media (photos S. Berecki).

As concerning the finds from Transylvania, they consist of several burials identified on
themiddle Mure basin: cremation graves in pit at Teleac49, Blandiana50 and Trtria51, to which
49
50
51

MOGA 1982; RUSTOIU 2005, 112113 Fig.68.

CIUGUDEAN 1980.
CIUGUDEAN D./CIUGUDEAN H.1993.

Commentaria Archaeologica et Historica (I)

173

were recently added those from Hunedoara52, or tumuli at Cugir53 and Clan54. During the last two
decades I have shown that these burials concentrated in south-western Transylvania are later dated
than the Celtic horizon (La Tne B2C1) in the region. his fact may indicate a northward migration
of a warlike elite from areas south of the Carpathians, which replaced the Celtic domination in
Transylvania and later led to the appearance of the Dacian Kingdom. hese burials are located in
the vicinity of some Dacian settlements, sometimes fortified, and the ceramic inventories are local55.
he publication of certain older and previously unpublished discoveries, as well as the graves
more recently uncovered across the entire area of the Padea-Panagjurski kolonii group, enriched
the archaeological dossier and led to the appearance of some new contributions to this subject56.
Archaeological repertoire of Transylvania can be also enlarged through an analysis of the information
concerning older discoveries and a re-evaluation of the recent ones, which are further discussed.
he recent publication of the archaeological notes of Istvn Tgls, a collector from
Turda who worked in the second half of the 19th century and at the beginning of the 20th century,
facilitated the recovery of some important scientific data. he Turda collector assembled a repertoire and drew numerous sketches of many artefacts from various Transylvanian collections or
collected by himself from some archaeological sites. A part of these finds ended in some of the
modern museums, but others were lost forever57.
Amongst the finds which in the last quarter of the 19th century were in the collection of
Gbor Tgls from Deva (a gymnasium teacher, historian, archaeologist and collector of antiquities;
despite the similar surname the two collectors were unrelated)58 was a curved dagger discovered in
the same locality and having the morphological characteristics of a sica59 (Fig. 8/1). he presumably
lost dagger (perhaps it still exist in the older collections of the Museum of Deva?) preserved a part
of the scabbard (on about 20 cm of the blade). he total length of the artefact was of 50 cm, being
amongst the largest daggers of this type. he piece from Deva has numerous analogies inthe area of
the Padea-Panagjurski kolonii group. he shape of the hilt is also encountered on other examples
discovered in graves from Cetate60 in Oltenia, Trnava61 and Vinograd62 in Bulgaria, all of them being
dated to the LT D1. he perfect state of conservation, according to the drawing made by I.Tgls,
as well as the presence of the scabbard, suggests that the dagger probably belonged to afunerary
SRBU/LUCA/ROMAN 2007.
CRIAN 1980; RUSTOIU 2008, 161162, Fig.81.
54
RUSTOIU/SRBU/FERENCZ 20012002.
55
RUSTOIU 1994a, 35; RUSTOIU 1994b; RUSTOIU 2002, 2540; RUSTOIU 2005; RUSTOIU 2008,
142163 etc.
56
ERBNESCU 2006, 168171; TORBOV/ANASTASSOV 2008; ANASTASSOV 2011, 230231 Fig.1112;
BONDOC 2008; BONDOC 20082009 etc. See mostly UCZKIEWICZ/SCHNFELDER 2008, with important
comments regarding the entire phenomenon. he recently recovered artefacts coming from destroyed graves from
Hrtkovci, in the vicinity of the Scordiscian settlement at Gomolava (a sword, a curved dagger decorated with face-to-face
birds of prey on the blade, spear heads, a hracian horse-bit, chariot parts similar to those discovered in tumulus 2 from
Cugir, late Republican bronze vessels etc), can be ascribed to the Padea Panagjurski kolonii group. hey illustrate the
westward extension of the authority of the Dacian Kingdom under Burebista. See DAUTOVA RUEVLJAN/VUJOVI
2006, Fig.: 24; 29; 50; 5253; 54; 63 etc, with numerous errors regarding the dating and cultural identification.
57
BAJUSZ 1980; BAJUSZ 2005.
58
See WOLLMANN 1983, 262; RUSTOIU 1991.
59
BAJUSZ 2005, 134 no.69, Fig.18/141/3. During the last years several curved knifes from pre-Roman Dacia
were published, completing the repertoire of discoveries. Still, some of these pieces are not curved daggers from a
morphological and functional point of view. For example amongst the artefacts coming from Slaj, and published by
POP/BORANGIC 2009, only the piece from imleu Silvaniei (op. cit., Fig.2/1) is a true sica. For the morphology
and functionality of the curved daggers see RUSTOIU 2007a.
60
NICOLESCU-PLOPOR 19451947, 19, Pl.3/6.
61
THEODOSSIEV/TORBOV 1995, Fig.21.
62
UCZKIEWICZ/SCHNFELDER 2008, Fig.24.
52
53

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Aurel Rustoiu

inventory. Around Deva were documented numerous traces of habitation from thesameperiod of
the 2nd1st centuries BC (the fortress from Cozia Piatra Coziei and probably theone from Deva
Cetate are the most significant)63 which may sustain this hypothesis.
Another curved dagger (sica) comes from Berghin (Alba County). he piece was
identified in the Museum of Sighioara and belonged to the old collections accumulated in the
19th century64 (Fig.8/2). he blade is fragmentary and has blood channels65. he hilt was broken
in ancient times, but a part of the guard is still preserved. he preserved length of the piece is
of 20 cm. his dagger probably was also part of a funerary inventory. he hilt might have been
damaged when the weapon was ritually bent before being placed in grave, as it is the case of
the finds from Rast66 in Oltenia. From Berghin are known, from various plots, Dacian ceramic
fragments, a Greek coin, a Roman Republican denarius and an attachment of a situla of E 18
type, which may suggest the existence of some settlements from the 1st century BC67.
From Media comes an assemblage of iron objects discovered in 1891, which could have
belonged to some funerary inventories. hey are preserved in the Brukenthal Museum Sibiu68.
Amongst them is a hracian horse-bit and fragments belonging to another similar piece69
(Fig.8/3). he horse-bit was first published by V.Zirra70 and then by W.M.Werner71, whereas
the fragments of the second piece remained unknown. W.M.Werner included the horse-bit from
Media in the XVI type (Hebelstangentrensen mit zweiteilingen Mundstck), variant 3 (birnenfrmiges Seitenteil). he lateral rings were decorated with incised lines, similarly to some pieces from
Bulgaria72. he examples belonging to this type are the most frequent in funerary inventories from
the area of the Padea-Panagjurski kolonii group73. he artefacts from Media might have come
from diferent graves, or from a single one. In certain situations, for example in the tumulus 2 from
Cugir or in the tumulus from Clan, in the same grave were placed horse-bits from many horses74.
he older or more recent discoveries from Piatra Craivii (Craiva, Cricu commune, Alba
County) indicate the existence of a small familial cemetery, similar to the one from Cugir, close to
the well-known Dacian fortress. Some finds belonging to a burial were recovered at the end of the
19th century. he inventory included, according the reconstruction recently provided by C.I.Popa,
a long sword and two spear heads75. Very probably from the same grave comes a curved dagger
having an intricate decoration on the blade76 (Fig.9/1). he decoration has close analogies on a
curved dagger discovered in a grave from Mala Vrbica-Ajmana77 (Fig.9/2), on the right bank of the
Danube, in the Iron Gates region, and on another coming from Popitsa78 in north-western Bulgaria
(Fig.9/3). he structure of ornamentation indicates the distribution across a wider area of an elaborated iconographic repertoire, having symbolic and ideological meanings specific to the mentioned
warlike elites. he widespread distribution of these symbols was determined by the mobility which
GHEORGHIU 2005, 33 no.33, 3637 no.43.
Unpublished. Museum of Sighioara, inv. no.598.
65
Multiple blood channels, although rarely encountered, can be also seen on other daggers, for example on a
piece from Komarevo, in Bulgaria: TORBOV 2005, 693694, Pl.1/2.
66
TUDOR 1968.
67
GHEORGHIU 2005, 26 no.8.
68
An iron bridle and a disk published by NESTOR 19371940, 177178, Fig.7/12.
69
Brukenthal Museum Sibiu. Information and drawings by S.Berecki to whom I would like to thank.
70
ZIRRA 1981, 128 Fig.5/3.
71
WERNER 1988, 9192 no.297, Pl.46/297.
72
TORBOV 2005, 696 Pl.3/1.
73
RUSTOIU 2002, 5153, Fig.36 (distribution).
74
RUSTOIU 2002, 52.
75
POPA 2008.
76
RUSTOIU 2007b, 8384, Fig.1/1.
77
STALIO 1986, 33, Fig.42.
78
TORBOV 1997, Pl.3/1; TORBOV 2005, 695 Pl.2/3.
63
64

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Commentaria Archaeologica et Historica (I)

characterised this group, but also by the mobility of the craftsmen who followed the aristocratic
courts and created the entire panoply of arms and the prestige insignia of the military elite.

5 cm

0
(1-3)

0
(4)

cm

Fig. 9. Curved daggers with decorated blade from Craiva Piatra Craivii (1), Mala Vrbica-Ajmana (2) and
Popitsa (3); iron brooch from Craiva Piatra Craivii (4) (1 after RUSTOIU 2007b; 2 after STALIO 1986;
3 after TORBOV 1997; 4 after RUSTOIU/GHEORGHIU 2009).

he older or more recent discoveries from Piatra Craivii (Craiva, Cricu commune, Alba
County) indicate the existence of a small familial cemetery, similar to the one from Cugir, close to
the well-known Dacian fortress. Some finds belonging to a burial were recovered at the end of the
19th century. he inventory included, according the reconstruction recently provided by C.I.Popa,

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Aurel Rustoiu

a long sword and two spear heads79. Very probably from the same grave comes a curved dagger
having an intricate decoration on the blade80 (Fig.9/1). he decoration has close analogies on a
curved dagger discovered in a grave from Mala Vrbica-Ajmana81 (Fig.9/2), on the right bank of the
Danube, in the Iron Gates region, and on another coming from Popitsa82 in north-western Bulgaria
(Fig.9/3). he structure of ornamentation indicates the distribution across a wider area of an elaborated iconographic repertoire, having symbolic and ideological meanings specific to the mentioned
warlike elites. he widespread distribution of these symbols was determined by the mobility which
characterised this group, but also by the mobility of the craftsmen who followed the aristocratic
courts and created the entire panoply of arms and the prestige insignia of the military elite.
Recently another funerary inventory was also recovered from Piatra Craivii. he assemblage consists of a spear head, a curved dagger, a late La Tne (Vincovci type83) brooch and a hybrid
brooch, all of them made of iron. he inventory might have included a long sword of La Tne
type, probably lost84. he hybrid brooch is chronologically very important (Fig.9/4). he spring
and the bow are morphologically similar to those of the Jezerine brooches, whereas the shape of
the foot and catch-plate is encountered on the late La Tne brooches. Due to these morphological
characteristics the brooch from Piatra Craivii cam be dated to the end of the 1st century BC, the
respective grave being one of the latest dated funerary discoveries of this kind, thus representing a
chronological reference point for the end of the Padea-Panagjurski kolonii group in Transylvania.
Lastly, the recent discoveries from Malaja Kopanja in Trans-Carpathian Ukraine have to
be mentioned. A series of cremation burials in pit, many of them destroyed, have been found in
the close vicinity of the Dacian fortified settlement, on Cellenitza site. heir inventories (Fig.10)
consist of weaponry and military equipment (La Tne swords, spear heads, curved daggers, shield
bosses, a fragment of a chainmail etc), riding equipment (hracian and Getic horse-bits, buckles,
rings, spurs etc) and garment accessories (the brooches of middle La Tne scheme being important
for dating), which can be ascribed to the first half of the 1st century BC (Fig.10). Graves containing
artefacts belonging to the feminine costume were also found85. In another closely located find-spot
(Seredni Grunok) were discovered other cremation graves in pit, containing goods of local origin
and others specific to the Przeworsk culture (including typical weaponry: shield bosses, swords
etc). hese graves are dated to the second half of the 1st century AD and the first half of the
following century86. hus, despite the summarily published archaeological reports, it can be noted
that the cemetery from Malaja Kopanja began in the first half of the 1st century BC. he oldest
graves belonged to individuals who used panoplies of arms resembling those from the area of the
Padea-Panagjurski kolonii group. his fact may suggest that the appearance of the Dacian fortress
from Malaja Kopanja was determined by the northward expansion of the military elites during
the reign of Burebista. Still, unlike the situation from the rest of Dacia, as it is known today, a
significant number of graves containing feminine inventories appear here, pointing to a regional
feature of this cultural phenomenon characterising the northern extremity of the area of the Padea
Panagjurski kolonii group. Later in the 1st century AD, in the same region arrived groups of
Germanic populations, bringing artefacts belonging to the Przeworsk culture, and interring their
deceased in the close vicinity of the older cemetery. From this point of view the situation is similar
to the one encountered in the cemetery at Zemplin87.
79
80
81
82
83
84
85
86
87

POPA 2008.
RUSTOIU 2007b, 8384, Fig.1/1.
STALIO 1986, 33, Fig.42.
TORBOV 1997, Pl.3/1; TORBOV 2005, 695 Pl.2/3.
For the type see MAJNARI-PANDI 2009, 238240 and DIZDAR 2003.
RUSTOIU/GHEORGHIU 2009; RUSTOIU/GHEORGHIU 2010.
KOTIGOROKO 2007; KOTIGOROKO 2011.
KOTIGOROKO ET AL. 20002004; KOTIGOROKO ET AL. 20062007.
BUDINSK-KRIKA/LAMIOV-SCHMIEDLOV 1990; SRBU/RUSTOIU 2006, 205, Fig.1315.

177

Commentaria Archaeologica et Historica (I)

5a

1
0
(1)

5
cm

5b

0
(3)

5 cm

Fig. 10. Weapons and horse-bits from the cemetery at Malaja Kopanja (after KOTIGOROKO 2011).

178

Aurel Rustoiu

In conclusion, the re-evaluation of the older or more recent discoveries illustrates a concentration of the funerary contexts of Padea-Panagjurski kolonii type in south-western Transylvania,
more precisely in the surroundings of the centre of power of the Dacian Kingdom prior to and
during the reign of Burebista (Fig.11). At the same time a series of graves indicates the extension
of the phenomenon on distant territories in central or northern Transylvania, up to the upper Tisza
basin, these regions probably being brought under the authority of the Dacian kings.
Chronologically, these
burials probably appeared in
the LT C2, succeeding the
Celtic horizon in Transylvania.
he majority of the discoveries belong to the La Tne D1
sub-phase (from the end of the
2nd century to the first half of
the 1st century BC). he grave
from Piatra Craivii dated to
the Augustan period marks
the end of this phenomenon.
he military elites from the
northern Balkans, having
diferent ethnic origins and
funerary traditions, created in
the 2nd1st centuries BC sets
of symbolic elements seeking
Fig. 11. Map of the Padea-Panagjurski kolonii funerary discoveries to express a privileged status
from Transylvania: 1 Berghin (?). 2 Blandiana. 3 Clan. 4 Craiva
their communities.
Piatra Craivii. 5 Cugir. 6 Deva (?). 7 HunedoaraGrdina Castelului. within
Amongst these sets the military
8Malaja Kopanja. 9 Media (?). 10 Trtria. 11 Teleac.
panoply, having a typologically and functionally unitary character, played an important role. In the 1st century AD these
elements were modified. he elites abandoned the traditional funerary practices and some of
the weapons included in the usual panoply, but continued to use the curved daggers which
probably had an important symbolic role within the local practices. he later modifications were
maintained until the conquest of Dacia by the Romans.
Acknowledgements: I would like to thank Dan Pop and Z.omcutean (Baia Mare) for
providing information and images of the greaves from Ciumesti, S.Berecki (Trgu-Mure) for
information and photos of the finds from Media, Florin Gogltan (Cluj-Napoca), Liviu Marta
(Sat Mare), J.Emilov (Sofia) and M.Gutin (Koper) for bibliographic information.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
ANASTASSOV 2011
J. ANASTASSOV, he Celtic presence in hrace during the 3rd century BC in light of new
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between the Alps and the Black Sea (Koper/Beograd 2011), 227239.
ANDRONICOS 1984
M. ANDRONICOS, Vergina. he royal tombs and the ancient city (Athens 1984).
BADER 1984
T. BADER, O zbal din a doua perioad a epocii fierului descoperit la Ciumeti. Stud. i Cerc.
Istor. Veche 35/1, 1984, 8590.

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179

BAJUSZ 1980
I. BAJUSZ, Colecia de antichiti a lui Tgls Istvn din Turda. Acta Mus. Porolissensis 4,
1980, 367394.
BAJUSZ 2005
I. BAJUSZ (Ed.), Tgls Istvn jegyzetei. Rgszeti feljegyzsek I/1 (Kolozsvr 2005).
BERCIU 1974
D. BERCIU, Contribution ltude de lart hraco-Gte (Bucureti 1974).
BOHN 1885
R. BOHN, Das Heiligtum der Athena Polias Nikephoros. Mit Beitrag H. Droysen, Die
Balustradenreliefs. Altertmer von Pergamon II (Berlin 1885).
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D.BONDOC, Discoveries from the second period of the Iron Age from the area of Beharca,
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Severin/ Craiova 2008), 712.
BONDOC 20082009
D. BONDOC, Descoperiri de epoc La Tne de la Padea, jud.Dolj. Stud. i Cerc. Istor. Veche
5960, 20082009, 137163.
BUDINSK-KRIKA/LAMIOV-SCHMIEDLOV 1990
V. BUDINSK-KRIKA/M. LAMIOV-SCHMIEDLOV, A late 1st century BC
2ndcenturyAD cemetery at Zemplin. Slovensk Arch. 38/2, 1990, 245344.
ERNENKO 2006
E. V.ERNENKO, Die Schutzwafen der Skythen. PBF III/2 (Stuttgart 2006).
CIUGUDEAN 1980
H. CIUGUDEAN, Mormntul tracic de la Blandiana. Acta Mus. Napocensis 17, 1980, 425432.
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