Media & Sex Offenses Revision 3

A Crime by Any Other Name: Effects of

Media Reporting on Perceptions of Sex
Offenses
Karyn M. Plumm, Kevin D. Nelson & Cheryl A. Terrance
University of North Dakota
Online Publication Date: March 15, 2012
Journal of Media Psychology, Volume 17, No. 1, Winter, 2012

Abstract
The present study sought to investigate the effects of differences in wording and
gender on participant perceptions of teacher-to-student sex offenses. Participants
(N = 293) were asked to judge a scenario depicting charges of sex offenses and to
report their decisions for verdict, sentencing, and beliefs of criminality of the
teachers actions. Results indicated that offense-worded scenarios were rated more
harshly than relationship-worded scenarios in terms of verdict, sentencing, and
beliefs of the criminality of the alleged perpetrators actions. Additionally, the
judgment of criminality was greater for the male perpetrator only when his victim
was also male. The present study provides evidence in support of the effect of
wording on judgments for such situations. Implications in areas of media reporting
and use of wording in the courtroom are discussed.

Media & Sex Offenses Revision 3

A Crime by Any Other Name: Effects of Media Reporting of Sex Offenses

At face value, female sex offending appears to be insignificant in comparison with male
sex offending. According to the U.S. Department of Justice, the number of men who are
imprisoned for sex offenses nationally is about 140,000 while women who have been
incarcerated for sex crimes only make up about 1,500 of the prison population (Harrison & Beck,
2005). When examining government statistics regarding reports of sex offenses to law
enforcement, the trend continues; of sexual assaults reported to law enforcement, only 4% are
committed by women (Snyder, 2000). However, these statistics regarding the reporting and
incarceration of sex offenses rely heavily on the disclosure of the offense by the victims to the
authorities and the authorities subsequently taking these reports seriously. When such reports are
taken seriously, some of them are covered in the media. If such cases go to trial, media coverage
may play a role in how various victims, offenders, and/or offenses are perceived by potential
jurors (Studebaker & Penrod, 1997; Steblay, Besirevic, Fulero & Jimenez-Lorente, 1999; Woody
& Viney, 2007).
Portrayal of Sex Offenders in the Media
The portrayal of sex crimes in local television news is inherently sensational (Dowler,
2006). According to the content of 100 news broadcasts each from Detroit, Toronto, Toledo, and
Kitchener just over 10% of the stories covered involved a sex crime. Dowler (2006) concluded
that the stories about sexual offenses were significantly related to the presentation of fear,
sensationalism, and reporting of motives. When it came to fear, sex crime stories were more
likely than other crime stories to feature female community members discussing their fear.
Stories regarding sexual offenders were also more likely to include police issuing a warning for
the public to be on the lookout and portray offenders as not being able to control their

Media & Sex Offenses Revision 3

behavior. Dowler (2006) also found that reports of sex crimes happened to use less sensational
language than reports of other crimes but postulated that it was due to the inherent nature of sex
crimes being sensational and the news organizations sensationalized other crime stories in order
to compensate.
Finally, the motives of other crimes were reported more frequently than sex offenses at a
rate of 12.3% to 3.7%. Dowler (2006) identified that the only motive identified for sexual
assault was sexual desire and failed to mention power and control. Cases involving rape or
sexual assault are more often about power and control than sexual desire (Brownmiller, 1975;
Barbaree & Marshall, 1991). Identifying the incorrect motive can lead to misinformation and
misperceptions on the part of the public. Further, none of the stories portraying sexual offenses
employed experts specializing in sexual assault such as a rape crisis counselor. The stories relied
primarily on interviews with members of the community and the police force.
Welch, Fenwick and Roberts (1997) found a similar trend in newspapers in that law
enforcement officials and politicians were overly represented when reporting crime vs. experts
such as professors and nonacademic researchers. The reporting of only select cases (i.e., those
that are violent, stranger attacks) may lend itself to the use of the availability heuristic in the
individual who has limited information to make judgments about a group of people for whom
there is little contact (i.e., sex offenders).
Stalans (1993) found that a reliance on this availability heuristic and the biased recall of
severe crimes fueled a demand for harsher punishment that could be altered with information
about crime from sources other than the mass media, such as from family and friends. Therefore,
the publics reliance on media coverage and the availability heuristic may be a significant

Media & Sex Offenses Revision 3

contributor to the support for increased sanctions regarding sex offenders. For example, there is
a widely held stereotype that recidivism for sex offenders is very high.
The data shows that recidivism for sex offenses as a group is no higher than that for other
forms of crime (e.g., murder, theft). Sex offenders have a recidivism rate of about 5% for new
sex crimes (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2003). They are among the least likely criminals to be
rearrested for new crimes following release (Sample & Bray, 2003, 2006). The incidences that
do increase risk of recidivism include sexual sadism and psychopathy (Hanson & MourtonBourgon, 2005). However, these only account for a small percentage of those convicted as a sex
offender. For example, in Washington State public law RCW 71.09 allows for indefinite
commitment of sexually violent predators (SVP; i.e., those with a history of sexual sadism or
psychopathy) but has been met with criticism because the definition for SVP accounts for less
than 2% of sex offenders (WATSA, 2012).
There may be another process at work contributing to the formation of sex offender
stereotypes through sensational portrayals in the media. Hamilton and Gifford (1976) found that
during a co-occurrence of distinctive events, a false relationship between the two occurrences
can develop in what they termed illusory correlation. In the case of sex offender stereotypes,
when two or more sexual murders are covered in the news media a false correlation between sex
offenders and homicide is likely to occur in some individuals. Risen, Gilovich and Dunning
(2007) found that one highly unusual behavior performed by a group member was enough to
form an illusory correlation due to the fact that they were extremely memorable, received more
processing time, and prompted more attributional thinking.

Media & Sex Offenses Revision 3

Other studies have investigated how media can influence peoples perceptions of
punishment related to general crime and to sex offenders specifically. Sotirovic (2001) found
that of 395 residents of the Madison, Wisconsin area who received their news information from
newspapers dealing with politics, the economy, and social issues tended to be less punitive in
their orientation to the problem of crime than those who received their information from more
sensational sources such as tabloid television news magazines and reality based crime shows.
In a similar vein, Proctor, Badzinski and Johnson (2002) studied the use of media and
peoples knowledge and perceptions of sex offender policy, specifically Megans Law (1996).
Megans Law (1996) was enacted soon after seven-year-old Megan Kanka was abducted and
murdered by a repeat sex offender in New Jersey. It requires public notification by police of
high-risk sex offenders who move into a neighborhood. They found no differences between those
who received a majority of their news from newspapers and those who received a majority of
their news from television. Both groups supported Megans Law. It would appear that the type of
news outlet made no difference in perception of the law.
The sensationalism imbedded in the many forms of modern media portrays an inaccurate
picture of the social problem of sexual abuse. The problem of sensational news has actually been
around since the invention of the printing press (by 1450 the press was in operation). Davis and
McLeod (2003) conducted a content analysis of front page newspaper stories from 1700 to 2001
in eight separate countries. They sorted these news stories into categories based on major themes
in evolutionary psychology such as altruism, cheater detection, reputation and treatment of
offspring. What they found points to an evolutionary explanation as to why stories of child
abduction and murder receive great attention in the press. Stories involving rape and sexual
assault were the most common and that stories involving harm to children were fourth out of 12

Media & Sex Offenses Revision 3

categories. These rankings remained fairly consistent over time. Telling of such stories may
serve the purpose of warning family members about such occurrences. Sensationalizing them
may have helped to be sure children heeded such warnings. They argued that based on
evolutionary psychology, our ancestors would have benefited from knowledge of sexual assault
and harm to children in that they would take protective measures to ensure that their offspring
was indeed theirs and would be able survive.
On another end of the spectrum, it has been argued that sensational news serves a moral
purpose. Slattery (1994) used a sensational case to bolster an argument that sensational news
coverage helps the community right its moral compass. She described the case of Joelle
Donavan who was a three-year-old girl who was abducted, sexually assaulted, and murdered by
her 23-year-old uncle who happened to be a paroled sex offender. Slattery (1994) argued that the
telling of the gruesome details in the media was a reflection of the themes of good and evil, right
and wrong, justice and injustice. She argued that journalists act as moral agents with a
responsibility not just to report on the days events but to affirm the moral boundaries within
society.
Slattery (1994) also criticized another news story regarding sexual assault as pernicious
sensationalism. A news station in Milwaukee, Wisconsin aired an interview with a six-year-old
victim of a sexual assault with the parents permission. The reporter stressed that the purpose of
the story was to enlighten the public of the damage that sexual assault causes and the fact that the
perpetrator was a trusted friend of the family. Slattery (1994) went on to say that this was
unnecessary assuming that the community is already well aware of the damage caused by sexual
abuse and that the airing of the story may have caused irreparable harm to the child. This article

Media & Sex Offenses Revision 3

illustrated the problem that sensational news media poses for the publics accurate understanding
of social problems such as sexual abuse.
It is very unlikely that news media outlets will stop reporting sensational news even if
they acknowledge the fact that it has a tendency to form and strengthen negative stereotypes of
any particular group. Dorfman, Thorson and Stevens (2001) offered a solution that would still
allow the reporting of more unusual crimes and avoid misrepresenting the patterns of violence in
society. They produced curriculum designed for journalists on how to report these distinctive,
stereotype-producing crimes from a public health perspective. They suggest that if news
organizations frame these stories to include information that connects these incidents to a larger
context, exposing risk factors, and include accurate information about prevention, it could
greatly reduce the tendency for stereotype formation. Dorfman, Thorson and Stevens (2001) also
highlighted the difficulties that news organizations may face when implementing this new
strategy including obstacles regarding information availability, philosophical objections or the
tendency for reporters and editors to maintain the status quo.
Media Response to Female Sex Offenders
Empirical research regarding the amount of media coverage that female sex offenders
receive is limited. A Canadian website (Female Sex Offenders - Female Sexual Predators, 2009)
tracks news stories in Canada and the U.S. regarding female sexual abusers. The information on
the site revealed that a majority of the sex offenses that are receiving coverage in the mainstream
press are offenses that are perpetrated by school teachers against teenage boys. It has also been
noted that these news stories often use terms such as sexual affair or relationship which
could have some serious implications in reinforcing the publics view that female sex offenders
may be less dangerous.

Media & Sex Offenses Revision 3

This point was reiterated by Frei (2008) who was concerned that American newspapers
have been focusing too much on teacher-lover scenarios where the teacher is usually portrayed as
an emotionally distraught woman who was vulnerable to the willing teen. She goes on to note
that this gender bias permeates public opinion which includes those making policy within the
legal system diverting their attention from even more dangerous types of female sex offenders.
Very little research has been conducted regarding the portrayal of female sex offenders in
the media. Landor (2009) studied the language that was used in media reports in Australia and
found that media reports that covered sexual offenses perpetrated by female offenders were more
likely to refer to both the perpetrator and the victim as lovers and the act itself as sex. He
also noted that adjectives describing the female offender were added including vulnerable,
lonely, depressed, or heartbroken which appeared to shift the blame away from the
perpetrator. When the sexual offenses were perpetrated by male offenders, language they often
used included labels such as pedophile or pervert for the perpetrator of the abuse and the
term victim was often used for the target of the abuse.
Chiotti (2009) conducted a quantitative content analysis on media reports on television,
in newspapers and in magazines totaling 1,815 media reports covering 76 sex offenders (37 male
and 39 female). She found that male sex offenders were portrayed more often than female
offenders as evil and predatory. In contrast, female offenders were more often than male
offenders reported as emotional and in love with their victims. While discussing these results
Chiotti (2009) pointed out how these media reports coincided with the gendered sexual scripts of
the male as an evil predatory perpetrator while the female sex offenders were portrayed as an
overly emotional caregiver.

Media & Sex Offenses Revision 3

Denov (2003) argued that traditional sexual scripts, suggesting women are incapable of
committing sexual assault, inhibit victims of female offenders from reporting the abuse. And
when it is reported, these sexual scripts keep authorities from taking such reports as seriously as
they take sexual assaults committed by males. She identified these traditional sexual scripts as
ones that portray men as active aggressors and females as innocent and passive recipients of
sexual behavior. The type of female perpetrated sexual assault that is most prominent in the
media reports, the teacher/lover, has a tendency to be portrayed in a way that is more consistent
with traditional sexual scripts than the others (Chiotti, 2009).
More specifically, it is assumed that since the teenage boy is going through puberty, they
are more inclined to be the sexual aggressor taking advantage of the female who has become
vulnerable due to an unhappy personal life. The assumption also relies on the notion that said
teenage boy is heterosexual. Traditional sexual scripts have helped to explain some of the
prejudice against gay men and lesbians (Kite & Whitley, 1996). Stereotypes of gay men include
that they are more feminine than heterosexual men and therefore are not viewed as the sexual
aggressor. Similarly for lesbians, the notion that they are more masculine than heterosexual
women may lead one to question whether or not she can be viewed as a victim. Additionally,
stereotypes of gay men and lesbians also include the perception that they engage in unnatural and
immoral sexual behavior (Herek, 2000) which can lead to the presumption that they are more
likely sexual offenders. Cases of sexual offense then may be viewed differently when the
offender is a gay man or is a woman of any orientation.
Other forms of media demonstrate and reinforce the sexual script of men as the sexual
aggressor and women as passive recipients of that sexual aggression. Kim, Sorsoli, Collins,
Zylbergold, Schooler, and Tolman (2007) conducted a content analysis of television programs

Media & Sex Offenses Revision 3

that aired during the 2001-2002 television season and found that the television shows portrayed
men as preoccupied with womens bodies, consumed by sexual thoughts, urges, and fantasies,
and initiating sex more frequently that women. They found that women are portrayed as using
more passive alluring strategies to attract mens attention and that they are the ones to set sexual
limits.
It has been shown that sexual scripts can influence people as to whether or not a more
ambiguous sexual encounter is a sexual assault or not. Littleton, Axom and Yoder (2006)
conducted a study in which college females were primed using either a consensual or a
nonconsensual sexual script. It was found that women who received the consensual prime were
more likely to view the ambiguous sexual situation as a seduction instead of a rape. However,
the nonconsensual prime did not have a significant effect on how the sexual situation was
perceived. This could have significant implications if seduction scripts are often used in a
majority of news reports regarding female sex offenders. Additionally, such scripts are likely to
contain metaphorical language descriptions. Taken together, media reports of female sex
offenders have a tendency to portray the offense in a very different light than media reports of
male sex offenders. It is unclear whether such reports have an impact on perceptions of actual
offenses or if the gender of the offender is what impacts perceptions of such offenses.
Reporting of Sexual Abuse by Female Perpetrators
One reason that sexual offenses by female offenders may be under-reported is that the
incident(s) in question are often not viewed as sex offenses at all or they are viewed as less
serious when the perpetrator is a female. More recently, perceptions of female sex offenders
have been studied by researchers. For instance, Hannon, Hall, Nash, Formati & Hopson (2000)
had participants read different date rape vignettes depicting forced sex between four different

Media & Sex Offenses Revision 3

gender combinations and found that the behavior of the aggressive partner in the vignettes were
more likely to be identified as sexual assault relatively equally among three of the vignettes with
the exception of the vignette where the female was the aggressor and the male was the victim.
Similar results were reported when studying vignettes depicting sexual abuse interactions
between parent/babysitter and child (Bornstein, Kaplan, & Perry, 2007) and between teacher and
students (Dollar, Perry, Fromuth, & Holt, 2004; Smith, Fromuth, & Morris, 1997).
Another reason why offenses by female sex offenders may go unreported by victims
more frequently than offenses by male sex offenders is due to the type and nature of the most
common offense that female offenders commit. Johansson-Love and Fremouw (2009) found that
more female sex offenders were related to their victims biologically or knew their victims in
some other capacity than their male counterparts. This study replicated a previous study that
found that female sexual offenders who engaged in child sexual abuse were more likely than
male sex offenders to be the childs primary caretakers and that male sexual offenders were more
likely to abuse complete strangers than female sex offenders (Rudin, Zalewski, & BodmerTurner, 1995).
Denov (2003) conducted a literature review comparing case reports of female sex
offending to self-report of victims who claimed to be abused by women. Results suggest that
females are offending at significantly higher rates in the self-report data than the case report data.
She hypothesized that this discrepancy could be explained by the fact that traditional sexual
scripts may act as a barrier to the recognition of sexual abuse perpetrated by females. Denov
(2003) claimed that these traditional sexual scripts affect not only the victims of the female sex
offenders, but also social workers, law enforcement, and the courts. It is these sexual scripts that
are reinforced by the media and which, in turn, influence the legal system.

Media & Sex Offenses Revision 3

Legal System Response to Female Perpetrators of Sexual Abuse

There is a dearth of research regarding female sex offenders in the legal system partly
because very few actually make it into the system. It has also been shown that female sex
offenders are less likely to be arrested in that the probability of arrest for females accused of
forced fondling is 48% lower than those of their male counterparts (Stolzenberg & D'Alessio,
2004). It is possible that differences in sentencing may be due to the fact that victims of abuse
may not realize that they have been sexually abused, and when they do realize that they have
been sexually abused, they are either not believed or it is believed that the abuse was less
harmful than abuse perpetrated by males. When they are believed and action is taken by law
enforcement and child protection professionals, it is often the case that the sanctions imposed on
female offenders differs greatly in comparison to those imposed on males.
For instance, Bader et al. (2008) discovered a significant difference in what types of sex
offenses committed by female sex offenders are handled by social services versus the criminal
justice system. They compared samples of female sex offenders that were dealt with by child
protective services versus female sex offenders that were handled by the criminal justice system
and found that the female offenders that were dealt with by child protective services were
overwhelmingly offenders who offended against younger victims, female victims, and intrafamilial victims. Conversely, female sex offenders that were dealt with by the criminal justice
system were offenders who most likely victimized primarily older victims, male victims, and
extra-familial victims. Other studies have reported similar results indicating that the both reports
by victims as well as action taken by child protection workers and law enforcement varies
depending on the gender of the alleged offender (Angelides, 2008; Daly, 1989; Daly & Bordt,

Media & Sex Offenses Revision 3

1995; Denov, 2001; Heatherton & Beardsall, 1998; Nelson, 1994; Steffensmeier, Kramer &
Streifel, 1993).
Not only is there disparity on the front end of an offenders sentence, there appears to be
gender differences when it comes time for parole. Silverstein (2006) observed parole hearings
through the lens of gender and found that male offenders were expected to take full responsibility
for their criminal behavior and when they did they increased their probability of release. He
addressed the issue of sex offending specifically with regard to male sex offenders and found that
those who blamed others for their incarceration were less likely to be paroled. Women offenders
on the other hand were more likely to increase their chances of parole if they presented
themselves as victims, especially in the cases of female drug traffickers who were working for
male drug kingpins. He did not look specifically at female sex offenders, but a correlation could
possibly be drawn between the female drug trafficker working for the male drug kingpin and the
male-coerced female sex offender. Due to the dearth of empirical research in the area of female
sex offender sentencing these comparisons can only be speculative in nature.
Purpose
In light of research suggesting differential treatment of sex offenders based on gender in
both the media and legal system, the present study investigated the effects of differences in
wording on participant perceptions of teacher to student sex offenses. Specifically, we
investigated relationship-worded scenarios as compared to offense-worded scenarios in which
the same charges were being filed and the same accusations being made. Additionally, the
gender of both the perpetrator and victim were systematically varied within the wording
conditions. Given previous findings in the area of language on perceptions of crime and social
crime policy (Lamb & Keon, 1995; Littleton et. al., 2006; Thibodeau & Boroditsky, 2011), it was
expected that participants would rate the offense-worded scenario more harshly in terms of

Media & Sex Offenses Revision 3

verdict, sentencing, and beliefs of the criminality of the alleged perpetrators actions. It was also
expected that when the perpetrator was male his crime would be judged more harshly than when
the perpetrator was female. Additionally, given the vast amount of research indicating negative
attitudes toward gay men (Herek, 2000; Herek, 2002; Herek, Cogan & Gillis, 2002; Herek &
Gonzalez, 2006; LaMar & Kite, 1998), the male perpetrator was expected to be judged more
harshly especially if his victim was also male.
Method
Participants
Participants (N = 293; 220 women, 71 men) from a Midwestern University ranged in age
from 18 to 47 with 97% being age 27 or under. Eighty-three percent reported race/ethnicity as
white/non-Hispanic with 8% reporting more than one race or ethnic background, 3% reporting
Native American Indian, 2.5% reporting Asian American, 2% reporting African American/Black,
and 1.5% reporting Hispanic. Ninety-eight percent of the sample reported their sexual
orientation as heterosexual, the other 2% reported lesbian (n=1) and bisexual (n=5). None
reported an orientation of gay man. Most of the sample was undergraduate students (99%).
Materials
Participants read one of 8 scenarios stemming from a 2 (wording: relationship vs.
offense) X 2 (perpetrator gender) X 2 (victim gender) factorial design describing allegations of
improper sexual conduct between a teacher and student. See following example (changes
depending on condition are noted in parentheses).
Former Teacher Charged with Having Sex with Student

Media & Sex Offenses Revision 3

James (Jane) Hill, 33, was arrested Monday following accusations of criminal sexual
contact (having a sexual relationship) with a 15 year old female (male) student. Hill
resigned from the school two months ago after allegations surfaced about sexual contact
with a student. The victim (student) reported that she (he) and Hill had sex numerous
times (her/his relationship with Hill had occurred) over a period of four months. Hill is
being charged with sexual assault of a minor and an improper relationship between an
educator and a student. His (Her) bail was set at $20,000.
Questionnaires
Demographic Questionnaire. Participants were asked to indicate sex, age, race, sexual
orientation and education.
Verdict. Participants were asked to enter a verdict as if they were a juror knowing only
the information provided in the vignette about the case. They were able to choose from not
guilty, guilty of improper relationships between an educator and student, guilty of sexual
assault, or guilty on both counts.
Sentencing. Participants were asked to indicate a sentence if and only if they indicated a
guilty a verdict. They indicated sentencing on a scale ranging from 0 (community service) to 6
(25 years life).
Beliefs of Criminality. Participants were asked to indicate their beliefs that the
teachers actions were criminal on a scale ranging from 0 (strongly disagree) to 6 (strongly
agree).
Procedure
Participants in this study signed up using a research management system (SONA) in
exchange for extra credit in their psychology courses. They were randomly assigned to one of
the 8 vignettes via an online link. Participants were free to complete their participation at any

Media & Sex Offenses Revision 3

time during one sitting (i.e., they could not stop participation and come back later). They read
the instructions, agreed to participate by reading an agreement statement and clicking on the link
to the study. They read the vignette and were then asked to indicate verdict, sentencing, and
beliefs of criminality of the teachers actions. Finally, they were asked to complete the
demographic questionnaire. They were thanked and compensated for their time with extra
course credit.
Results
Verdict
A Pearson Chi square analysis was conducted to evaluate the effects of the wording of the
article on the verdict. A significant difference was revealed, 2 (1)=4.14, p<.05, such that
participants were more likely to indicate a verdict of guilty of improper relationship when
reading the relationship-worded vignette (n = 68) than when reading the offense-worded vignette
(n = 43). Additionally, participants were more likely to indicate a verdict of guilty on both
counts (improper relationship and sexual assault) when reading the offense-worded vignette (n
= 83) than when reading the relationship-worded vignette (n = 79).
Sentencing
A 2 (wording: relationship vs. offense) X 2 (perpetrator gender) X 2 (victim gender)
analysis of variance (ANOVA) was conducted on the sentencing indicated by participants that
had chosen a guilty verdict. Results indicated a significant main effect for wording, F(1, 282) =
5.65, p=.018 (95% confidence interval (CI) 3.67-3.99), such that participants reading the
offense-worded article indicated preferences for a harsher sentence (M = 4.04, SD = 1.31) than

Media & Sex Offenses Revision 3

those reading the relationship-worded article (M = 3.65, SD = 1.43). Neither gender of the
perpetrator, F <1, or gender of the victim, F <1, reached significance.
Beliefs of Criminality
A 2 (wording: relationship vs. offense) X 2 (perpetrator gender) X 2 (victim gender)
ANOVA was conducted on participant beliefs that the teachers actions were criminal. Results
indicated a significant main effect for wording, F(1, 285) = 7.45, p=.007 (95% CI 4.55-4.84),
such that participants reading the offense-worded article indicated greater belief that the teachers
actions were criminal (M = 4.92, SD = 1.21) than those reading the relationship-worded article
(M = 4.49, SD = 1.32). This main effect was qualified by a significant interaction between
wording, perpetrator gender, and victim gender, F (1,285) = 3.96, p=.048 (95% CI 4.55-4.84).
Follow-up analyses at each level of wording revealed significance only for the offenseworded vignette with a main effect for victim gender, F (1, 130) = 4.74, p=.031 (95% CI 4.705.10), such that when the victim was male, participants were more likely to believe the teachers
actions were criminal (M = 5.12, SD = 1.14) than when the victim was female (M = 4.67, SD =
1.27). See Figure 1.

Media & Sex Offenses Revision 3

Discussion
The present study investigated the effects of differences in wording on participant
perceptions of teacher to student sex offenses. Results indicated differences in verdict on the
basis of the wording used to describe the charges. When the charges were described in
relationship terms, the verdict chosen reflected this. Conversely, when the charges were
described in offense terms, the verdict chosen was more likely to be guilty of both counts
(improper relationship and sexual assault). This is consistent with previous research that has
identified differences in perceptions of crime and policy based on language (Lamb & Keon,
1995; Littleton et. al., 2006; Thibodeau & Boroditsky, 2011).

Media & Sex Offenses Revision 3

Concerning guilt, differences in perception are particularly interesting given the vast
discrepancies in reporting of sex offenses for men and women (Chiotti, 2009; Frei, 2008; Landor,
2009). Female sex offenders are more often reported in the media as having had a relationship
with the victim, especially in cases involving teacher-to-student offenses. Indeed, it has been
shown that female sex offenders are less likely to be reported and when reported more likely to
receive lighter sentencing and/or parole, perhaps because the crime is not considered to be as
serious as when the offender is male (Denov, 2003; Johansson-Love & Fremouw, 2009; Rudin,
Zalewski, & Bodmer-Turner, 1995).
The differences evident in verdict were mirrored in the results found for sentencing.
Participants who stated their verdict as guilty of either an improper relationship between a
teacher and student, guilty of sexual assault, or guilty on both counts were asked to indicate the
level of sentencing that should be prescribed to the offender. Regardless of the gender of the
perpetrator or victim, participants were more likely to hand out harsher sentencing when the
charge was described in offense terms rather than in relationship terms. Given the fact that many
female sex offenders are covered in the media using relationship terminology whereas it is more
typical for male offenses to be described in offense terminology (Chiotti, 2009; Frei, 2008;
Landor, 2009) this may contribute to the discrepancy in treatment of male and female offenders
(Bader et. al., 2008; Daly & Bordt, 1995; Denov, 2001; 2003; Nelson, 1994; Silverstein, 2006;
Steffensmeier et al., 1993).
Participants were also asked to indicate their belief that the teachers actions were
criminal. This question had less to do with legal decision-making and was focused more on
participants attitudes toward the alleged relationship between the teacher and student. Once
again, participants were more likely to rate the offense worded charges as criminal than the

Media & Sex Offenses Revision 3

relationship worded charges. Within the offense worded condition, participants were also more
likely to see the male perpetrator to male victim charge as more criminal than the male
perpetrator to female victim charge (see Figure 1). This is not surprising given previous research
findings of negative attitudes toward gay men (Herek, 2002; Herek, Cogan & Gillis, 2002; Herek
& Gonzalez, 2006; LaMar & Kite, 1998). Future research incorporating measures of attitudes
toward gay men and lesbians is called for.
Interestingly however, the male perpetrator to female victim charge was viewed as least
criminal. Given that stereotypes surrounding sex offenders typically have to do with male to
female sexual assault (Bornstein et al., 2007; Dollar et al., 2004; Hannon et al., 2000; Smith et
al., 1997) it was surprising that it was viewed as less criminal than offenses by female offenders.
Research focusing on relational schemas has indicated that when scenarios reflect what we
believe to be most consistent with our expectation, we are likely to put less thought into the
judgments being made about it (Baldwin, 1992). Perhaps this scenario was viewed as more
normal than the others, especially given that the participants in this study were female college
students who arguably may have been involved in similar situations.
When the scenario we are judging is close to our own schema, we may judge it with less
scrutiny (i.e., see it as less criminal) than when it does not fit our current schema (Baldwin,
1992; Littleton et. al., 2006). Previous studies have shown that the view of women as the victim
and men as the perpetrator (especially in sexual scripts) have perpetuated a norm of women as
victim (Denov, 2003; Fritz & Kitzinger, 2001; Kim et al., 2007; Littleton et al., 2006; Simon &
Gagnon, 2003). Therefore, if the offense is considered to be more normal it may be difficult to
view it as criminal. Additionally, other factors such as media portrayal of teacher/student
romances (e.g., TV shows, movies) may serve to further the schema of such a relationship as

Media & Sex Offenses Revision 3

normal and therefore not criminal. Future research exploring participant beliefs of the typical
nature of sex offenses as well as the role of media portrayal and personal experience in shaping
schemas regarding such situations would be helpful in this regard.
Results notwithstanding, it is also important to note the limitations of the current study.
First, the participants represent a homogenous sample of college students. Most of the
participants were female which accurately reflects the population of psychology undergraduates
from which this sample was drawn. Age of participants varied little across the present sample.
Future research attempts would be well served by recruiting a more diverse sample of
participants than used in the present study. College students are closer in age to the victim than
the offender and are likely more liberal than middle-aged or elderly adults. One could argue that,
because of their youthfulness, the participants might be more informed about the issues in the
media related to sex offenses and offenders, especially as reported in online outlets. Second, the
scenarios used in the study were more informal than a journalist might report in a newspaper.
However, given the preponderance of online sources reporting offenses in a manner or style not
consistent with the Associated Press Stylebook (e.g., badbadteacher.com, 2010) it is likely not an
unrealistic description of how such cases may be reported and consumed and therefore is
arguably relevant. Nonetheless, future studies should address scenarios in which more formal
newspaper reports are utilized. Finally, this study asked participants to respond individually to
questions that were not bound by legal standards. Future research should provide more in-depth
information about such cases, including legal standards and possible deliberation as a mock jury.
The overarching goal of the present study was to identify the possible impact of varying
the wording in sex offense scenarios perpetrated by both men and women. To this end, results
demonstrate support for the hypotheses that offense-worded scenarios were rated more harshly

Media & Sex Offenses Revision 3

than relationship-worded scenarios in terms of verdict, sentencing, and beliefs of the criminality
of the alleged perpetrators actions. Additionally, the judgment of criminality was greater for the
male perpetrator only when his victim was also male. The present study provides evidence in
support of the effect of wording on judgments for such situations.
Implications of these results can be employed in various settings. For example, media
portrayals of such offenses could be serving two purposes: 1) they could be accurately shedding
light upon how the public is viewing particular acts (i.e., the reports are consistent with what the
general public know and/or believe), or 2) they could be serving to exacerbate the availability
heuristic and therefore strengthening false information about such crimes prior to trial (Cheit,
2003; Dowler, 2006; Hamilton & Gifford, 1976; Risen et. al., 2007; Stalans, 1993; Welch et. al.,
1997). Given the findings related to pretrial publicity (Studebaker & Penrod, 1997; Steblay,
Besirevic, Fulero & Jimenez-Lorente, 1999; Woody & Viney, 2007) the media certainly does
play a role in the way such crimes are perceived. The courtroom is another example of the
potential utility of these findings. The words used by a prosecuting or defense attorney may
weigh heavy upon the way in which particular crimes are viewed. Additionally, utilizing expert
witnesses to relay the facts about sex offenses and offenders may also sway decision-making in a
court of law. Future research should investigate the effects of introducing various forms of
wording prior to decision-making.

Media & Sex Offenses Revision 3

References
Angelides, S. (2008). Sexual offences against 'children' and the question of judicial gender bias.
Australian Feminist Studies , 23 (57), 359-373.
Bad Bad Teacher: School Sex Scandals - The Dark Side of Teacher-Student Relations. (20072010). Retrieved April 5, 2010, from Bad Bad Teacher: http://badbadteacher.com/
Bader, S. M., Scalora, M. J., Casady, T. K., & Black, S. (2008). Female sexual abuse and
criminal justice intervention: A comparison of child protective service and criminal
justice samples. Child Abuse & Neglect , 32, 111-119.
Baldwin, M.W. (1992). Relational schemas and the processing of social information.
Psychological Bulletin, 112(3), 461-484.
Barbaree, H.E. & Marshall, W.L. (1991). The role of male sexual arousal in rape: Six models.
Jounral of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 59, 621-630.
Bornstein, B. H., Kaplan, D. L., & Perry, A. R. (2007). Child abuse in the eyes of the beholder:
Lay perceptions of child sexual and physical abuse. Child Abuse & Neglect , 31, 375-391.
Brownmiller, S. (1975). Against our will: Men, women, and rape. New York: Simon & Schuster.
Bureau of Justice Statistics. (2003). Recidivism of sex offenders released from prison in 1994.
Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice.
Cheit, R. E. (2003). What hysteria? A systematic study of newspaper coverage of acused child
molesters. Child Abuse & Neglect , 27, 607-623.
Chiotti, J. M. (2009). The illusive female sex offender: A quantitative content analysis of
media exposure. Retrieved from Washington State University website:
http://www.dissertations.wsu.edu/Dissertations/Summer2009/j_chiotti_071409.pdf

Media & Sex Offenses Revision 3

Daly, K. (1989). Rethinking judicial paternalism: Work-family relations, and sentencing. Gender
and Society , 3 (1), 9-36.
Daly, K., & Bordt, R. (1995). Sex effects and sentencing: An analysis of the statistical literature.
Justice Quarterly , 12 (1), 141-175.
Davis, D., & McLeod, S. (2003). Why humans value sensational news. Evolution and Human
Behavior , 24, 208-216.
Denov, M. S. (2001). A culture of denial: Exploring professional perspectives on female sex
offending. Canadian Journal of Criminology , 43 (3), 303-329.
Denov, M. S. (2003). The myth of innocence: Sexual scripts and the recognition of child sexual
abuse by female perpetrators. The Journal of Sex Research , 40 (3), 303-314.
Dollar, K. M., Perry, A. R., Fromuth, M. E., & Holt, A. R. (2004). Influence of gender roles on
perceptions of teacher/adolescent student sexual relations. Sex Roles , 50 (1/2), 91-101.
Dorfman, L., Thorson, E., & Stevens, J. (2001). Reporting on violence: Bringing a public health
perspective into the newsroom. Health Education and Behavior , 28 (4), 402-419.
Dowler, K. (2006). Sex, lies, and videotape: The presentation of sex crime in local television
news. Journal of Criminal Justice , 34, 383-392.
Female Sex Offenders - Female Sexual Predators. (2009, June 11). Retrieved June 11, 2009,
from Canadian Children's Rights Council: http://www.canadiancrc.com/Female_Sex_
Offenders-Female_Sexual_Predators_awareness.aspx
Frei, A. (2008). Media consideration of sex offenders: How community response shapes a
gendered perspective. International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative
Criminology , 52 (5), 495-498.

Media & Sex Offenses Revision 3

Frith, H., & Kitzinger, C. (2001). Reformulating sexual script theory: Developing a discursive
psychology of sexual negotiation. Theory and Psychology , 11 (2), 209-232.
Hamilton, D., & Gifford, R. (1976). Illusory correlation in interpersonal perception: A cognitive
basis of stereotypic judgements. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology , 12, 392407.
Hannon, R., Hall, D. S., Nash, H., Formati, J., & Hopson, T. (2000). Judgements regarding
sexaul aggression as a function of sex of aggressor and victim. Sex Roles , 43 (5/6), 311322.
Hanson, R.K. & Morton-Bourgon, K.E. (2005). The characteristics of persistent sexual
offenders: A meta-analysis of recidivism studies. Journal of Consulting and Clinical
Psychology, 73(6), 1154-1163.
Harrison, P. M., & Beck, A. J. (2005). Prison and jail inmates at midyear 2004. Washington,
D.C.: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, Bureau of Justice Statistics.
Heatherton, J., & Beardsall, L. (1998). Decisions and attitudes concerning child sexual abuse:
Does the gender of the perpetrator make a difference to child protection professionals?
Child Abuse & Neglect , 22 (12), 1265-1283.
Herek, G.M. (2000). The psychology of sexual prejudice. Current Directions in Psychological
Science, 9, 19-22
Herek, G.M. (2002). Gender gaps in public opinion about lesbians and gay men. Public
Opinion Quarterly, 66 (1), 40-66.
Herek, G.M., Cogan, J.C. & Gillis, J.R. (2002). Victim experiences in hate crimes based
on sexual orientation. Journal of Social Issues, 58, 319-339.

Media & Sex Offenses Revision 3

Herek, G. M., & Gonzalez, M. (2006). Attitudes toward homosexuality among U.S.
residents of Mexican descent. Journal of Sex Research, 43 (2), 122-135.
Johansson-Love, J., & Fremouw, W. (2009). Female sex offenders: A controlled comparison of
offender and victim/crime characteristics. Journal of Family Violence , 24, 367-376.
Kim, J. L., Sorsoli, C. L., Collins, K., Zylbergold, B. A., Schooler, D., & Tolman, D. L. (2007).
From sex to sexuality: Exposing the heterosexual script on primetime network television.
Journal of Sex Research , 44 (2), 145-157.
Kite, M.E. & Whitley, B.E. (1996). Sex differences in attitudes towards homosexual persons,
behaviors, and civil rights: A meta-analysis. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin,
22, 336-353.
LaMar, L. & Kite, M. (1998). Sex differences in attitudes toward gay men and lesbian
women: A multidimensional perspective. The Journal of Sex Research, 35, 189-196.
Lamb, S. & Keon, S. (1995). Blaming the perpetrator: Language that ditorts reality in newspaper
articles on men batternig women. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 19, 209-220.
Landor, R. (2009). Double standards? Representation of male vs. female sex offenders in the
Australian media. Griffith Working Papers in Pragmatics and Intercultural
Communication , 2 (2), 84-93.
Lieberman, J. (1999). Terror management, illusory correlation, and perceptions of minority
groups. Basic and Applied Social Psychology , 21 (1), 13-23
Littleton, H. L., Axsom, D., & Yoder, M. (2006). Priming of consensual and nonconsensual
sexual scripts: An experimental test of the role of scripts in rape attributions. Sex Roles ,
54, 557-563.
Megans Law (1996). Public Law No. 104-145.

Media & Sex Offenses Revision 3

Nelson, E. D. (1994). Females who sexually abuse children: A discussion of gender stereotpes
and symbolic assailants. Qualitative Sociology , 17 (1), 63-88.
Pritchard, D., & Hughes, K. D. (1997). Patterns of Deviance in Crime News. Journal of
Communication , 47 (3), 49-67.
Proctor, J., Badzinski, D., & Johnson, M. (2002). The impact of media on knowledge and
perceptions of Megan's Law. Criminal Justice Policy Review , 13 (4), 356-379.
Quas, J. A., Bottoms, B. L., Haegerich, T. M., & Nysse-Carris, K. L. (2002). Effects of victim,
defendant, and juror gender on decisions in child sexual assault cases. Journal of Applied
Social Psychology , 32 (10), 1993-2021.
Risen, J., Gilovich, T., & Dunning, D. (2007). One-shot illusory correlations and stereotype
formation. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin , 33 (11), 1492-1502.
Rothbart, M., Fulero, S., Jenson, C., Howard, J., & Birrell, P. (1978). From individual to group
impressions: Availability heuristics in stereotype formation. Journal of
Experimental Social Psychology , 14, 237-255.
Rudin, M. M., Zalewski, C., & Bodmer-Turner, J. (1995). Characteristics of child sexual abuse
victims according to perpetrator gender. Child Abuse & Neglect , 19 (8), 963-973.
Sample, L. L., & Bray, T. M. (2003). Are sex offenders dangerous? Criminology and Public
Policy,3(1), 5982.
Sample, L. L., & Bray, T. M. (2006). Are sex offenders different? An examination of rearrest
patterns.Criminal Justice Policy Review, 17(1), 83102.
Silverstein, M. (2006). Justice in genderland: Through a parole looking glass. Symbolic
Interaction , 29 (3), 293-410.

Media & Sex Offenses Revision 3

Simon, W., & Gagnon, J. (2003). Sexual scripts: Origins, influences and changes. Qualitative
Sociology , 26 (4), 491-497.
Slattery, K. (1994). Sensationalism versus news of the moral life: Making the distinction.
Journal of Mass Media Ethics , 9 (1), 5-15.
Smith, H. D., Fromuth, M. E., & Morris, C. C. (1997). Effects of gender on perceptions of child
sexual abuse. Journal of Child Sexual Abuse , 6 (4), 51-63.
Snyder, H. N. (2000). Sexual assult of young children as reported to law enforcement: Victim,
incident, and offender characteristics. Washington D.C.: U.S. Department of Justice,
Office of Justice Programs, Bureau of Justice Statistics.
Sotirovic, M. (2001). Affective and cognitive processes as mediators of media infuences on
crime-policy preferences. Mass Communication & Society , 4 (3), 311-329.
Stalans, L. (1993). Citizen's crime stereotypes, biased recall, and punishment preferences in
abstract cases. Law and Human Behavior , 17 (4), 451-470.
Steblay, N.M., Besirevic, J., Fulero, S.M., & Jimenez-Lorente, B. (1999). The effects of pretrial
publicity on juror verdicts: A meta-analytic review. Law and Human Behavior, 23, 219236.
Steffensmeier, D., Kramer, J., & Streifel, C. (1993). Gender and imprisonment decisions.
Criminology , 31-3, 411-446.
Stolzenberg, L., & D'Alessio, S. J. (2004). Sex differences in the likelihood of arrest. Journal of
Criminal Justice , 32, 443-454.
Studebaker, C.A. & Penrod, S.D. (1997). Pretrial publicity: The media, the law, and common
sense. Psychology, Public Policy, and the Law, 3, 428-460.

Media & Sex Offenses Revision 3

Thakker, J., & Durrant, R. (2006). News Coverage of Sexual Offending in New Zealand, 2003.
New Zealand Journal of Psychology , 35 (1), 28-35.
Thibodeau, P.H. & Boroditsky, L. (2011). Metaphors we think with: The role of metaphor in
reasoning. PLoS ONE 6(2): e16782. doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0016782
Washington Association for the Treatment of Sexual Abusers (WATSA; 2012). RCW 71.09.
Retrieved at http://www.watsa.org/treatment_options.html
Welch, M., Fenwick, M., & Roberts, M. (1997). Primary definitions of crime and moral panic: A
content analysis of expert's quotes in feature newspaper articles on crime. Journal of
Research in Crime and Delinquency, 34 (4), 474-494.
Woody, W. D. & Viney, W. (2007). General pretrial publicity in sexual assault trials.
Psychological Reports, 101, 527-530.

Contact Information:

Karyn M. Plumm
Department of Psychology
University of North Dakota
Grand Forks, ND 58202-8380
Phone: (701) 777-4775
Fax: (701) 777-3454
Email: karyn.plumm@und.edu