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By Martin Edwin Andersen
February 27, 2015
“Every time we turn our heads the other way when we see the law flouted, when we tolerate what we know to be wrong, when we close our eyes and ears to the corrupt because we are too busy or too frightened, when we fail to speak up and speak out, we strike a blow against freedom and decency and justice.”
― Robert F. Kennedy
* * * * *
Question: When a self-described "informal" Army Regulation 15-6 investigation is convened by retired military leadership and many employees then say that they want to remain anonymous for fear of retribution because they believe that the leadership has shown a propensity to retaliate against those that speak out or against the leadership, what should be the next step?
Does a very real feeling among a protected group--a "federally-recognized class"-- that leadership practices borderline (if not enters into open) discrimination, with organization members feeling very apprehensive about raising specific allegations for fear of retribution, mean that those even higher in the command leadership (i.e.: flag officers) should become actively involved?
If so, how?
Also, what does it mean if the senior-most officials are made aware of the problems but choose not to become involved, despite recurring complaints which in fact may only be a proverbial tip of an iceberg of even greater alleged lawbreaking (i.e.: gross violations of human rights abroad or of the civil rights of federal employees)?
And if they don't, what does that mean about their leadership skills?
Titre original
Army Regulation 15-6 probes of civilian Department of Defense institutions
By Martin Edwin Andersen
February 27, 2015
“Every time we turn our heads the other way when we see the law flouted, when we tolerate what we know to be wrong, when we close our eyes and ears to the corrupt because we are too busy or too frightened, when we fail to speak up and speak out, we strike a blow against freedom and decency and justice.”
― Robert F. Kennedy
* * * * *
Question: When a self-described "informal" Army Regulation 15-6 investigation is convened by retired military leadership and many employees then say that they want to remain anonymous for fear of retribution because they believe that the leadership has shown a propensity to retaliate against those that speak out or against the leadership, what should be the next step?
Does a very real feeling among a protected group--a "federally-recognized class"-- that leadership practices borderline (if not enters into open) discrimination, with organization members feeling very apprehensive about raising specific allegations for fear of retribution, mean that those even higher in the command leadership (i.e.: flag officers) should become actively involved?
If so, how?
Also, what does it mean if the senior-most officials are made aware of the problems but choose not to become involved, despite recurring complaints which in fact may only be a proverbial tip of an iceberg of even greater alleged lawbreaking (i.e.: gross violations of human rights abroad or of the civil rights of federal employees)?
And if they don't, what does that mean about their leadership skills?
By Martin Edwin Andersen
February 27, 2015
“Every time we turn our heads the other way when we see the law flouted, when we tolerate what we know to be wrong, when we close our eyes and ears to the corrupt because we are too busy or too frightened, when we fail to speak up and speak out, we strike a blow against freedom and decency and justice.”
― Robert F. Kennedy
* * * * *
Question: When a self-described "informal" Army Regulation 15-6 investigation is convened by retired military leadership and many employees then say that they want to remain anonymous for fear of retribution because they believe that the leadership has shown a propensity to retaliate against those that speak out or against the leadership, what should be the next step?
Does a very real feeling among a protected group--a "federally-recognized class"-- that leadership practices borderline (if not enters into open) discrimination, with organization members feeling very apprehensive about raising specific allegations for fear of retribution, mean that those even higher in the command leadership (i.e.: flag officers) should become actively involved?
If so, how?
Also, what does it mean if the senior-most officials are made aware of the problems but choose not to become involved, despite recurring complaints which in fact may only be a proverbial tip of an iceberg of even greater alleged lawbreaking (i.e.: gross violations of human rights abroad or of the civil rights of federal employees)?
And if they don't, what does that mean about their leadership skills?
By Martin Edwin Andersen February 27, 2015 Every time we turn our heads the other way when we see the law flouted, when we tolerate what we know to be wrong, when we close our eyes and ears to the corrupt because we are too busy or too frightened, when we fail to speak up and speak out, we strike a blow against freedom and decency and justice. Robert F. Kennedy
*****
Question: When a self-described "informal" Army Regulation 15-6
investigation is convened by retired military leadership and many employees then say that they want to remain anonymous for fear of retribution because they believe that the leadership has shown a propensity to retaliate against those that speak out or against the leadership, what should be the next step? Does a very real feeling among a protected group--a "federallyrecognized class"-- that leadership practices borderline (if not enters into open) discrimination, with organization members feeling very apprehensive about raising specific allegations for fear of retribution, mean that those even higher in the command leadership (i.e.: flag officers) should become actively involved? If so, how? Also, what does it mean if the senior-most officials are made aware of the problems but choose not to become involved, despite recurring complaints which in fact may only be a proverbial tip of an iceberg of even greater alleged lawbreaking (i.e.: gross violations of human rights abroad or of the civil rights of federal employees)? And if they don't, what does that mean about their leadership skills?
Then add to that a situation where several current or past employees
are allowed to operate with impunity, causing significant angst after several senior leaders were not held accountable for their actions, and also were unchallenged for using derogatory and offensive language with colleagues, as well as highly-inappropriate sexual gestures when others spoke in meetings. Or when contracts are awarded--for significant amounts of money with very little in the way of deliverables--to outsiders based on their personal relationships with senior-most staff of the organization in question. Or when the person charged with conducting the AR 15-6 tells a witness that he is under no illusions that there will be any changes resulting from his work, as the probe was commissioned by the institution's retired army leadership; that the results will be handled at that leadership's discretion and that they are not binding. And what possible conclusions can one come to given the fact that the investigator himself agrees with the potential witness that the institution's leadership was well versed in DoD bureaucratic intricacies, and thus is able to make themselves appear to be highly effective and efficient, despite serious problems of mismanagement and abuse of authority? In a "theoretical" scenario such as the one outlined above, surely the use of an AR 15-6 investigation would be not unlike Vito Corleone being able to appoint the district attorney charged with investigating The Family, no? Especially if fellow serving and retired military officers, rather than saluting military strategist Col. John Boyd's roll call, "To Be or To Do," engage in the ancient Old World tradition of omert. (The questions raised, based on information obtained in a Freedom of Information Act request, are those emanating from a case already before the DoD Inspector General, thanks to the outgoing Senate Armed Services Committee Chair Carl Levin. Threats, intimidation, obstruction or other attempts to retaliate against
witnesses in law enforcement or U.S. congressional investigations
are criminal offenses under 18 USC 1513(e), felony violations of which can result in 10-year imprisonment.) _______________________________________ Post script: When senior leadership itself is guilty of rabid homophobia One key insight, although purposefully underplayed, can be found on the 12th page of the report, where it says: "The Center has not appropriately responded when certain employees have used derogatory comments towards one another. For example, employees have used offensive language including 'faggot,' 'butt boy,' and 'homo.'" What the supposed 'investigation' does not say is that it would be difficult for "The Center" to "appropriately respond" as the comments came from senior leadership itself. In fact, a retired general on staff complained several times that the Pentagon was run by a "gay mafia." _______________________________________ P.P.S: Insight from evidence submitted by SASC Chair Levin Six years before the ersatz AR 15-6 probe was conducted, an outside consultant submitted his institutional evaluation to Center leadership. Although he made clear his availability to provide additional services his contract was not renewed. The consultant's report, reflecting a prudent caution required for consideration for future work, nevertheless included the following observations:
Feedback and pushback are risky, esp. up the hierarchy
What happens to a group of people when they are stretched emotionally, mentally and physically over a period of time? And these recommendations:
Clear and objective criteria for [foreign] travel
Women treated equally and with respect Take the person and their issues seriously Turn to your [stated] values ... Integrity Quality Fairness Understanding Creativity