HABITAT INTL. Vol. 20, No. 3, pp.

463-475, 1996
Copyright 1996 Elsevier Science Ltd
Printed in Great Britain. All rights reserved
0197-3975/96 $15.00 + 0.00

Pergamon

S0197-3975(96)00012-4

Conservation and Rehabilitation of

Urban Heritage in Developing
Countries
FLORIAN STEINBERG

Institute for Housing and Urban Development Studies, Rotterdam, The Netherlands

ABSTRACT
This paper addresses rehabilitation and conservation of old inner-city areas and historic
monuments in the cities of the developing world which have so far received very little
attention in urban development policy. The need for urban rehabilitation and adaptive
re-use is discussed with reference to a number of cases, i.e. Cairo, Tunis, Sana'a,
Aleppo, Delhi, Bombay, Bhaktapur, Galle, Penang, Singapore, Shanghai, Beijing, Quito,
Cartagena, Rio de Janeiro and Havana. A delineation of the concept is provided, and
some key aspects of rehabilitation are discussed. The paper concludes with considerations
on the need for area rehabilitation and revitalisation approaches which maintain the
typical urban tissue and essential qualities of the historic areas and of the life of the
communities residing there, but which can also adapt the physical structures and activities to some of the present day requirements. In terms of monuments, it is stressed that
these need to be seen as part of conservation areas, and that their sustainability and
revitalisation will be most feasible if they are integrated into new concepts of use.
Copyright 1996 Elsevier Science Ltd

WHAT IS URBAN HERITAGE?

When we want to define "urban heritage", what comes to the mind of most urban
planners and managers are usually "monuments", i.e. churches, temples, all sorts of
religious buildings, palaces, castles, fortresses, historic city walls and gates and other
types of institutional buildings (e.g. of education, science, administration, or other
social purposes). This understanding often excludes historic residential areas and historic
city centres which equally represent the urban heritage. In addition, there may even be
non-tangible elements of urban heritage, such as customs and beliefs, which play a
role for the articulation of space use and the built environment.
Due to the existence of international cultural organisations, such as the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO), the International
Centre for the Study of the Preservation and Restoration of Cultural Property (ICCROM) and the International Commission on Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS) and a
good number of local conservation groups, monuments have at least a "lobby" and are

Correspondence to: Fiorian Steinberg, Project IHSP, 212 Asian Games Village Complex, Khelgaon Marg, Siri Fort,

New Delhi 110 049, India.

463

464

Florian Steinberg

in a somewhat more favourable situation than historic residential areas. The above
organisations and interest groups seem to yield some success in their efforts to achieve
greater interest for the course of preservation and conservation of old monuments of
historic value.
However, seldom is a cross-reference made between urban heritage and sustainability. The recent concern for sustainability and the "brown agenda" of urban environmental
development has completely excluded urban heritage from the sustainability discussion. 2 The built environment and built expressions of culture, of military, economic
and religious powers and forces as part of the national heritage deserve to be included
in this perspective, and urban heritage should attain the status of a preservable asset
which can benefit the present and the future of cities. Such an asset is not only limited
to cultural perspectives, but could become an economic asset with good potential for
economic exploitation, for instance through tourism, for culturally-based image building of local economic development or the promotion of corporate enterprises.

THE SITUATION OF OLD HOUSING STOCK AND HISTORIC CENTRES

During the past 40-50 years, the attention of most governments in the developing
world (and of most international agencies) has been focused on the problems of new
settlements, built through authorised and non-authorised (informal) processes. Typically, most of these housing areas grew rapidly and were characterised by overcrowding, lack of infrastructure, poor-quality construction, bad sites, and so forth. Quantitatively,
these housing areas usually overwhelmed the pre-existing city. By the 1970s, the vast
majority of the housing stock in most large cities in the developing world was less
than 25 years old. The older housing stock was, therefore, considered insignificant in
terms of the scale of the housing problem
At the same time, the desire for "modernisation" by governments and top decisionmakers in most developing countries often led them to believe that only new and
"modern" housing was worthwhile. Anything old or in a traditional style was considered
of little value and was torn down or, at best, ignored.3 Older housing, normally concentrated
in the inner parts of the city, was often in a state of physical deterioration, overcrowded
and lacking in services. It was easy to label such areas as "slums", to be removed at
the earliest convenient opportunity.
In addition, because of the rapid growth in the size of most cities in the developing
world and the rapid transformation of their city economics, the whole spatial pattern
of land uses and activities began to change. Inner cities became valuable for land uses
other than housing, and economic pressures led to further elimination of the older
housing stock.
For all of these reasons, most cities in the developing world have paid - - and
continue to pay - - very little attention to their older housing areas. As a result, these
areas continue generally to decline, with their physical, social and economic functions
disrupted and their present potential contribution to the city's overall housing stock
under-utilised.
Yet these areas are more significant and more important than is commonly realised.
Almost all cities, even fast-growing ones, have an older housing stock. Most large
cities today have grown from a core which has existed for centuries, even if only on a
small scale. In some cities, this older core is large and well-defined with a physically
substantial housing stock. Occasionally, as in Shanghai 4 or Bombay, 5 the older housing stock is quantitatively very important, constituting a large percentage of the housing units. In other cities, for instance Jakarta or Cartagena, the number of the residences
of the colonial elite is smaller, and restricted mainly to "European" quarters built during the colonial era, with the "native" quarters being predominantly of smaller and
less-permanent construction.
But almost everywhere this older core exists. And almost everywhere the historic

Conservation and Rehabilitation of Urban Heritage in Developing Countries

465

city centre represents a unique historical link with the past, a physical manifestation of
the social and cultural traditions which have developed to give the modem city and
society its meaning and character. This role is gradually being appreciated, although
so far only on a limited scale.
Equally, many cities now realise that it is often counter-productive to remove large
areas of existing old housing stock, given the tremendous housing demand which exists and the clear inability of existing institutions (and finance) to provide new housing
on the scale desired. Instead, it is important to utilise these housing units, even if, at
present, they are in poor condition.
However, even if there are such changes in attitude, it is not always clear what
should be done. After so many years of hostility or indifference, what should be the
new approaches toward older housing areas? What strategies should be adopted? What
can be done?

THE SITUATION OF MONUMENTS

Most old cities have some monuments which represent the religious, military, political
or economic powers of the past. The condition of such monuments is determined
largely by their present function and use. Monuments which have no further utilisation
tend to decay rapidly, while monuments which are still in use have a better chance of
being maintained. There is a good chance that monuments which have a new function
through "adaptive re-use" are even better maintained. In fact, the strategy of conversion of monuments for adaptive re-use appears to be the most effective approach for a
self-financing and sustainable form of conservation.
There is, of course, a very large variety among urban heritage monuments throughout
Africa, the Middle East, Asia and Latin America and, hence, it is difficult to generalise
with regard to their conditions and the possibilities for conservation and rehabilitation.
Generally speaking, there is a tremendous shortage of funds for the upkeep and maintenance
of government owned, registered monuments. In the case of privately owned monuments the situation is often not much different. Private owners may consider the maintenance
of a (registered or un-registered) monument as a burden due to inability to afford the
necessary maintenance, and they may be unable to establish other forms of use or
innovative mechanisms for the financing of the required conservation.
During the last decades, several international bodies, such as UNESCO, ICCROM
and ICOMOS, and local or national heritage societies, have initiated important campaigns
and proposals for conservation of neglected monuments and "heritage complexes".
Despite considerable enthusiasm, the actual results of such campaigns have been limited.
Few international agencies, cultural or archaeological institutions (mostly from Europe),
or bilateral donors have stepped in to help to preserve valuable heritage complexes.
Developmental banks have been shying away from conservation schemes as they found
them economically and financially unfeasible and, thus, not convincing. Very few cities have succeeded in generating an ambience for private-sector participation in urban
heritage conservation through the establishment of an attractive and innovative strategy
of heritage "commercialisation".

DEVELOPMENT OF THE IDEAS OF CONSERVATION AND REHABILITATION

Until the 1940s few countries in the world appreciated the value of their older cities.
In Europe, conservation was limited to a concern for historical buildings of special
importance, usually castles, palaces, churches, museums and other significant public
buildings. Attention was focused on the monuments individually, considered in isolation from their urban surroundings. (For example, the Paris Church of Notre Dame
was preserved, but the historic buildings surrounding it were demolished.)

466

FlorianSteinberg

It was the Second World War and its mass destruction of the historic cities in Europe
which provided the stimulus for a more serious consideration of older urban areas.
The re-building which occurred across Western Europe in the 1950s and into the 1960s
led to a much greater awareness of the unique character of these older areas and the
need to treat them sensitively and constructively. 6
At the same time, in Europe and in North America, there was growing criticism of
the 'modem' school of architecture and the 'bulldozer' school of planning. There began
to be popular resistance to the standardised 'high-rise' housing solutions which were
imposed in the name of modernisation. People who had been shifted to new housing
estates generally compared them unfavourably to their previous lives in older housing
areas of the city core. The 'bulldozer' approach to urban renewal generated great dissatisfaction, as whole areas were indiscriminately destroyed and their social communities thoughtlessly ruined. Professionals in the housing and planning field gradually
retreated from this 'bulldozer' approach as the negative consequences became more
and more well documented and publicised. They started to formulate new concepts
and approaches, which slowly won acceptance from politicians and bureaucrats. 7
From these various experiences has emerged the idea of urban rehabilitation. This
does not mean simply the passive protection of individual buildings of historic significance;
nor does it mean the wholesome preservation of everything which is old. Instead, it
means the creative use and re-use of older quarters of the city, taken as a whole, s
Where possible, old buildings are repaired and modemised, to facilitate their continued
use, especially as housing. This often includes upgrading of infrastructure services
(water, sewerage, drainage, roads, etc.), but on a modest scale, allowing the preservation of the existing urban pattern and fabric. Where necessary, some change of use
may be incorporated, but on a small scale. Demolition should normally be reserved for
structurally unsound buildings, but may also sometimes be needed in order to provide
space for essential social services, infrastructure or open space. 9 An overriding objective is to minimise the displacement of existing residents, because of either demolition
or repair and upgrading. 1 The intention is to provide enough modemisation of the
physical fabric to allow the life of the community to go on, with scope for both buildings and social systems to evolve and adapt to new conditions.
Interestingly, experience in many countries has shown that it can be easier and less
costly to restore and modernise old buildings than was originally expected. In contrast,
the cost of demolition and replacement by new buildings has almost always turned out
to be more expensive than expected. Naturally, many mistakes were made in the early
years of rehabilitation efforts; some projects were failures, some were far too expensive
and some succeeded at the expense of the original residents. Nonetheless, the trend of
the experience is favourable, leading to a steadily growing support in countries throughout
Europe and elsewhere.
In 1964, ICOMOS had promoted with the Venice Charter, the establishment of the
conservation approach for historic monuments. In 1972, many developing countries
signed up for UNESCO's Convention Concerning the Protection of the World's Cultural
and Natural Heritage, and by 1977 the listing of world heritage sites had begun.
While the Venice Charter was still only concerned with single monuments, the UNESCO
Convention introduced for the first time the concept of cultural heritage, which is the
basis for area conservation and rehabilitation concepts.ll UNESCO also promoted the
establishment of a fund for the protection of the world cultural and natural heritage,
but in actual fact very few countries have been able to benefit from this substantially,
and very few funds became available for historic city centres.
Although the concept of rehabilitation has seen increasing support in most of the
industrialised countries, a very different situation exists in the developing countries.
The concept is still new and unfamiliar in most places. Intellectually and professionally it remains limited to heritage societies, a small number of foreign-trained local
professionals, and eventually a few external advisors. Politically, it has not yet generated significant support. Legal and administrative machinery for historic area conserva-

Conservation and Rehabilitation of Urban Heritage in Developing Countries

467

tion, where it exists, is largely prohibitory rather than constructive and is seldom effectively
enforced. Older housing areas are still seem as "problems" rather than as important
components of urban life. In some cases, single-minded concern for a narrowlyconceived "modernisation" has been carried so far that there is almost nothing left of
the old city. Singapore is the best example, but, only thanks to a recent shift in policy,
conservation of a few remaining historic zones has been initiated (see also below).

ASPECTS RELATED TO URBAN REHABILITATION

Realistically, no one argues for total preservation of everything that is old in the city.12
Equally, few would quarrel with attempts to improve sanitation and water supply,
reduce overcrowding, or otherwise improve the living conditions in older housing areas.
Such improvements do provide a more satisfactory environment. But a better environment also implies a satisfying of social and cultural life for those who make use of the
environmental resources. It is the human inhabitants who create and constitute the
social-cultural and economic systems which give life to the physical environment.
The focus of revitalisation and rehabilitation of historic centres, therefore, has to be
on whole areas, not just individual buildings, and on social communities, not just the
physical environment. These older housing areas, typically in the inner parts of the
city, are often home for lower-income families and they have physical, social, economic
and cultural values different from, and beyond the perceptions of, bureaucrats or planners.
Advocates of rehabilitation policies emphasise the importance of a comprehensive
and integrated approach to planning for older areas, and especially the need to consider
complete conservation/rehabilitation areas, not just individual buildings. Of course,
particular buildings of special historic and/or architectural interest should be preserved
as part of the overall scheme. But the real focus is on the activities and uses of the
buildings taken as a whole, and the need to upgrade selectively and adaptively. 13
This rehabilitation approach raises a variety of crucial issues and questions.

Political aspects
How can political support be generated and maintained?
How can a national policy in support of conservation and rehabilitation of urban
heritage be established?
How can the affected population participate in the formulation and execution of
conservation and rehabilitation schemes?

Cultural aspects
To what extent can the rehabilitation of historic housing areas and monuments contribute
to the strengthening of indigenous cultural traditions and forms?
What is the role of historic city centres and of monuments, their physical characteristics
and their social life in the local (or national) culture?
Can historic monuments and city centres become an area of special tourist interest?

Social aspects
How can the poor, who generally comprise a majority of those living in the historic
housing areas, participate effectively in the rehabilitation process?
How can the community of low-income residents be retained in the face of changing land uses and values? (Or how can they be supported when relocation is unavoidable?)
How can low-income residents be protected from the impact of "gentrification"?

468

Florian Steinberg

Economic aspects
How can urban rehabilitation be financed?
What mix of private and public resources, i.e. public-private partnerships, should
be used?
How can older land uses and activities compete with new ones?
What happens when land values and/or taxes increase?
How can the contribution of the older area of the urban economy be consolidated?
Which economic role could tourism play in this context?

Urbanisation aspects
How can the urban pattern and tissues of historic city areas be preserved in the face
of necessary upgrading and land use changes?
Can the historic quality of the mixed-use environment be adapted to modem conditions?
In order to answer these questions, reference will be made to the urban heritage experiences of a number cities, namely Cairo, Tunis, Sana'a, Delhi, Bombay, Bhaktapur,
Galle, Penang, Singapore, Shanghai, Beijing, Quito, Cartagena and Havana.

U R B A N REHABILITATION AND REVITALISATION IN P R A C T I C E

Political support
Political support for urban rehabilitation and revitalisation is certainly crucial and a
prerequisite for any substantial programme. However, the experiences of the majority
of cities are not encouraging in this respect. Too many instances exist where the political commitment is lacking or very difficult to obtain, and even the concerted efforts of
international and national heritage organisations have not been able to generate such
support. For instance, in the cases of Cairo 14 and Sana a, is many years of efforts on
the part of UNESCO and the Aga Khan Foundation of Architecture have not yielded a
firm commitment for area conservation from the national authorities which were expected
to take up a World Bank loan (in the case of Cairo) or to negotiate with donors for
their support (in the case of Sana'a). Both Cairo and Sana'a have benefited only from
a number of rather isolated cases of monument restoration, financed, for instance, by
foreign archaeological institutes and other bilateral donor agencies. In the case of India,
and quite exceptionally if seen from an international perspective, the National Housing Policy of 199416 speaks of support to historic residential areas which have been
defined as conservation areas, but in reality there is very little implementation of these
policies, 17 and most local agencies lack the skills to design and implement conservation schemes. 18
Bombay is quite an exception in this regard and the repair of chawls, historic workingclass housing, has been taken up by the local authorities, a9 But the chawl repairs
programme itself - - after the repair of several thousand units - - is endangered by a
resource crunch, and the high investment pressure on inner-city land on the peninsula
of Bombay make it seem likely that the Bombay housing repairs programme will be
aborted in the near future. In Old Delhi, 2 as in so many Indian cities with a historic
city centre, a complete laissez faire approach is being followed, and there has been a
lack of political commitment to the conservation of the historic centre. In reality, in
Old Delhi, anybody can develop, demolish or build as he likes.
Equally, in the case of Shanghai, E1 the old walled-city area has been declared a
national monument, and some pilot rehabilitation/area upgrading projects have been
executed during the last 10 years, but this overall policy has not been translated into a
major investment scheme for the old tenement housing stock of Shanghai. Some cities

Conservation and Rehabilitation of Urban Heritage in Developing Countries

469

have, of course fared better, as the cases of Tunis, 22 Bhaktapur, 23 and Aleppo show.
Collaboration with bi- and multi-lateral external donors have initiated some large scale
area conservation and rehabilitation projects in Tunis (with World Bank funding), in
Bhaktapur and Aleppo (with German GTZ funds) and local political commitment has
been a precondition for these projects.
The case of Singapore is of a certain significance, as it combines many factors.
When it was realised that Singapore, which is quite dependent on income from tourism, was losing its attraction as a tourist destination due to the rapidly vanishing urban
heritage, a complete turn in policies was initiated. 24 Henceforth, heritage conservation
has become an important element of the city's development policies and image building. In all of these cases, the active participation of the residents of historic city centres in the preservation and conservation of their city, be it in the formulation or execution
stages, has been very limited. In a few instances there are reports of a limited number
of user/consumer surveys being carried out, mostly in terms of affordability of the
proposed measures only. However, certain interest groups, such as cultural and conservation and heritage associations of concerned citizens, have initiated at least some degree
of publicity and debate on conservation and rehabilitation issues. These organisations
act mostly at city level (Bombay, 25 Delhi, 26 Singapore, 27 Penang, 2s Tunis29), but in
some countries there are also national campaign groups (for instance in India 3 and
Indonesia 3~) which have taken the conservation of cultural and natural heritage on
their banners.

Cultural aspects
These have been highlighted very prominently by conservationists and campaigners,
international organisations (UNESCO, ICOMOS, ICCROM, Aga Khan Foundation for
Architecture) as well as bi-lateral institutions (cultural and archaeological institutes).
Of late, with the concept of more tourism-orientated marketing of cities, culture has
been accepted as a means to promote tourism and even the local investment climate or
ambience of cities. 32 Thus, culture is no longer a pure end in itself, but a means for
local economic promotion (or as the critiques of this approach brandish for a sell-out
of culture). Singapore, after it awoke to the claims of the local conservationists' campaign
for a cultural city, 33 has come out very prominently in this respect, and is now marketing conservation areas in the city for tourism.a4Bhaktapur, as one of the most traditional
cities in Nepal, as well as the Medina of Tunis, or historic Quito 35 are presented (and
marketed) as attractions due to their cultural values. In the cases of Cairo, Sana'a or
Havana some local agencies are also very keen to promote the old towns as tourist
centres, but are losing out to rapid decay and destruction, and the non-availability of
political support and funding.
In the case of Rio de Janeiro, area rehabilitation has become a leverage for the
establishment of a so-called "cultural corridor" which has succeeded in revitalising the
city centre with cultural and economic activities and attractions. 36 In the early colonial
city of Galle, 37 which is one of the declared world heritage cities, the cultural aspects
of the built environment figure strongly in the pledge of the local authorities for external
funding to preserve the city as a testimony of global culture of the colonial period.
However, where culture has the stigma of the colonial era, considerable resistance is
to be expected from local political forces which will try to lobby against any expenses
for the conservation of the testimony of this historic period.

Social aspects
Social aspects manifest themselves in particular through the presence of the poor, who
(as recent immigrants) have become residents in very crowded historic housing stock,
usually suffering from the impacts of sub-division and over-utilisation of outdated
services. This picture is contrasted by the fact that many well-to-do owners of historic

470

Florian Steinberg

buildings have moved elsewhere and have lost interest in the upkeep of their properties, as can be seen in the cases of Cairo, Tunis, Delhi, Bombay, Penang, Quito, Havana
and many others. The income situation of the poor and the disinterest of absentee
landlords who earn hardly any income from the low rents being paid by the occupants
of their old housing stock have strongly contributed to the decay and lack of maintenance
of old housing stock in historic city centres. For the formulation of area revitalisation
and rehabilitation schemes there is a good chance that the poor will be forced to leave
and that they will have to sacrifice their centrally located residences for rehabilitation
or redevelopment projects. The former residents of Singapore's Chinatown and Kampong Glam are a point in case; almost all of the previous residents have been relocated
elsewhere in modern housing estates as a prelude to "gentrification" of these areas.
Similar developments are taking place in Shanghai and Beijing, where more than 40%
of the population of the historic residential areas are to exchange these locations for
new suburban satellite townships. 38
However, such government-sponsored relocation in modern high-rise housing estates
is not so common elsewhere, and the poor inhabitants of inner-city areas are mostly
left to fend for themselves. Cases like Quito and Cartagena demonstrate that lowincome residents receive no support for finding alternative and affordable accommodation when properties are being sold for conservation and adaptive re-use by highincome groups or commercial activities. Very few examples of area revitalisation and
rehabilitation, like that in Tunis (with financial support of the World Bank), have attempted to address a mixed social group of residents (high-, middle- and low-income),
and to finance the renovation of housing stock inhabited by the poor partly through
cross-subsidy mechanisms. But even in this case it remains to be seen whether the
low-income groups will be able to resist pressures by higher income groups for these
centrally located housing units. In the case of Bombay's restoration of chawls, attempts have been made to transfer ownership of neglected housing stock, owned by
absentee landlords, into the hands of specially created tenants' co-operatives, but these
efforts have had limited impact s o far. 39

Economic aspects
These certainly dominate the considerations for urban rehabilitation of historic city
centres and monuments. World-wide experiences show that most local and national
governments and religious organisations cannot afford to conserve and improve a large
majority of even their most precious monuments. This can be demonstrated in a number
of cities, such as Cairo, Tunis, Delhi, Galle and Sana'a. Efforts to improve the financial
status of national archaeological institutes and to increase their portfolio have mostly
been unsuccessful, as most governments seem to shy away from additional expenses
for the preservation and rehabilitation of monuments. Most countries do not have an
adequate policy of charging entrance fees to monuments; in many cases monuments
remain inaccessible to the public and to tourists, or if they are accessible, only a
pittance of an entrance fee, if any is charged, as for instance in most parts of India.
Very few cities have adopted a more progressive policy like the city of Bhaktapur,
which charges a (still nominal) lump-sum entrance fee from tourists for entering the
historic conservation zone. Sri Lanka follows a similar approach in its "cultural triangle"
of the historic cities of Kandy-Anuradhapura-Polonnaruwa (and some enclosed sites),
but has failed so far to do the same for the historic city of Galle. The economic
problems of financing the preservation and upkeep of monuments have stimulated a
good deal of debate about the possibilities of doing this through the approach of "adaptive re-use" and to invite the private sector (or non-governmental institutions) to lease
historic buildings with commercially viable activities. These activities would pay for
the conservation and rehabilitation of the monuments, and have an overall revitalising
impact on the economic development of such areas. There are many isolated examples
of such an approach in India, in Quito, Cartagena, Tunis, Sana'a, Penang and Sin-

Conservation and Rehabilitation of Urban Heritage in Developing Countries

471

gapore to name a few. But there are very few examples of integrated area concepts
which strive for the revitalisation of whole historic city centres, including (i) the revitalisation and modernisation of local economic activities and the required infrastructure,
(ii) the restoration of monuments, and (iii) the rehabilitation of old housing stock,
which apply an integrated financing policy that pools together private individual, private
commercial as well as public-sector efforts and funds. To some extent this has been
tried to Bhaktapur (though the private sector's contribution may be low in this particular
case) and in Tunis, but it has been proposed in quite a number of cities, such as
Cairo, 4 Quito, 41 Sana'a 42 and Penang. 43
Very few cities have, however, taken the complete commercial path for area revitalisation. Singapore is one example in which the local redevelopment authority has
acquired all the plots of the designated conservation areas, and has been tendering
these plots for rehabilitation-cum-redevelopment as commercial activities (shops,
restaurants, tourist hotels or offices for other activities). Another case in point is
Cartagena which, after designating the conservation area, the authorities have only
seen to it that historic properties are not demolished and that private investors conserve
and rehabilitate the late mediaeval buildings for their private use. Practically all these
renovations are taken up by high-income users who convert historic mansions into
modern residences, offices or shops. In the case of Cartagena the local administration is very supportive of private investments in the historic town, and with some
flexibility in the application of the permissible floor space indexes it has become
possible to convert backyards into modern structures, and to increase the land use.
In Bombay, the application of the (North American) method of transferable development rights (TDR) is being experimented with. an TDR can be applied to privately
owned listed monuments in prime locations where there is a lot of development pressure (for instance sky-rocketing land prices and development of high-rise buildings in
the vicinity). To encourage the owners to invest in the conservation and renovation of
such monuments and to discourage them from demolishing these buildings, they are
offered alternative plots of land for development. This is intended to compensate for
the loss of development potential in the plots occupied by the monuments, and to
cover renovation costs. An indispensable precondition is, of course, the availability of
government-owned land that can be bartered for the TDR arrangement.
In the case of Havana, a world heritage city which is dGomed to collapse in rubble
very soon, such possibilities of commercialisation and utilisation of the market forces
do not (yet) exist, as the country is still dominated by socialist patterns of economy
and state control of land and investment. Also, China and its historic city centres still
face problems of this nature, although the trend of commercialisation of the housing
sector will, in due course, contribute to innovative financing mechanisms for rehabilitation of historic city centres. 45
In the context of the modernisation of cities and their historic centres, there is also
concern for the old, historic types of land uses. Most of the traditional economic activities (in cities like Cairo, Tunis, Sana'a, Old Delhi, etc. these are almost "media~val"style activities) will - - over time - - be unable to survive, particularly in locations
where conservation and rehabilitation of historic city centres have the impact of "gentrification".46
As conservation and rehabilitation are introduced, not only the land values of these
areas increase, but also local revenues. Such revenue increases can have an additional
stimulating impact for the rehabilitation of infrastructure and other services in conservation areas. Thus, revitalisation of historic city centres will contribute both to the modernisation of the private commercial sector and to enhanced revenues. In conservation
plans and concepts this aspect of increased land values and property values plays an
important role which is fully taken into account, as demonstrated in the case of Tunis
or Singapore. (Singapore proudly announced that property values in conservation areas
have risen by 8 times after rehabilitation of "shophouses".) In other cities, such as

472

Florian Steinberg

Quito or Cartagena, the increase of property values in the historic city was not so
much planned for, but seen as a likely outcome.
Tourism development has been mentioned before as an incentive for the conservation of monuments and the rehabilitation and revitalisation of historic city centres. To
what extent the economic impact of tourism is felt city-wide or only within the historic
city centre itself depends fully on the particular characteristics of each case and how
area conservation/rehabilitation is being implemented. If tourism activities (such as
hotels) could be charged a "heritage tax", this could also contribute to the sustainability of urban heritage by boosting the financial position of archaeological and other
heritage related institutions.

Urban aspects
Urban aspects are also very prominent in the conservation and revitalisation of old
city centres. One can distinguish in each historic city specific urban patterns or features
such as the nature and density of land uses, height of buildings, width and pattern of
circulation routes (roads, alleys, footpaths), building typologies, as well as specific
infrastructure components. These form the components of the "urban tissue". Within
the urban tissue the size and format of individual plots is a prime characteristic that
has a wide impact on the urban form and appearance. For area conservation and rehabilitation it is essential that the maximum possible preservation of the original tissue pattern
is a prime objective of conservation programmes. Once the tissue pattern is no longer
respected and has been widely, modified obviously the nature of the built environment
is bound to change radically. Hence, for many physical planners this issue of the urban
tissue is one of the prime areas of concern, and it is in this perspective that all efforts
to generate new uses for old buildings and neighbourhoods need to be evaluated. Some
rehabilitation experiences and proposals, as in the cases of Singapore, Cartagena, Bhaktapur, Cairo and Galle, have stressed the importance of the preservation of existing
urban patterns and tissues, and some have even developed detailed design guidelines
(Bhaktapur, Singapore) which are to be applied by private investors. The area conservation and redevelopment experience in the Medina of Tunis illustrates, however, a more
"liberal" approach, with its quasi-traditional style of housing development (middleand high-income housing) that does away with the old street patterns, and provides
modernised versions of the classic Tunisian courtyard housing.

THE OUTLOOK
The general picture today is not encouraging. Destruction of historic city centres, of
old housing stock and of monuments continues in most developing countries, either by
active policies of clearance and replacement or by passive policies of doing nothing to
halt the slow deterioration and decline of such areas. In some countries there have
been small-scale efforts, but often these have focused only on the most "profitable"
projects, such as historic areas with tourist potential. The lower-income residents have
been ignored (at best) or pushed out by existing renewal policies.
If this trend continues, there is a real danger for the future that in the cities in
developing countries we will find that only fragments of their urban heritage remain.
What is preserved will be isolated and without impact on the life of the majority of the
population. Rehabilitation strategies should, of course, aim to avoid the idea of static
preservation, and not attempt to "fossilise" the past and convert it into a sort of openair museum.
There is an urgent need for rehabilitation approaches which maintain - - or better
"sustain" - - the typical and essential qualities of the historic city areas, and of the life
of the resident communities, but which can also adapt these physical structures and
economic activities in accordance with the needs of the present. A continuous and

Conservation and Rehabilitation of Urban Heritage in Developing Countries

473

organic approach of revitalisation is needed - - the type of approach which characterised all urban areas in the pre-industrial era and which has given form to older urban
areas everywhere. Adaptation of form and function can proceed, however, within a
stable matrix of buildings and urban patterns. Selectivity is crucial. This implies, for
example, a choice of new design concepts and relevant new technologies to enable
older buildings and areas to adapt successfully to modem needs but without destroying existing urban form.
To achieve this, it will be necessary to change the attitudes of professionals - - of
economists, architects, planners, developers and administrators. It will be necessary to
create a changed political environment in which historic centres are rehabilitated in
their true value, and where policies and practice of govemment are modified accordingly. Institutions must be developed, and economic and administrative instruments
for control and promotion must be worked out.
Civic authorities should pay attention to rehabilitation and re-use of old and historic
properties which are not under government protection and use. These properties should
be listed, and their rehabilitation and re-use should be promoted. Those under public
ownership could be brought to appropriate community or private-sector uses. In the
case of privately owned properties, owners should be provided with incentives like
property tax exemptions and transfers of floor-space indexes if they rehabilitate and
conserve old and historic properties and put them to new economic uses (such as
hotels, restaurants, shops, offices).
There remains great opposition to such changes towards area conservation and rehabilitation. Landowners/landlords, speculators, government administrators, big construction
companies, and many public agencies have vested interests in re-development and will
fight to protect their stakes for modernisation. These groups have their political allies
as well. Unfortunately, the people are large - - and especially the people living in
historic city centres - - have not yet developed a sufficient sense of self-identity and
community purpose to allow them to fight back. This can change, and indeed must
change, if anything is to be done about the sustainability of urban heritage. But it will
not be easy. And time is rapidly running out.

NOTES
1. This paper draws on some parts of D. McCallum and E Steinberg, "Approaches to Housing Renewal", Urban
India 18, 2 (1987), pp. 20-26. See also D. McCallum and E Steinberg, "Housing Renewal: Approaches to
Housing Renewal and Rehabilitation", IHS Newsletter 2, 2 (1987), pp. 1-2; and D. McCallum, "An Introduction
to Housing Rehabilitation", AIHDA Journal 3 (1989), pp. 17-22.
2. United Nations Conference on Environment and Development, Agenda 21, Pre-conference draft report (United
Nations, New York, June 1992); World Bank, World Development Report 1992: Development and the Environment (World Bank, Washington, DC, 1992); and M.N. Buch, Environmental Planning and Urban Planning (Orient Longman, Hyderabad, 1993).
3. G. Dix, "Conservation and Change in the City", Third Worm Planning Review 12, 4 (1990), pp. 385--406; M.
Batisse, "The Struggle to Save Our World Heritage", Environment 34, 10 (1992), pp. 12-32; E. Booth, "Enhancement in Conservation Areas", The Planner 79, 4, pp. 22-23; and United Nations Development Programme - United Nations Economic, Social and Cultural Organisation, International Seminar on the Conservation of Cultural
Property within the Urban Environment (UNDP-UNESCO, Lima, 1992).
4. In 1980, Bombay had some 40,000 shawl housing units, occupied by households of above 6.3 persons on average. See G. Dewan Verma, Institutional Arrangements for Housing Renewal: Case Studies and Lessons from the
Indian Experience, Research Report 29 (Human Settlement Management Institute, New Delhi, 1995) and United
Nations Centre for Human Settlements (ed.), Rehabilitation of Inner City Areas: Feasible Strategies (UNCHS,
Nairobi, 1986), pp. 3-34.
5. In 1987, 41% of Shanghai's housing stock consisted of old, badly serviced terrace housing of the 1920s/1930s,
with more than 214,700 households living in 23 urban renewal/rehabilitation areas. See D. McCallum and E
Steinberg, "Housing Renewal in Shanghai: the Problem and the Approach", IHS Newsletter 2, 2 (1987), p. 6 and
Shanghai Municipal Government, Shanghai Urban Studies Project, Housing Renewal Report, Vols. 3 and 3a
(Australian Development Assistance Bureau and the World Bank, Shanghai, 1986).
6. J.M. Richards, "Old and New Elements at the Core", in J. Tyrwhitt, J.L. Sert and E.N. Rogers (eds), The Heart
of the City (Land Humphries, London, 1952); G. Mukherji, "Urban Renewal: Need and Significance" and M.A.
Muttalib, "Urban Renewal: the Emerging Philosophy", both in D. R. Prasad (ed.), Urban Renewal: the Indian
Experience (New Delhi, 1989), pp. 29-35 and pp. 36--42; O. Graber, "Why History: the Meanings and Uses of
Tradition", Traditional Dwellings and Settlements Review 4, 2 (1993), pp. 19-26. A.G. Krishna Menon, Cultural

474

7.

8.
9.
10.
11.

12.
13.
14.

15.

16.
17.

18.
19.
20.

21.

22.
23.
24.

25.
26.

Florian Steinberg
Identity & Urban Development, Conservation oflmmovable Property, No. 2 (Indian National Trust for Art and
Cultural Heritage./INTACH, New Delhi, 1989); and A.G. Krishna Menon and B.K. Thapar, Historic Towns &
Heritage Zones, Conservation of Immovable Property, No. 3 (Indian National Trust for Art and Cultural
Heritage/INTACH, New Delhi, 1988).
B.M. Feilden, Conservation of Historic Buildings (Butterworth, London, 1982); B.M. Feilden, Guidelines for
Conservation: a Technical Manual (Indian National Trust for Art and Cultural Heritage/INTACH, New Delhi,
1989) and G.B. Dix, "A Sure and Proper Foundation - - Conservation and the Future of Urban Design", in
Planning and Conservation, Report of the Third International Congress on Architectural Conservation and Town
Planning (The Heritage Trust, London, 1987).
J. Abu-Lughod, "Preserving the Living Heritage of Islamic Cities", in Aga Khan Award for Architecture, Proceedings of Seminar One (Aga Khan Award for Architecture/Concept Media, Singapore, 1978) and T.J. Martin, Adaptive Use: Development Economics, Process and Profiles (Urban Land Institute, Washington, DC, 1978).
B.M. Feilden, "Architectural and Urban Conservation", Town Planning 56, 2 (1985), pp. 197-221.
United Nations Centre for Human Settlements, The Urban Poor and the Rehabilitation of Inner City Areas, and
Relocation Policies: Changing Approaches (UNCHS, Nairobi, 1991) and LE. Hardoy, "The Inhabitants of Historical Centres: Who is Concerned About Their Plight?", Habitat International 7, 5/6 (1983), pp. 151-162.
ICOMOS, The Venice Charter (ICOMOS, Venice, 1994); United Nations Educational, Social and Cultural Organisation, Convention Concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage (UNESCO, Paris,
1972); United Nations Educational, Social and Cultural Organisation, Recommendations Concerning the Safeguarding and Contemporary Role of Historic Areas (UNESCO, Nairobi, 1976); and International Commission on
Monuments and Sites, The Charter for the Conservation of Historic Towns and Urban Areas (ICOMOS, Toledo,
1986).
Abu-Lughod (1978), see note 8, and Andrew King, "The Politics of Position: Inventing the Past, Constructing the
Present, Imagining the Future", Traditional Dwellings and Settlements Review 4, 2 (1993), pp. 9-18.
S. Cantacuzino, "Blueprint for Conservation in the Third World", Mimar 24 (1987), pp. 19-25; Feilden (1985),
see note 9.
R. I_~wcock, "Conservation in Islamic Cairo" and The Arab Bureau of Design and Technical Consultations/K.
AbdeI-Fattab and A.I. Abdelhalim, "The Rehabilitation and Upgrading of Historic Cairo" both in Aga Khan
Award for Architecture, The Expanding Metropolis: Coping with the Urban Growth of Cairo, Proceedings of
Seminar Nine (Aga Khan Award for Architecture/Concept Media, Singapore, 1984), pp. 49-53 and pp. 54-90.
United Nations Educational, Social and Cultural Organisation, Plan of Action: Restoration and Preservation of
the Historic City of Sana'a (Yemen Arab Republic) (UNESCO, Paris/Sana'a, 1982); R.B. Serjeant and R. Lewcock, Sana'a, An Arabian Islamic City (London, 1983); and W. Linganau, "Sana'a, Arabische Republic Jemen - Pl~idoyer f'tir eine alte Stadt", TRIALOG 8 (1985/86), pp. 6-13.
Ministry of Urban Development, National Housing Policy (Government of India, New Delhi, 1992), p. 3 (which
states among its objectives "to promote vernacular architecture and to preserve the nation's rich heritage in the
field of human settlements").
For the case of Old Delhi refer to Dewan Verma (1995) see note 4. In the case of the katras of Old Delhi, despite
detailed preparation of an integrated rehabilitation project, this has been called off. For reference see Indian
Human Settlements Programme, Renewal of Historic Housing Stock in Old Delhi: Action-Oriented Research
Project for the Renewal ofKatras (IHSP - - Human Settlement Management Institute, New Delhi, 1988).
J.E. Hardoy and M. Gutman, "The Role of Municipal Government in the Protection of Historic Centres in Latin
American Cities", Environment and Urbanization 3, 1 (1991), pp. 96-108.
UNCHS (1986), see note 4; EK. Muttagi, "Bombay: Redevelopment of Old and Dilapidated Areas" and S.EA.
Sundaram, "Bombay Island: Rehabilitation of Housing", both in Ravindra Prasad (ed.), (1989), see note 6, pp.
125-141 and pp. 142-150.
S.S. Shaft, "Shajabanabad: the Walled City of Delhi" and M.N. Buch, "Shajabanabad: a Strategy for Urban
Renewal", both in D. Ravindra Prasad (ed.) (1989), see note 6, pp. 163-174 and pp. 175-180; S.K. Saba, Conservation Based Development of Shahjahanabad: the Historic Capital City of lndia, UNCRD Research Report Series
No. 9 (United Nations Centre for Regional Development, Nagoya, 1995); and E.EN. Ribeiro "Urban Conservation and Rehabilitation in India: Tasks Ahead", in K. Singh and E Steinberg (eds.), Urban India in Crisis (New
Age International, New Delhi, 1995), pp. 409-419.
Zhu Xijin, "An Opportunity for the Renewal of the Old City: Land Leases in the Renewal of Shanghai's Old
Residential Districts", in M. Leaf (ed.), Inner City Neighbourhood Development, Proceedings of an International
Workshop, Beijing, November 24-27 1992 (Centre for Human Settlements, The University of British Columbia,
Vancouver, 1993), pp. 66-75 and D. McCallum, "Renewal of Older Housing Areas in Shanghai: some Recent
Small-Scale Projects", China Oty Planning Review (Beijing, 1993), pp. 13-20.
E.C. Micand, "Urbanization, Urbanism and Medina of Tunis", International Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 9
(1978), pp. 431--447.
J. Pieper, "Three Cities of Nepal", in P. Oliver (ed.), Shelter, Sign and Symbol (Barrie & Jenkins, London, 1975),
pp. 52-69; R.O.A. Becker-Ritterspach, "The Restoration of Bhaktapur", Unasylva 30, 121 (1978), pp. 2-10; and
A. Haland, Bhaktapur -- A Town Changing (Bhaktapur Development Project, Bhaktapur, 1982).
L. Kong and B.S.A. Yeoh, "Urban Conservation in Singapore: a Survey of State Policies and Popular Attitudes",
Urban Studies 31, 2 (1994), pp. 247-265; Tan Teck Kiam, "State of the Art in Conservation: Singapore's Experience", paper presented at the Dialogue on Architectural Heritage among NGO's of ASEAN Countries, Indonesian
National Heritage Trust and the Japan Foundation, Jakarta, 13-16 March (1991); Urban Re-Development Authority, "Implementing the Conservation Master Plan of Singapore", in Annual Report 1987-88 (URA, Singapore,
1987) and various leaflets of the Urban Re-Development Authority on its area conservation schemes.
In Bombay there are "Save Bombay" and "Bombay First". See also "A People's Movement", Architecture +
Design 6, 1 (1989), pp. 109-111.
In Delhi there are the Delhi Conservation Society and the Indian National Trust for Art and Cultural Heritage at
the national level. Refer also to "A People's Movement" (1989), see note 25; and M. Singh, "The INTACH
Heritage", Architecture + Design 11, 3 (1994), p. 15.

Conservation and Rehabilitation of Urban Heritage in Developing Countries

27.
28.
29.
30.
31.
32.

33.
34.
35.
36.
37.

38.
39.
40.
41.
42.
43.
44.
45.
46.

475

Singapore has the Singapore Heritage Society.

In Penang there is a Penang Heritage Trust. See also Khoo Si Nin, Streets of George Town - - Penang, an
Illustrated Guide to Penang's City Streets & Historic Attractions (Janus Print & Resources, Penang, 1993).
In Tunis there is the Association for the Safeguarding of the Medina.
Indian National Trust for Art and Cultural Heritage (INTACH).
Indonesian National Heritage Trust.
INTACH, New Delhi has formulated in 1993 a Plan of Action Regarding the Preservation and Presentation of
Cultural Heritage and Tourism. See also H. Burgess, "Tourism and the Preservation of Historic Cities: a Case
Study of Old Jeddah, Saudi Arabia", in Arab Urban Development Institute, Preservation of Islamic Architectural
Heritage (AUDI, Riyadh, 1988), pp. 123-135.
M. Gretchen (ed.), Pastel Portraits: Singapore's Architectural Heritage (Singapore Co-ordinating Committee,
Singapore, 1984).
S. Burton, "History with a Bottom Line", Time (12 July 1993), pp. 40--41 and D. Kammeier, "Notes on Urban
Conservation in Southeast Asia", TRIALOG No. 8 (1985/86), pp. 34-37.
R.D.E Bromley and G.A. Jones, "Conservation in Quito: Policies and Progress in the Historic Centre", Third
World Planning Review 17, 1 (1995), pp. 41-.60.
A.I. Pinheiro and V. Del Rio, "Cultural Corridor: a Preservation District in Downtown Rio de Janeiro, Brazil",
Traditional Dwellings and Settlements Review 4, 11 (1993), pp. 51~4.
Department of Archaeology, The Conservation of the Galle Fort and its Environs, Ancient Ceylon No. 15 (Department of Archaeology, Colombo, 1992) and V. Dahanayake, "Integrating a Heritage Site into a Modern Living
Environment - - Galle Fort", paper presented at Organisation of World Heritage Cities Conference, Bergen,
28-30 June (1995).
D. McCallum (1993), see note 21.
Dewan Verma (1995), see note 4.
The Arab Bureau for Design and Technical Consultations/K. Abdel-Fattah and A.I. Abdelhalim, "The Rehabilitation and Upgrading of Historic Cairo", in Aga Khan Award for Architecture (1984), see note 14.
Illustre Municipio de Quito, Direcci6n de Planificacidn, Diagnostico del Centro Historico (IMQ, Quito, 1992).
United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (1982), see note 15.
B. Tyman and A. K6nig, "Georgetown Penang - - Denkmalpflege im Spannungsfeld von Kommunalpolitik und
Wohnungswirtschaft", TRIALOG 35 (1992), pp. 18-20.
R. Mehrotra, "The Fort Area, Bombay", Indian Architect & Builder 7, 4 (1993), pp. 8-15.
N. Lichfield, Economics in Urban Conservation (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1989).
N. Smith and P. Williams, Gentrification of the City (Allen & Unwin, Boston, MA, 1986).