Académique Documents
Professionnel Documents
Culture Documents
Journal of Homosexuality
Publication details, including instructions for authors and
subscription information:
http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/wjhm20
To cite this article: Fernando Luiz Cardoso (2009): Similar Faces of Same-Sex Sexual Behavior: A
Comparative Ethnographical Study in Brazil, Turkey, and Thailand, Journal of Homosexuality, 56:4,
457-484
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00918360902816866
1540-3602
0091-8369
WJHM
Journal
of Homosexuality,
Homosexuality Vol. 56, No. 4, March 2009: pp. 150
Similar
F.
L. Cardoso
Faces of Same-Sex Sexual Behavior
INTRODUCTION
Through the use of descriptive and comparative data this article describes
the social organization of same-sex sexual behavior in an urban setting in
three different cultures: Florianpolis (Brazil), Istanbul (Turkey), and
Bangkok (Thailand). Literature from the field usually defines sexual orientation, particularly homosexual orientation, in relation to the sex of ones partner
458
F. L. Cardoso
(e.g., Kinsey, Pomeroy, & Martin, 1948; Kinsey, Pomeroy, Martin, & Gebhard,
1953; Michael, Gagnon, Laumann, & Kolata, 1994; Money, 1986) to such an
extent that alternative views are practically ignored. Sophisticated analyses
on the phenomenon of homosexual orientation traditionally uses many different criteria such as life style, behavior, attitudes, fantasy, self-definition,
identity, etc. (Bell, Weinberg, & Hammersmith, 1981; R. Green, 1987; Stoller,
1993; Le Vay, 1996). Only few and less well-known references (e.g.,
Cardoso, 2002, 2005; Fry, 1982; Lancaster, 1988; Murray, 1997, 2000; Necef,
1992; Parker, 1986, 1991; Taylor, 1986) discuss heterosexuality/homosexuality orientation based on criteria such as sexual position (top or bottom) and
role (active inserter or passive insertee) and their relation to the masculine
identity. Werner (1999) suggests this criterion defines homosexuals in most
nonindustrialized societies, where the top partner can be an ordinary
straight guy. Werner calls this the bicha-bofe system (queer-bugger
system). Homosexuals in this cultural environment usually have sex with
non-homosexual men and generally have a sexual status similar to local
women.
The perception of homosexual and heterosexual categories is related to
culture and social position, and we have some evidence that the Mediterranean perception, determined by position during sex, is also very common
in nonindustrialized societies as well as developing countries (Cardoso,
2002, 2005; Coleman, Colgan, & Gooren, 1992; Necef, 1992; Nanda, 1986;
Whitam, 1986; Whitam & Mathy, 1986; Wikan, 1977). Industrialized societies
such as in the United States and northern Europe and the social middle
classes around the developing world have a completely different system:
the gay system, according to Werner (1998) where homosexuals only
have sex with other homosexuals.
Cross-cultural investigation makes it possible to better understand these
variations and further understand the obstacles of such an investigation due
to language and nuance, as well as varying social organization. In light of
these obstacles, cross-cultural research is one of the biggest challenges for
the social and human sciences because it jeopardizes our sense of perception. Cross-cultural analyses of fieldwork data can easily take us in two different directions: First, biased interpretations of similarities and variations
could show up by chance, and second, blindness to the presence of phenomenon could be hidden in different and unknown cultural contexts. In
spite of these difficulties, it was decided to undertake a same-sex sexual
comparison between Catholic, Islamic, and Buddhist cultures.
Human sexual behavior is purportedly very different from one individual to another (Bell & Weinberg, 1978; Kinsey, Pomeroy, & Martin, 1948;
Money, 1998; Stoller, 1993) and very different from one culture to another
(Endogan, 2001; Ford & Beach, 1951; Fry, 1982; Geertz, 1978; Knauft, 1986;
Parker, 1991; Reiss, 1986). However cultural globalization seems to blend
behavior across cultures, including religion and sex. Muscarella (2006)
459
summarizes human sexual orientation in the literature as a trichotomy: heterosexual (attraction to other sex), homosexual (attraction to same sex), and
bisexual (attraction to both sexes). Randall (1997) points out that this trichotomy generally includes one or both of two components; that is, one
that isa psychological and one that is behavioral. Can sex research use
this traditional taxonomy to better understand same-sex sexual behavior
and identity cross-culturally?
RESEARCH PROCEDURES
This nonrandom research was designed to provide sufficient numbers of
homosexual, bisexual, and heterosexual males to permit comparisons while
controlling for age, culture, and class. This data makes up a small part of a
Ph.D. dissertation which compares male sexual behavior, orientation, and
identities in three different cultures: Brazil, Turkey, and Thailand. The main
goal of this dissertation was to identify similarities and differences in male
sexuality cross-culturally and across social classes. Written questionnaires
and personal interviews both provided the necessary information. Field
research was carried out in 2002 and 2003.
Fieldwork
The research required samples of young males (between 20 and 30 years
old) including heterosexuals, bisexuals, and homosexuals from the
middle and working classes of each culture. The middle-class samples consisted of university students. The decision was made to distribute questionnaires in classrooms and to collect them directly in a cardboard box placed
in an easily accessible place on campus. This procedure guaranteed the
anonymity of the responses. Because of problems with literacy, it was not
possible to use questionnaire data for the lower-class samples. Instead,
research assistants were recruited (social science university students) to go
to poorer neighborhoods and search out passersby to be interviewed
460
F. L. Cardoso
461
movie theaters, and popular bars where gays, transvestites, and prostitutes
gathered. Homosexuals were also searched for in places where they typically worked, like terreiros (Afro-Brazilian religious centers), beauty parlors,
seamstress shops, and street vendor stalls. Again, a snowball technique was
used in which homosexuals found in these places indicated other homosexuals and non-homosexually identified men who had had sex with them and
might consent to be interviewed by the research assistants. Interviews took
place in work places, on the street, in bars, or in homes.
This procedure could not be said to have resulted in representative
samples of the different groups, but neither could it be claimed that it
resulted in samples that would bias the research in the direction of the
hypotheses to be examined. The aim of the sampling procedure was to
guarantee enough variation to be able to evaluate different hypotheses. Its
major goal was to provide comparison groups controlled by class, culture,
and age.
In Brazil, data gathering was stopped on homosexuals and bisexuals
after acquiring completed questionnaires from 30 homosexual students,
30 bisexual students, 30 homosexual slum dwellers, and 30 bisexual slum
dwellers. Following the rough classifications made in the field, the final
sample from Brazil consisted of completed (acceptable) questionnaires from
160 heterosexual, 30 bisexual, and 30 homosexual students, as well as completed (acceptable) interview schedules from 50 heterosexual, 30 bisexual,
and 30 homosexual shantytown dwellers. The aim, when gathering data in
Turkey and Thailand, was to repeat these sample sizes.
Data collection in Thailand followed the same procedure as in Brazil.
Here, we found out of 67 interviews, 17 of the supposed heterosexuals in Thai
shantytowns turned out to have some homosexual experience, and 151 questionnaires from university students yielded 9 with some same-sex experience.
In Turkey, it was not possible to distribute questionnaires in university classrooms. Instead, research assistants sought out presumed heterosexual students
on campus, giving them questionnaires to complete and mail in. Of the
62 questionnaires received in this manner, 6 reported having had some homosexual experience, which resulted in a smaller sample of heterosexual students
in Turkey than in the other two countries. Of the 68 interviews with supposed
heterosexuals in Turkish shantytowns, 9 reported some homosexual experience. To complete the samples of bisexual and homosexual students and
shantytown dwellers in Thailand and Turkey, the same procedure was as in
Brazil. Almost all of those approached accepted taking part in the research
process. The fieldwork lasted approximately three months in each city.
Data Analysis
Although many questions can be raised about cultural or class differences
uncovered in this research, the present analysis concentrates on the differences
462
F. L. Cardoso
Turkey
Thailand
Working class
Homo Bisex
Parameters N = 30 N = 30
Hete
N = 50
Homo Bisex
Hete Homo Bisex
N = 30 N = 44 N = 50 N = 30 N = 30
Hete
N = 50
Age1
College
degree2
Singles3
24.7
sd 3.5
0
24.0
sd 3.6
0
22.1
sd 2,4
0
24.6
sd 3.7
0
25.4
sd 3.4
0
24.5
sd 3.4
0
24.9
sd 3.9
0
24.9
sd 4.1
0
26.6
sd 3.6
0
0%
25
83%
0%
15
50%
0%
27
54%
0%
25
83%
0%
26
%
0%
41
82%
0%
25
83%
0%
21
70%
0%
33
66%
Professional class
Homo Bisex
Hete
Homo Bisex
Hete Homo Bisex
Hete
N = 30 N = 30 N = 160 N = 30 N = 16 N = 50 N = 30 N = 30 N = 160
Age
College
degree
Singles
24.8
sd 3.3
30
23.0
sd 3.3
30
22.1
sd 2.3
160
25.4
sd 2.6
30
24.3
sd 3.7
16
22.8
sd 2.0
50
23.8
sd 3.6
30
22.9
sd 3.7
30
21.8
sd 2.1
160
100%
28
93%
100%
23
76%
100%
153
95%
100%
24
80%
100%
28
%
100%
44
88%
100%
26
86%
100%
27
90%
100%
151
94%
Note: 1. Question: Age: _____ years old. Mean of age stated by the subjects.
2. Question: Education: Percentage of participants with some college experience.
3. Question: Are you? Percentage of participants that are 1. single; 2. living with someone; 3. Married.
found among the men of the different sexual categories described above.
General demographic characteristics of the samples are found in Table 1.
Ethnographic Method
The field study involved observation and interviews and lasted approximately four months in each country. Observations involved a detailed
record of what happened during the field study and included: a description
of subjects, dialogue reconstruction, description of places, description of
special events, public opinion research on the male sex life, description of
the field observers activities and behavior, and observations of the citys
day-to-day activities, such as work, leisure, dates, religion, and family life.
Also visited were museums, civilian organizations, universities, and gay
463
58
44
93
517
712
8
6
13
73
100
*This table considered only the volunteers in the sample who were sexually
active in the six months before the interview.
464
F. L. Cardoso
Homosexuals with masculine gender usually are less openly discriminated against, socially, but face more social resistance in their acceptance. Masculine homosexuals usually prefer other masculine
homosexuals to arrive at a relation between equals. Not having any
defined social and sexual roles raises questions about effective gender
asymmetry. This type of homosexual is rare in the media because it
brings some kind of social discomfort. The cultural sense allows any kind
of joke about homosexuality, but becomes an issue when it is talked
about seriously. Just very recently, special programming by cable television, of which only the middle and upper classes have access, has started
to face the homosexual relationship beyond the traditional dual stereotypes: the faggot and the macho man.
In Brazil, the viado or bicha (homosexual who usually takes on the
female gender and favors passive sex with other men) is generally perceived as a caricature, as something comic and harmless, whereas the
entendido (savvy, masculine male homosexual) generally belongs to the
middle or upper class and is perceived as a dubious and camouflaged person, but inspires more respect and social caution, for he demonstrates that
homosexuality can be a seriously sexual and emotional option, rather than a
simple caricature or joke (Dynes, 1995; Whitam, 1995).
According to J. N. Green (1999) around the 1920s or even earlier, the
term viado joined older expressions in popular parlance. The term comes
from the word veado (male deer) or desviado (deviant), but it acquired
another pronunciation in street parlance, perhaps to distinguish the pejorative term from any reference to the animal. Widespread use of bicha
(worm) as a derogatory label seems to have occurred only in the early
1960s, when it began to compete with viado as a common way of inflicting verbal injury by outsiders.
Fry (1982) portrays the construction of homosexuality in Brazil making
clear that his aim is to address the local representation of sexuality, rather
than the behavior itself. For this purpose, he distinguished the following
four criteria to address the meanings of homosexuality for his subjects:
physiological sex (male and female), gender role (masculine and feminine),
sexual behavior (passivepenetrated or activepenetrator), and sexual orientation (preference for the same or opposite sex).
In this context, the author suggests three systems to better understand
Brazilian sexuality. System A comprises two identities: man (male, masculine and active) and gay (male, passive and generally feminine); system B
comprises three identities: man (male, active, masculine and prefers
women), the savvy [entendido] (male, passive, masculine or feminine who
prefers men), and the woman (female, passive, feminine who prefer men);
system C also comprises three identities: active homosexual (bofe, prostitutes), passive homosexual (gay) and gillette (bisexual; active and passive,
can also have sex with women; Fry,1982). As Fry illustrated above, gender
465
PICTURE 1 Concord
disco, one of the three
middle class gay discos
in the city.
PICTURE
2 The
Pub the most popular homosexual, transsexual and bugger bar
in the city for the
working class, where
the North American/
European gay system
is in conflictive.
PICTURE 3 Carnival
at the Bar do Deca on
Mole Beach, where
one of the biggest
Brazilian gay carnivals
takes place.
PICTURE
4 Mole
Beach the main gay
beach on the Island.
The next beach is
Galheta Beach a city
park where nudism is
allowed.
466
F. L. Cardoso
and the famous Brazilian sexologist Marta Suplicy, who is the current city
mayor of So Paulo, the largest city in the southern hemisphere. She is also
the author of the federal law project that intends to recognize same-sex
union in the country.
It took until July 2006 for Florianpolis to organize its first Gay Pride
Day Sexual Diversity Parade, which included the realization of the first
Floripa Diversity Games one day before. The official organization stated
on the opening day of the Parade that Florianpolis was the last Brazilian
capital to organize its Gay Parade. The general consensus was that
Florianopolis didnt need anything alluding to a gay-friendly atmosphere on
the island. A turnover of more than 30,000 people followed the parade. For
more details about the gay parade in Florianpolis see pictures 5 through 8.
Gay relationships in Latin societies are very common as is well
described in Costa Rica by Schifter (2000, who explores the lives of people
who look for sex in public places, such as parks, bath houses, saunas, and
movie theaters. As in any big metropolis, Florianpolis also has an intense
gay cruising scene where homosexuals can meet other gays, oversexed
straight males, and street prostitutes in the heart of the commercial city center and driving around suburban areas. The most famous areas are under
the bridges of South Bay Park, during the evening at the main square XV of
November, and at the gay beaches Mole and Galheta during the day. See
pictures 9 through 12 for more detail about cruising areas in Florianpolis.
PICTURE 10 In the
main square XV of
November gay people can approach bofes
or miches for casual
sex.
PICTURE 11 On the
Island Beaches the
main gay cruising
area is between Mole
Beach and Galheta
Beach.
467
PICTURE 12 Ocean
Sauna, one of the
two gay saunas in the
city where middle
class gay men can
have casual sex with
other gays. The other
sauna is more like the
Latin system where
homosexuals can meet
top male prostitutes.
there exists a double standard in relation to nonmasculine, passive homosexuals. On the one hand, they generally despise such behavior and on the
other, popular transsexual singers fascinate them.
Of 50 million people, 3 million work in the industrial sector; more than
half of the population lives in towns; one third of the population lives in cities of over a million. But many of Turkeys social, economic, and cultural
traits still resemble early nineteenth century Europe. A weak womens rights
movement and the total lack of any gay rights movement are but two of
their many similarities (Necef, 1992).
The Turkish language only recently acquired a comprehensive term for
homosexual (esinsel). Historically, men who engage in what in English
would be called homosexual activities have been classified, through the
names applied to them, according to whether they are the active or passive, with important implications for the social status of each role (Sunar &
Aral, 1999).
The existing roles for sexual relations between men were ibne and
kulampara. An ibne is an effeminate man who exclusively plays the
passive role in the sexual act; he does not marry, because he is thought to
be impotent. An ibne can be a transvestite, earning his living by dancing,
singing, or prostituting himself. To be an ibne is the worst thing a man can
be in this culture, simply because he accepts passive intercourse like a
woman and moves and speaks in an unmanly manner (Necef, 1992).
In the situation described above, Sunar and Aral (1999) suggest that
both power and manliness are on one side, weakness and effeminacy on
468
F. L. Cardoso
the other. From this perspective of the malefemale relationship, both the
power and the masculinity of the active partner and the weakness and
devaluation of the passive partner are exaggerated.
The dictionary translation of transvestism into Turkish is alay, hiciv,
karikatur, and taklit, words that mean mockery, caricature, or imitation. The foreign word transseksuel is heard much less than koe denoting
a young dancer dressed like a woman, but today this term covers both
transvestites and transsexuals (Necef, 1992).
According to Janssen (1992), in Turkey it is difficult to make a separation
or division between transvestites (cross-dressers) and transsexuals since most
open cross-dressers express the desire for a sex-change operation and most of
them would have it, given better financial conditions. The cross-dressers studied by Janssen claimed that everybody in their social circles shared this wish.
So it may come as a surprise that the most popular (male) singers in
Turkey are transvestite ibneler or very feminine figures. One, Bulent Ersoy,
underwent an operation and is now a woman; another, Zeki Muren, is an
extremely flamboyant gay person. Turks explain their admiration for these
entertainers by pointing to their artistic talent and to the fact that nearly all
artists are crazy and strange. These completely transformed transsexual
singers mimic real women heterosexual love songs (although in some
cases the sex of the loved one is unclear) and even act in films as heterosexual lovers (Turkey Gay Guide, 2002).
The word ibne is derived from the arabic ubna meaning the sickness
of liking and passive intercourse. The other role is played by the kulampra
(from the Persian gulam-pare, sodomizer of boys) or oglanci, having to
do with boys. A kulampara is over 16 years of age and nearly always married. (All men are expected to marry after military service at the latest
(around 21 or 22), but because of the bride price still due in rural Turkey
some poor peasants marry later; Necef, 1992).
In contrast to ibne, kulampra does not constitute a special type of man.
Any married man too full of lust or separated too long from his wife looks
for prostitutes, mistresses, animals (dogs and donkeys), or ibneler. Nobody
would consider himself as abnormal, perverse, or sinful, let alone
homosexual having active sex with an ibne. He would not identify himself
with a (minority) group of men-fuckers or animal-fuckers. To bugger an
ibne is an enjoyment open to all: Any man could be lured in by one (Aydin &
Gulat, 2001; Necef, 1992).
Conversations with Turkish men show that sexual play with other men
occupies a rather important role in a young mans sex life, especially in
rural areas. While still young, playing the passive role apparently does not
disturb them unduly. After marriage most men are exclusively heterosexual
(Necef, 1992).
The following fieldwork description by Necef (1992) helps us to understand the issue behind the many social uses of the Ibne concept:
469
Only men were at the football stadium where I once went with my new
Turkish friend. Violent shouting and war dances accompanied most of
the action on the field. After a while I noticed a certain slogan, which
nearly half the crowd shouts out each time one of the referees makes a
decision against one of the teams: Ibne hakem. I asked my friend what
it meant. He answered, a bit embarrassed; It means queer or fag referee. I got confused; the referee looks perfectly normal. I wondered,
Is he really homosexual? I inquired. My friend calmly explained: I
dont know, but that is not the point. If someone gets angry at someone
and wants to curse him, he calls him an ibne. He can even call a woman
ibne kari, meaning queer bitch. (p. 72)
It is still ibne and kulampara rather than gay. Homosexual crossdressers play a much bigger role in Turkey (and southern Europe) than in
northern Europe or the United States. This seems to be the result of relations
between the sexes. Turkish men and women almost live in two different
worlds. The homosexuals are just aping the normal world (Necef, 1992).
One survey carried out in Turkey by Yuzgun (1986), with the contribution of 223 male homosexuals, provides us with a glimpse of the Turkish
homosexual profile. Although representative for only a limited area, it gives
some idea about homosexual life in this country. Of those surveyed, 13.9%
said they had sex with males before they were 10 years old, and 37.7% said
470
F. L. Cardoso
they had sex between ages 11 and 15. A remarkably high 82.1% said they do
not regard their homosexuality as a problem. Although 56.5% have a problem
telling friends or family, 39.9% said their parents knew about their homosexuality; of these, 80.4% (32.1% of all parents) accepted the homosexuality of
their sons as an unchangeable fact, and 55.2% still live with their parents.
Studies on male homosexuals and transsexuals in their late adolescence
indicate that their first sexual experience occurs at an early age. Most transsexuals and about one third of homosexuals reported that they had their
first sexual experience before the age of 12. These studies also show that
sexual intercourse is mostly initiated by the youths, that is, without being
forced, particularly in the case of transsexuals (Aydin & Gulat, 2001).
According to Tapin (1992), there are three categories of men involved
in same-sex behavior in Turkey. First, the man who is socially identified as
heterosexual but may nevertheless pursues homosexual relations as a secondary sexual outlet and who is always in the active role or top position. Second, the man who takes the passive role or bottom position
who is usually condemned to ridicule and despised, clearly as the result of
being socially identified as a homosexual. The last category contains the
man who is exclusively homosexual but who takes the active role; his fate
is intermediately located between the other two categories, suffering a
severe loss of status because of his rejection of heterosexuality but salvaging
some status because of his nonetheless masculine role.
These sexual social roles among same-sex behavior practitioners also
imply different attitudes regarding military service. For instance, feminine
gays prefer the humiliating choice of declaring themselves homosexuals in
order to avoid military service. This process consists of trying to prove their
homosexuality by showing a recent picture of themselves in a passive anal
intercourse with another man or an anal medical examination. Masculine
gays do not object to the military service; so for them it is a kind of masculine job that they are able to do willingly.
I suggest that Turkish culture in some way could be a safe environment
for bisexual men who can preserve the higher status of a heterosexual male
(husband, father and head of family) and who can easily access homosexual acts once in a while in Hamams (traditional Turkish bath houses, see
pictures 13 through 16), cafes, or on the streets of big cities. However it also
could be considered a jail sentence for a supposed bisexual man who
would prefer to opt for a purely homosexual lifestylesince he is also able
to have sex with a woman, undoubtedly he will be pushed by social pressure to get married as soon as he reaches the appropriate age.
The new generation uses different denominations for the sexual roles
of same-sex behavior like lako for inserters and lubunya for the insertees (Tapin, 1992; Turkey Gay Guide, 2002). In small villages or in the
Kurdish area (southeast of Turkey), there are also ancient expressions for
young men from 15 to 20 years old who receive anal intercourse (oglan)
471
PICTURE 13 Although
hamams
are
not
known for their gay
clientele in most of
them it is possible to
have discreet same-sex
relations. In large cities
like
Istanbul
gay
hamams have began
to be a profitable business. Above the gay
Cukurcuma Hamami
is one of most popular
in the city.
PICTURE 14 Above is
a traditional styled gay
Cukurcuma Hamami
entrance. This main
room serves as a front
desk, a small tearoom,
and a guardroom.
PICTURE 15 Hamans
are traditionally old,
marble bathhouses and
old bathhouses with
available hot and cold
water running from old
taps into small marble
sinks. The picture
above is from the
Harem hamam inside
of Topkapi Sarayi (Topkapi Palace Museum)
gives us some idea of
what the interior of a
hamam looks like.
PICTURE 16 Traditio
nal Turkish Water
closet from the Harem
hamam in Topkapi
Sarayi (Topkapi Palace
Museum). The modern version of the traditional Turkish water
closet is still very common in public places
like hamans, restaurants, bus station, etc.
and for older men who like active anal intercourse (oglanci). This is
believed to be related to some heritage from traditional same-sex behavior
among different generationsdesignated by Murray (1997) as the age-stratified system of same-sex behavior.
Istanbul, for a big metropolis, has a very poor gay nightlife when compared to other European or American cities. There are only four discos, three
bars, three cafs, one haman, and one sauna which are constantly opening and
closing. See pictures 17 through 20 for more detail about gay life in Istanbul.
As in any other big metropolis around the world, Istanbul has intense
gay cruising areas where homosexuals can meet horny straight males or
street prostitutes around the heart of the commercial city centerTaksim.
The most well known areas are the main pedestrian street, the Dilsazlar
porno movie theater, and the main Taksim Square. See pictures 21 through
24 for more detail about cruising areas in Istanbul.
472
F. L. Cardoso
PICTURE
21 The
pedestrian street in
Taksim has one of the
most popular cruising
points: on the corner
of Yenieriler caddesi.
PICTURE
22 The
Dilsazlar
cinema,
although smaller than
the others two, is a
well known gay spot
for cruising.
PICTURE 23 Taksim
sauna well known
by middle class gays
for the male hookers
which are in constant
supply.
PICTURE 24 Taksim
Gezi Yeri in the heart
of the commercial
and financial center,
where working class
gay people cruise.
gay paradise. Homosexuality is neither illegal under Thai law nor immoral
according to Buddhist teachings, and homophobic violence against masculine-identified homosexual men appears to be almost nonexistent. It must
be emphasized, however, that the cross-dressing kathoey, like Thai women,
are often subject to sexual harassment and even sexual violence by heterosexually identifying males (Jackson, 1999).
If on the one hand, the behavior is clearly stigmatized, on the other
hand, it is tolerated. The existing roles for sexual relations between men
were kathoey and man. A kathoey is an effeminate male who exclusively
plays the passive role in the sexual act. He does not marry because he is
(thought to be) a male in the form of a female who does not become a
woman; still he does not stop functioning as a man (Morris, 1994). There
are an estimated 10,000 to 300,000 kathoeys in Thailand. Indeed, in one university in Thailand there is a sorority for kathoeys that accounts for around 1
473
474
F. L. Cardoso
475
mostin Thailands big cities, where the middle class is more common
and noticeable. There, the gay middle class self-organizes at three different points in the city: Silom-Satorn a touristic area; Sukhumvit, an executive area; and Phaholyotin-Ramkhumheang, a more local middle-class
neighborhood.
A more solidified yet multifaceted gay identity has slowly evolved as
Thai men participate in the discourse over their sexuality through the
media. In the meantime, the Thai mainstream media, especially newspapers
and magazines, have increased accurate representations of gay life, as well
as progressive treatises on homosexuality, although sensationalistic coverage
is still common (Taywaditep et al., 1998).
Bangkok, as other big cities like Sao Paulo, New York, and London,
has a very lively gay life. In the city there are at least 8 gay or gay friendly
guesthouses/hotels, 12 discotheques/dance pubs, 3 cabaret show houses,
14 pubs/restaurants/karaokes, 20 go-go boy/cocktail lounges, 17 mens club
sex massage parlors, 11 gay saunas, 4 24-hour gay escort services, and 1
gay telephone line. It looks like a huge arena for gay life; however most of
these gay businesses cater to commercial sex for foreigners and high-class
local homosexuals. See pictures 25 through 28 for more detail about gay life in
Bangkok. The traditional middle-class gay ghetto system, well known in the
United States and northern Europe where sexual and social relations occur
between equals, is very restricted due to the small size of the middle class.
PICTURE
25 The
Caf Society, an elegant gay caf in the
middle of the gay
nightlife at Thanon
Silom in the Bang Rak
area of Bangkok.
PICTURE 26 Picture
from Silom 4. One of
the oldest gay scenes
at the Thanon Silom in
the Bang Rak neighborhood - Bangkok.
On this street sits the
famous Balcony and
the Telephone bars,
an icon of the gay
nightlife in the city.
PICTURE 27 Picture
from Soi Freeman one
of the gay streets
around Thanon Silom
in the Bang Rak neighborhood - Bangkok. In
this alley one finds a
big disco with a cabaret drag show, one
karaoke bar, a restaurant, and two massage
parlors.
PICTURE 28 This is a
typical gay cabaret
show house where one
can watch funny shows
with lipsyncers and
dancers around Thanon Silom in the Bang
Rak area of Bangkok.
The main stars used to
be pretty kathoey, who
basically interpret and
mimic American pop
music stars.
476
F. L. Cardoso
Thai homosexual men are in general extremely reluctant to have their sexual preferences publicly known. To be publicly identified as homosexual or
gay remains a source of considerable shame involving loss of face and damage to ones image. This shame largely stems from the persistent stereotyping
of homosexual men as unmasculine. However, it also stems from the much
broader reluctance of Thai people to talk about ones life in public, except perhaps among same-sex friends in ones drinking circle (Jackson, 1995).
A survey of 155 men who have sex with men in a northeastern Thai
town, illustrates the typical gay community in Thailand. Only minor differences were found in reported rates of receptive and insertive anal sex and
oral sex, with the receptive role being slightly more common in both cases
(Sittitrai, Sakondhavat, & Brown, 1992).
Kathoeys may only be a small minority, but highly visible minority
among the Thai male homosexual population. By far the majority of Thai
homosexual males present and regard themselves as men. Thus, traditional Thai male sex/gender roles have provided two main avenues for
expression of male homoerotic fulfillment, namely, placing homoerotic relations as the main focus of a males sexual life, but thereby sacrificing masculinity and becoming a kathoey, or marginalizing erotic relations with males
and preserving masculinity. There are three main strategies by which nonkathoey homosexual men in Thailand organize their homoerotic relations:
1.) remaining unmarried but continuing to adhere to masculine behavioral
norms; 2. keeping a homosexual lover in a position equivalent to the marginalized status of a minor wife, and at least nominally, keeping a wife at the
center of his social life; 3. keeping homoerotic contact with men at a level
equivalent to heterosexual prostitution or casual flirting (Jackson, 1995).
A good measure of the notoriety of homosexuality in Thailand is the
annual Bangkok Gay Pride Day that grows every year. See pictures 29
through 32 for more detail about the gay parade in Bangkok.
Like any other large metropolis, Bangkok also has gay cruising areas
where homosexuals can meet other homosexuals, oversexed straight males or
street prostitutes around the heart of the Silom-Satorn area. The most well
known areas are: Robinsons Department Store at Thanon Silom, near the Rama
IV monument at Lumpini Park, the Babylon sauna, and the Lumpini Park. See
pictures 33 through 36 for more detail on gay cruising areas in Bangkok.
477
PICTURE
29 Gay
Pride Day Parade 2000
at Thanon Silom in
Bang Rak area Bangkok.
PICTURE
30 The
pictures illustrate the
importance of asymmetry between the
sexual roles, even
among the homosexual community.
PICTURE
31 After
visiting the famous
Kathoey cabarets in
the country it could
easily be said that the
Gay Parade in Bangkok
is more of a big apology to the Kathoey cultural tradition without
any political implications to gay rights.
PICTURE 32 One of
the few middle class
gay arenas perceived
in Bangkok - A small
gay public party at Soi
Freeman at Thanon
Silom in the Bang Rak
area - Bangkok.
PICTURE
33 The
corner of the most
famous
department
store at Thanon Silom
in Bangkok where
lots of gay cruising
takes place in and
around all of the
entrances and toilets.
PICTURE
34 The
corner of Lumpini
Park in Thanon Silom
where many hustlers
hang
around
the
Rama IV monument.
PICTURE
35 The
front door of Babylon 2000 in the Satorn
area - Bangkoks world
famous and most popular gay sauna and
bath.
PICTURE
36 The
Gardens of Lumpini
Park where a lot of
action takes place. In
this picture a gay man
is seducing a straight
man reading after his
work out.
478
F. L. Cardoso
Brazil
Turkey
Thailand
homosexual
esinsel
lag-ga-phate
bicha or viado
ibne or lubunya
bofe or macho
kulampara or lako
travest
transseksuel
pseudo-kathoey
travest
koek
Kathoey
479
Brazil
Turkey
Thailand
F (p<)
.5a
.4a
.4a
1.0 n.s.
1.1ab
.6b
.8bb
3.4 (.036)
2.2bc
2.4c
3.0ac
3.8 (.023)
43.8 (.000)
76.6 (.000)
162.1 (.000)
.06ba
.02aa
8.4 (.000)
4. **Mean of sexual orientation
.07ba
self-evaluation of heterosexuals.
.9bb
1.1bb
5.8 (.004)
5. **Mean of sexual orientation
1.7ab
self-evaluation of bisexuals
5.2c
5.3c
1.1 n.s.
6. **Mean of sexual orientation
5.4c
self-evaluation of homosexuals.
F (p<)
1626.4 (.000) 711.4 (.000) 923.3 (.000)
Note: Means with different lettered superscripts are significantly different from each other according
to Duncans post hoc ANOVA test. Groups marked a are significantly different from groups marked
b and groups marked c. Groups marked with letters in bold are significantly different across sexual
categories and groups marked with underlined letters are significantly different across cultures, according to Duncans multiple range test.
*1. Question: Which of the figures below is most like you in terms of masculinity/femininity
(how you speak, walk, dress, etc)? Please grade your masculinity marking an X on the scale below:
Mean of 6 point scale.
0______1_____2______3______4______5_____6
masculine
androgen
feminine
**2. Question: How do you denominate your sexual orientation: heterosexual (likes women),
bisexual (likes both) or homosexual (likes men)? Please grade your sexual orientation marking an
X on the scale below: Mean of 6 point scale.
0______1_____2_____3_____4______5______6
heterosexual
bisexual
homosexual
among ancient Greeks (Foucault, 1990), for compensating for the lack of
available women among the Azande (Evans-Pritchard, 1970), for satisfying the adult male lust among the Moroccans (De Martino, 1992), for
demonstrating the capacity of deflowering a virgin in the Coast of Oman
(Wikan, 1977), for tension release among Pakistani males (Khan, 1992),
for making a living in the Coast of Oman and India (Nanda, 1986, Wikan,
1977), and so on.
In order to check the traditional relation between gender orientation
and sexual orientation the native self-evaluation of our participants are compared using the Kinsey Scale for gender identity and sexual preference. See
Table 4.
Homosexuals in this research assume a similar homosexual orientation
on Kinsey Scale in all three countries, however homosexuals in Thailand
self-evaluated as being more feminine than Turk or Brazilian homosexuals.
Most probably a factor related to the national kathoey culture. It is also
480
F. L. Cardoso
481
REFERENCES
Allyn, E. (1991). Trees in the same forest: The men of Thailand revisited. San Francisco:
Bua Luang.
Allyn, E. (1993). The men of Thailand: 1993 guide to gay Thailand. San Francisco:
Bua Luang.
Aydin, H., & Gulat, Z. (2001). Turkey (The Republic of Turkey). In R. Francoeur
(Ed.), International encyclopedia of sexuality (1st ed., vol. 4, pp. 602638).
New York: Continuum.
Bell, A., & Weinberg, M. (1978). Homo-sexualities: A study of diversity among men
and women. New York: Simon and Schuster.
Bell, A., Weinberg, M., & Hammersmith, S. (1981). Sexual preference: Its development in men and women. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.
Beyrer, C., Eiumtrakul, D., Celentano, K., Nelson, S., Ruckphaopunt K., &
Khamboonruang, C. (1995). Same-sex behavior: Sexuality transmitted diseases
and HIV risks among young northern Thai men. AIDS, 9, 171176.
Cardoso, F. L. (2002). FishermenMasculinity and sexuality in a Brazilian fishing
community. Sexuality and Culture, 6(4), 4572.
Cardoso, F. L. (2004). Male sexual behavior in Brazil, Turkey and Thailand among
middle and working social class. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, The Institute for Advanced Study of Human Sexuality, San Francisco, CA.
Cardoso, F. L. (2005). Cultural universals and differences in male homosexuality: The
case of a Brazilian fishing village. Archives of Sexual Behavior, 34 (1), 105111.
Cardoso, F. L. (2008a). Recalled sex-typed behavior in childhood and sports preferences in adulthood of heterosexual, bisexual, and homosexual men from Brazil, Turkey, and Thailand. Archives of Sexual Behavior, 37, 565577.
Cardoso, F. L. (2008b). Some considerations on the limitations confronting the
cross-cultural field of sex research. Sexuality and Culture: An interdisciplinary
Quarterly, 12(1), 2037.
Cardoso F. & Werner, D. (2004). Homosexuality. In C. Ember & M. Ember (Eds.),
Encyclopedia of sex and gender: Men and women in the worlds cultures,
(pp. 204215). New Haven, CT: Human Relations Area Files.
Coleman, E., Colgan, P., & Gooren, L. (1992). Male cross-gender behavior in Myan
Mar (Burma): A description of the Acault. Archives of Sexual Behavior, 21(3),
313321.
Collins, J. (1989). Sexuality & culture: Views from Thailand, Japan and the United
States (mimeo by G. Elaini). Unpublished manuscript, Institute for Advanced
Study in Human Sexuality, San Francisco, CA.
Crapo, R. (1995). Factors in the cross-cultural patterning of male homosexuality: A
reappraisal of the literature. Cross-Cultural Research, 29(2), 178202.
Creed, G. (1989). Sexual subordination: institutionalized homosexuality and social
control in Melanesia. Ethnology, 23(3), 157176.
De Martino, G. (1992). An Italian in Morocco. In A. Schmitt & J. Sofer (Eds.), Sexuality and eroticism among males in Moslem societies, (pp. 2532). New York:
Harrington Park Press.
Dynes, W. (1995). Portugayese. In S. Murray (Ed.), Latin American male homosexualities, (pp. 256263). Albuquerque: New Mexico Press.
482
F. L. Cardoso
483
Money, J. (1998). Sin, science, and the sex police: Essays on sexology & sexosophy.
New York: Prometheus Book.
Morris, R. (1994). Three sexes and four sexualities: Redressing the discourses on
gender and sexuality in Contemporary Thailand. Positions, 2(1), 1543.
Mott, L. (1988). Pagode portugus: a subcultura gay em Portugal nos tempos inquisitoriais [Portuguese pagoda: the gay subculture in Portugal of inquisition
times]. Cincia e Cultura, 40(2), 120139.
Murray, S (1995). Latin American male homosexualities. Albuquerque: University of
New Mexico Press.
Murray, S. (1997). Homosexuality among slave elites in Ottoman Turkey. In S. Murray &
W. Roscoe (Eds.), Islamic homosexualities: Culture, history, and literature,
(pp. 174186). New York: New York University Press.
Murray, S. (2000). Homosexualities. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.
Muscarella, F. (2006). The evolution of male-male sexual behavior in humans: The
alliance theory. Journal of Psychology and Human Sexuality 18(4), 275311.
Nanda, S. (1986). The Hijras of India: Cultural and individual dimensions of an institutionalized third gender role. In E. Blackwood (Ed.), The many faces of homosexuality: Anthropological approach to homosexual behavior, (pp. 3554).
New York: Harrington Press.
Necef, M. (1992). Turkey on the brink of masculinity: A guide for Scandinavian
gays. In A. Schmitt & J. Sofer (Eds.), Sexuality and eroticism among males in
Moslem societies, (pp. 7175). New York: Harrington Park Press.
Parker, R. (1986). Masculinity, femininity and homosexuality: On the anthropological interpretation of sexual meanings in Brazil. In E. Blackwood (Ed.), The
many faces of homosexuality: Anthropological approach to homosexual behavior (pp. 155163). New York: Harrington.
Parker, R. (1991). Bodies, pleasures and passions: Sexual culture in contemporary
Brazil. Boston: Beacon Press.
Randall, S. (1997). Defining and measuring sexual orientation: A review. Archives of
Sexual Behavior, 26(6), 643658.
Reiss, I. (1986). Journey into sexuality: An exploratory voyage. Engelwood Cliffs, NJ:
Prentice-Hall.
Romchampa, T. (2002). Discourse on gay in Thai society 19651999. Unpublished
masters dissertation, Chulalongkorn University, Bangkok, Thailand.
Schifter, J. (2000). Public sex in a Latin society. New York: The Haworth Hispanic/
Latino Press.
Sittitrai, W., Sakondhavat, C. & Brown, T. (1992). A survey of men having sex with
men in northeastern Thai province. Research Report no. 5. Bangkok: Thai Red
Cross Society Program on AIDS.
Stoller, R. (1993). Masculinidade e feminilidade: Apresentao do gnero [Masculinity
and femininity: Introducing the gender]. Porto Alegre: Artes Mdicas.
Sunar, D & Aral, S. (1999). Social psychological factors affecting the spread and prevention of AIDS and other STDs in Turkey. Bogazii Journal: Review of Social,
Economic and Administrative Studies. 13(12), 6380.
Tapin, H. (1992). Masculinity, femininity, and Turkish male homosexuality. In
K. Plummer (Ed.), Modern homosexualities: Fragments of lesbians and gay
experience (pp. 3949). London: Routledge.
484
F. L. Cardoso