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AO 9, NM.

4, 2015

Enero - Abril

BOLETN

DE LA

AMHE

NUEVA POCA. NMERO ESPECIAL

TERCERAS
JORNADAS DE
HISTORIA
ECONMICA
2015

Contenido:
Carta de la Presidenta
Semblanza AMHE
Conferencia magistral
Conferencia Dr. Semo
Dictamen sobre
premios
Novedades editoriales
Resea de...
Reseas
Artculos
Convocatorias

A S O C IA C IN M EX IC A N A D E H IS T O R IA E C ON M IC A

Camino al Ajusco #20


Pedregal Santa Teresa
Mxico D.F
C.P. 10740
http://www.amhe.mx
administracionamhe@gmail.com
academiaamhe@gmail.com

La Asociacin Mexicana de Historia Econmica se fund a fines


de 1998 con el objetivo de estimular y promover la enseanza,
investigacin, publicacin y difusin de los temas relacionados
con la disciplina, as como contribuir a la preservacin de fuentes
histricas esenciales para la historia econmica de Mxico.
La AMHE impulsa la publicacin de nuevos materiales, como este
este boletn, y de nuevas investigaciones en historia econmica
as como el rescate de fuentes y archivos que son fundamentales
para el avance de la disciplina. Adems, apoya a grupos de trabajo de estadsticas histricas. Asimismo, cuenta con una pgina
web a travs de la cual difunde informacin de inters para los
socios y el pblico amplio.

BOLETN AMHE
NUEVA POCA

C A RTA D E LA P RE S ID E N TA

AMHE
Dra. Sandra Kuntz Ficker
Presidenta
Dra. Yovana Celaya
Secretaria
Dra. Cecilia Zuleta
Tesorera

BOLETN AMHE
NUEVA POCA
Comit Editorial
Dra. Sandra Kuntz Ficker
Directora
Staff de la AMHE:
Ismael D. Valverde A.
Diseo editorial
Julio Csar Cardoso Flores
Maribel Vasconcelos
Soporte web

BREVE SEMBLANZA DE LA AMHE

Por Carlos Marichal

La Asociacin Mexicana de Historia Econmica (AMHE) se fund a fines

nmica del Caribe, que celebra su Tercer Congreso este ao en noviem-

de 1998 con la finalidad de estimular y promover la enseanza, investi-

bre prximo en Trinidad y Tobago.

gacin, publicacin y difusin de los temas relacionados con la disciplina

Si se fijan, ya casi todos los principales pases de la regin cuentan con

y para contribuir a la preservacin de fuentes histricas esenciales a la

asociaciones, lo cual nos convierte en una de las regiones ms dinmi-

historia econmica de Mxico.

cas en iniciativas recientes. Adems tenemos una relacin estrecha con

Su primer presidente fue la Dra. Leonor Ludlow de la UNAM y luego

la Asociacin Internacional de Historia Econmica que celebra su Congre-

siguieron Dr. Carlos Marichal (2001-2004), Dr. Antonio Ibarra (2005-

so mundial este ao en Kyoto, Japn, y es placentero anunciar aqu que

2007) y Dr. Luis Juregui (2008-2013). Hoy es presidida por Sandra Kuntz

dicha Asociacin mundial ha elegido este ao a nuestra colega, la Dra.

quien fue electa en 2013 por los socios. Le acompaan en el comit

Sandra Kuntz como miembro integrante de su Comit ejecutivo, al igual

directivo los colegas Yovanna Celaya, Cecilia Zuleta, Manuel Bautista,

que al Dr. Andrs Regalsky de Buenois Aires, quienes reemplazan a sus

Arturo Carrillo, Paola Chenillo, Oscar Flores, Jess Mendez y Jess Her-

muy activos predecesores, Luis Bertola del Uruguay y Salomon Kal-

nndez Jaimes.

monowitz de Colombia. As es que Amrica Latina estar bien represen-

Desde octubre del 2001, cuando se celebr el primer Congreso de Histo-

tado en esa organizacin internacional, a travs de Mxico y Argentina.

ria Econmica de Mxico, se cre la pgina web, alimentada por muchos

La AMHE est afiliada a la Asociacin Internacional de Historia Econmi-

colaboradores a lo largo de los aos. Ha servido la funcin de difundir

ca, y participa en todos su congresos mundiales, y pretende fortalecer

informacin y noticias sobre historia econmica mexicana e internacio-

sus vnculos con otros grupos de historia econmica en Amrica Latina y

nal y se ha renovado plenamente y es ms eficaz. En el futuro interesa

con las dems asociaciones de historia econmica de los Estados Unidos,

promover la pgina como vehiculo de apoyo a la docencia, con algunos

Canad y Europa. En el congreso internacional de Buenos Aires de 2002,

cursos en linea, pero se necesita trabajar mucho para lograrlo y si tie-

25% de los 800 participantes fueron latinoamericanos. El prximo Con-

nen ideas o propuestas y si desean que anunciemos publicaciones o

greso de la Asociacin Internacional de Historia Econmica es en Kyoto,

seminarios, por favor hganlo.

Japn, en 2015. Nos resulta bastante caro asistir as es que yo les reco-

Debemos recordar que en 2010, la AMHE organiz el Segundo Congreso

miendo concentrar sus energas en coloquios ms cercanos. Por ejemplo,

Latinoamericano de Historia Econmica (CLADHE) en la ciudad de Mxico,

el Quinto Congreso Latinoamericano de Historia Econmica que se va a

con la participacin de alrededor de 350 investigadores de Mxico, Am-

celebrar en Sao Paulo, Brasil, en julio de 2016. Vayan pensando en posi-

rica Latina, los Estados Unidos y Europa. La AMHE mantiene lazos espe-

bles propuestas, preferentemente con mesas con participantes de varios

cialmente estrechos desde hace ms de un decenio con la asociacin

pases.

hermana del Norte de Mxico, muchos de cuyos miembros estn presentes, y las de Argentina, Brasil, Uruguay, Espaa y Portugal. Adems ha
colaborado en el impulso de ms jvenes asociaciones de historia econmica latinoamericanas, entre ellas las de Colombia, que auspici el
Tercer Congreso de CLADHE en 2014, la Asociacin de historia econmica
de Chile (fundada en 2012), Per (2013) y la Asociacin de Historia Eco4

DO NATIONS REALLY FAIL?


RECONCEPTUALIZING THE HISTORY OF
DEVELOPMENT
Francesco Boldizzoni

he title of this talk plays on the title of a recent book by two

sometimes support institutional differences'. However, they soon

social scientists which is having considerable influence on

qualify such a statement with the following caveat: 'But mostly no,

the way economic historians think of development and

because those aspects of culture often emphasized religion, na-

underdevelopment. The book opens with contrasting scenes

tional ethics, African or Latin values are just not important for

of economic life in Nogales, Arizona and Nogales, Sonora, and won-

understanding how we got here and why the inequalities in the world

ders what is wrong on the Mexican side.

persist'.

The authors, Daron Acemoglu and James Robinson, are

Another possibility is that institutions are a product of chance and this

associated with the new institutional economics, an approach to

interpretation of the work would be supported by the rather dry account

economics that draws extensively on political and historical materi-

Acemoglu and Robinson offer of institution building in several countries.

al. However, the idea of failed economies and polities, defined accord-

Institutions are taken as given, in good positivist fashion, so that histor-

ing to some external standard, is neither new nor specific to this

ical change becomes a problem of comparative statics. Consider the

current. Many other interpretations that stress noninstitutional

following description the book gives of the early formation of 'extractive

factors imply, either implicitly or explicitly, the concept of failure.

institutions' in Kongo, prior to the Portuguese arrival in the late fif-

As early as 1974, a conference was held in Montreal to

teenth century:

discuss the topic 'Failed Transitions to Modern Industrial Society:

The Kingdom of Kongo was governed by the king in Mbanza,

Renaissance Italy and Seventeenth-century Holland'. In the same

subsequently So Salvador. Areas away from the capital were

years, ancient historians were engaged in heated controversies

ruled by an elite who played the roles of governors of differ

around the issue of why the Roman empire did not industrialize.

ent parts of the kingdom. The wealth of this elite was based

Indeed, the disappointing outcome of postwar development policies

on slave plantations around So Salvador and the extraction

and dissatisfaction with Rostovian modernization theory were in the

of taxes from the rest of the country . Taxes were arbi

background.

trary; one tax was even collected every time the king's beret

Let us return to Acemoglu and Robinson. The rhetoric of the book insists

fell off.

on institutions, not culture, geography or anything else. Institutions, they

Bad institutions were already there like self-legitimating political struc-

say, generate 'market incentives' (note how the prime mover is always

tures originating from Mars and kept those lands in 'miserable pov-

economic utility, as posited by the neoclassical theory of action). Under

erty'. People would have learned how to use the plough and draw in-

certain institutional circumstances, it may be more rewarding for a soci-

come from land if only taxation had been less unpredictable. If you

ety to adopt the technology of the gun rather than those of the wheel and

believe that geography does not matter, then it is perfectly logical to

the plough. But where do institutions come from? One possibility is that

expect agriculture to thrive in the tropical rainforest. Give them the right

institutions are a product of culture and this is what the authors admit

incentives and hunter-gatherers will magically turn into Adam Smith's

up to a point. To the question 'Is the culture hypothesis useful for understand-

'bartering savages'. When it comes to explain current underdevelop-

ing world inequalities?', they respond: 'Yes, in the sense that social norms,

ment, the play is based on the same script, with a different cast:

which are related to culture, matter and can be hard to change, and they also
5

Mobutu created a highly extractive set of economic institu

Likewise, the institutions of South Korea are a product of the strong

tions. The citizens were impoverished, but Mobutu and the

US influence over the country after World War II.

elite surrounding him, known as Les Grosses Legumes (the

The problem with Acemoglu and Robinson is not their implicit idea that

Big Vegetables), became fabulously wealthy. Mobutu built

culture has an impact on economic outcomes. The problem is their view

himself a palace at his birthplace, Gbadolite, in the north of

that 90 per cent of the world's nations have 'failed' because they are not

the country, with an airport large enough to land a super

as rich or 'democratic' as a handful of Western countries. This is based on

sonic Concord jet, a plane he frequently rented from Air

the unwarranted assumption that all human societies find growth su-

France for travel to Europe.

premely desirable but some of them are prevented to achieve it by some

Again, Mobutu 'creates' bad institutions, laws and rules. But should we

sort of social deficiency. In other terms, Acemoglu and Robinson natural-

believe that Mobutu himself was created ex nihilo? The shame of the

ize a culture-specific set of social preferences (those for wealth acquisi-

Westerners' role in the slave trade and modern colonialism is duly

tion), universalize the particular means by which some countries have

acknowledged as is expected from a politically correct account, and

successfully pursued it (the liberal capitalist state), downplay physical and

yet these are presented as unfortunate accidents that added to inher-

environmental constraints, and dismiss the historical examples that, for

ent social evils.

good or bad, contradict their model.

So far what Acemoglu and Robinson say. But what do they mean? The
authors may well feel convinced that institutions are a product of

1. Is GDP growth a universal aspiration?


The first thing not to be taken for granted is that economic growth, unlim-

chance and path dependence, rather than culture and history, but as a

ited economic growth, is a goal shared by all societies. For example, for

matter of fact the kinds of institutions they praise are those of Atlan-

the ancient civilizations of classical Greece and Rome, which were never-

tic democracies. The more they resemble the institutions of Britain and

theless advanced in many respects, this was not the case. The ancient

the United States, the more inclusive they are and the more condu-

historian Paul Millett has argued, a bit provocatively, that these econo-

cive to economic success.

mies would not grow because of the lack of a purpose. The mechanical

Such an explicit statement would not be politically correct nowadays.

arts were held in lower consideration compared to philosophy, wealth

This is why Acemoglu and Robinson have to disguise the cultural

was seen as a cake of a fixed size and moreover these societies had no

conundrum by means of what they call 'natural experiments'. They

linear conception of progress. This idea, according to J. B. Bury and our

take twin cities along the US-Mexican border and show that one is

late colleague Sidney Pollard, both of whom wrote books titled The Idea

affluent and the other poor in spite of their cultural similarities. They

of Progress, made headway with the European Enlightenment. Of course

do the same with South Korea and North Korea. But the 'experiment'

it did not come alone, but was accompanied by a series of other beliefs.

is no more than a rhetorical device; it merely shifts the problem to a

In seventeenth-century Europe, the Catholic states rivalled for national

different level. Indeed, the institutions of Nogales, Arizona do not

power in what was, indeed, a zero-sum game. After all, mercantilism

originate from Nogales, but from Washington D.C. and Phoenix, and

was a doctrine of competitive self- aggrandizement. But in Reformed

have been shaped over the decades by WASP lawmakers. From there

countries such as the Netherlands, England, Scotland and the North

come the political system and the laws.


6

American colonies, the private accumulation of wealth became a real

variables. If, on the one hand, Fernand Braudel refers to mentalits as

virtue, even an ethical imperative. In this respect, Max Weber was

'prisons of the long duration', on the other hand in the Mediterranean he

right.

writes that the environment marks 'the limits of the possible'. This

In the Catholic world, individual enrichment was no longer stigmatised

might sound surprising. Cannot perhaps technology modify the environ-

as in the Middle Ages. Here too the bourgeoisie was thriving, as Wer-

ment? Yet technology itself is not natural, as even its reception involves a

ner Sombart pointed out many years before McCloskey, and the acqui-

process of cultural mediation.

sition of wealth came to be perceived as a means of social mobility


that would allow to overcome the ascriptive logic of the ancien rgime.

The culture-geography nexus is evident in the early history of Congolese civilization.

But the advent of the new values was much less radical. Money was

The Congo basin is crossed by the equator and the tropical rainforest

no longer the devil's excrement, true, but it was neither the proof of

represents the spontaneous vegetation of the region. It is one of the

divine grace.

rainiest areas in the world, but also one of the most warm and hu-

Development or desarrollo are biological terms that describe the life of

mid. In such environmental circumstances, it would have been un-

living organisms. The association of this metaphor with the economy is

thinkable to practise agriculture. In addition, there was no reason to

surprisingly recent, dating back to the beginning of the twentieth

do so: by keeping demographic density low, the local populations

century. As the Swiss sociologist Gilbert Rist observes in his History

managed to draw from natural resources all they needed without

of Development, many other cultures have no indigenous term for

spoiling the environment. The hunter-gatherer model represented for

[economic] development, 'and imagine the good life by, for exam-

these societies an optimal strategy of environmental adaptation.

ple, associating material wealth not with its accumulation but with its

This case can be, to some extent, generalized, as Marshall Sahlins did in

distribution (within a large family or for the purposes of prestige)'.

his Stone Age Economics. Using the evidence of eldwork on the Australi-

While it is reasonable to assume that all societies strive to improve

an aborigines and the Bushmen of the Kalahari to back up his argument,

their material conditions, much less so it is to think that this should

he noted that primitive populations spent only a few hours a day looking

translate, qualitatively and quantitatively, into the same phenome-

for and preparing food. The pace of work was extremely relaxed and

non. In other words, projecting onto other civilizations the western

allowed for days in the week that were entirely given over to resting.

belief that progressive accumulation belongs to the natural order of

Despite this, these peoples were able to acquire ample food for their

things is, according to him, an example of what Bruno Latour calls

caloric requirements. From the nutritional point of view, the diet even

'particular universalism'.

proved to be quite varied. How was it possible for peoples who had
never even experienced the Neolithic agricultural transition to be in a

2. Geography
Culture, however, should not be considered separately from geography.

state of relative afuence? The reply is simple: they were characterized

By geography I mean environmental variables. If, on the one hand,

by limited wants. 'Limited' is to do with a spontaneous state of affairs,

Fernand Braudel refers to mentalits as 'prisons of the long duration',

and should not be understood in the sense of 'restricted'. In other

on the other hand in the Mediterranean he writes that the environment

words, there was no 'suppression of desires'.


7

The other discovery is due to the Danish development economist Ester

or historical institutionalism, for which a plurality of institutional

Boserup. In the 1960s she wrote a very important book, The Condi-

forms may be conducive to development the new institutional eco-

tions of Agricultural Growth. Boserup wanted to counter a crudely

nomics insists on the special quality of certain political and economic

Malthusian understanding of development. She, too, was interested

institutions.

in making sense of how only some pre-agricultural societies took the

North and Weingasts article Constitutions and Commitment (1989)

road to the Neolithic revolution. Her point is that population pres-

established an explicit link between the Glorious Revolution, which

sure per se does not hinder the development process, but it often

affirmed the primacy of the parliament over the crown and introduced

represents the cause that sets it into motion.

a system of political checks and balances, and the British industrial

This means that, when population does not exceed the available re-

revolution. Acemoglu, Johnson and Robinson's The Rise of Eu-

sources, that is, when the ecosystem is in equilibrium, there is no rea-

rope (2005) argued that since late medieval times the absolutism of

son to make the transition. All the more given that the price of struc-

northwestern European monarchies had been considerably milder

tural change in preagricultural societies, to the advantage of future

compared to other countries and this allowed the mercantile bourgeoi-

generations, is paid by the generations that initiate it; they experience

sie to take advantage of Atlantic trade, which in turn would weaken

increased toil and a much lower quality of life. As Jared Diamond

monarchic institutions further. The ideas of both teams have evolved

writes, 'Archaeologists have demonstrated that the rst farmers in

into general development theories, with North and his group extolling

many areas were smaller and less well nourished, suffered from more

'open access societies' over 'limited access societies' and Acemoglu and

serious diseases, and died on the average at a younger age than the

Robinson praising the 'inclusive institutions' of the Anglosphere and

hunter-gatherers they replaced'. Thus early development, more than a

indicting the 'extractive institutions' of much of the rest of the world.

choice, appears to be the response to a state of need. Human groups

North, Wallis and Weingast's point of departure is the Hobbesian view

that do not experience this state of need keep living more or less happi-

of the social contract a rather pessimistic anthropology according

ly in their originary state.

to which men are evil, selfish and individualist by nature. Limited

Last but not least, an indisputable fact should be considered: agricul-

access societies are societies that control violence through rent

ture originated from, and spread throughout, the temperate cli-

creation, while open access societies control it through political and

mate zone. This zone includes areas that are more fertile, less

economic competition.

subject to natural calamities, where physical labour is less painful

This is a superior evolutionary stage that only a few societies have

and where infectious diseases are not so much present in an en-

achieved so far. As they put it,

demic state. Although favourable geography is not sufficient condi-

Limited access orders exhibit systematic rent-creation, market

tion, it is almost certainly a necessary condition for spontaneous

power, privileges, and differences between elites and others;

economic development.

they also preclude thriving markets and long-term economic development. Open access orders exhibit systematic competition, entry,

3. Special political/economic institutions?

and mobility; they also foster thriving

Unlike the old institutionalism in economics let us call it German-style


8

markets and long-term economic development. All economically

ditions required for the liberal international order'. The heterodox

developed countries are also politically developed. The source of

approach to development economics of Ha-Joon Chang and Erik Reinert

development is the transition from a limited access to an open

draws on this historiography as a source of inspiration, as well as on

access society.

the nineteenth-century analysis of Friedrich List.

Similarly, for Acemoglu and Robinson extractive institutions concen-

Second, the assumption that a liberal-capitalist state is required for

trate political power in the hands of a few. Political power tends to

promoting sustained economic growth is problematic. Whilhelmine

be undivided and exerted in an arbitrary way rather than subjected

and Nazi Germany, Tsarist and Soviet Russia and present-day China

to the impersonal rule of law. These institutions, as the name im-

are all case-studies that disprove the equation. That Soviet wealth

plies, serve the purpose of rent-seeking elites who want to extract

was reinvested in the Sputnik rather than in the welfare of the

resources from the rest of society. On the contrary, inclusive institu-

population and Chinese inequality is today a serious issue (as is

tions encourage participation, enforce contracts and secure property

American inequality by the way) do not diminish the importance of

rights, and these incentives create the conditions for efficient mar-

such counterexamples. When China fell behind, in the nineteenth and

kets, investment and innovation.

early twentieth century, some Western observers notably put the

This Atlanticist bias pro-market, pro-free trade, and quite idealistic

blame on 'Oriental despotism'. Now that it has taken off, Acemoglu

about the political functioning of the liberal-capitalist state is some-

and Robinson already know that 'China's current economic growth

thing the new institutional economics shares with the broader world of

cannot last'. Why? Because it has extractive institutions! Is not this

Whig scholarship: the names of David Landes, Joel Mokyr and Deirdre

circular reasoning?

McCloskey immediately come to my mind. The main weakness of institu-

4. Special knowledge/rationality?

tional exceptionalism as an explanation, quite apart from monocausali-

It is often assumed by the social sciences, in the wake of 'human capital' theo-

ty, is that it is an ex-post explanation. It is based on the following

ries, that there is a direct link between the amount of knowledge a society

reasoning: since Britain and America have succeeded and they share

accumulates and the level of material progress achieved. Likewise, Western

some institutions, these must represent necessary prerequisites.

historians of science and technology are inclined to make strong claims about

First, a number of historians have pointed out that these depictions of

the industrial revolution as an outcome of the scientific revolution. In its turn,

the British experience are far from being realistic: among them are

the scientific revolution is supposed to have found in Protestant environments,


and/or in 'commercial societies' and free-trade institutions, a more fertile

Patrick O'Brien, Pat Hudson, John M. Hobson and William Ashworth. All

breeding ground.

of them agree that the British industrial revolution resulted from the

These arguments have been put forward by a number of authors over

application of an old anti-liberal recipe: mercantilism. Free trade came

the years, from the nuanced interpretations of Robert Merton and Jo-

into play only at the peak of the Victorian period, once economic ma-

seph Needham to the somewhat radical theses of Margaret Jacob, Joel

turity had been achieved. And it served the interests of the dominant

Mokyr and Toby Huff, not to mention David Landes.

power which sought to impose it on potential trade partners. As O'Brien

Some forty years ago, Merton and Needham hinted at possible connec-

writes, the British industrial revolution was 'possibly the sole example

tions between science and democracy and science and capitalism.

of successful mercantilism that created geopolitical and economic con9

Unlike natural philosophies, experimental science, they thought,

in the works of Joel Mokyr and Margaret Jacob. They speak of an

needs open and competitive institutions in order to be pursued, and is

Enlightened Economy or The First Knowledge Economy. Both authors

fostered by the mercantile demand for precision. This view has all but

maintain that British science was special in that it generated 'useful

disappeared from recent literature, though the aforementioned

knowledge', knowledge leading to productive applications. In addi-

examples of Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union suffice to show how

tion, according to Mokyr, one of the greatest achievements of the

science and technology can actually advance in nondemocratic and

Enlightenment was free trade, and free-trade ideas supposedly

noncapitalist environments.

spread through British society and translated into virtuous conduct. As

Interpretations of northwestern European economic achievements

you see, this brings us back to institutional exceptionalism.

overemphasizing 'religious freedom' versus the antimodern stance

Those who oppose this thesis contest the naive, albeit popular, view of

of the Catholic Church and other religious confessions disregard the

the industrial revolution as a 'wave of gadgets'. Eighteenth-century

major role in the advancement of theoretical and applied mathemat-

economic growth cannot be reduced to the cumulative effect of the

ics, physics, medicine and chemistry that southern and eastern Euro-

ingenious pursuits of a host of inventors. Moreover, when technology

pean universities and academies continued to play during the Coun-

entered the scene of the industrial revolution the process of structural

ter-Reformation, and how Europe as a whole was deeply indebted to

change of the economy was already under way. Neither the agricultur-

Asia and the Middle East.

al revolution of the late seventeenth century nor the complementary

In Max Webers classic account, on the other hand, both economic

putting-out system which were responsible for the initial increase in

achievement and the so-called 'formal rationality', a type of rationality

productivity required any scientific knowledge unless one defines

which he believed to be peculiar to the West, are seen as unintended

'scientific' the kind of tacit knowledge underlying 'experimental agricul-

consequences of the spread of the Reformation. The Weberian interpre-

ture'. Watts steam engine was arguably the first physics-related inven-

tation of the process of Western rationalization is not unambiguous. It is

tion employed in manufacturing but it found no application until the

not easy to separate the concept of 'world mastery' (i.e., the capacity

early nineteenth century and power looms started to outnumber hand

to rationally manipulate the environment) from the institutions by

looms only in the 1830s. The 1850s, not the 1750s, inaugurated the age

which it was contingently embodied, those of capitalist development.

of (fixed) capital.

And the concept itself is not entirely value-free, conveying indeed a

It is rather curious to suppose that the Enlightenment,

culture- specific view of what should be the relationship between man

which by its nature was a European movement, and probably the

and the natural world.

most impressive cross-fertilization process in modern intellectual

Recent narratives of knowledge and the industrial revolution have

history, had in Britain a character so special and distinctive to give

stressed the role played by enlightened elites imbued with a rational-

rise to a different path of social and economic modernization.

istic world view or what they regard as such. Clear-cut causal links

Britain was home to the Enlightenment no more than Portugal was

have been established between science and industrialization, or be-

to fine cuisine. Nonetheless Mokyr repeats that the English Enlight-

tween Enlightenment ideas and economic development, most forcefully

enment 'placed a large premium on empiricism, on pragmatism, and

individual utilitarianism.... The Scottish Enlightenment provided a


10

deeper philosophical and scientific rationale for economic and social

Standardization brought with it wider access to education but, on the

progress and the idea of a civil society.... [It], too, had a strong commit-

other hand, it ended by undermining the depth of the intellectual

ment to economic progress ... that could be incorporated into a Baconian

experience, which has been the target of social criticism since the

program'.

heyday of the Frankfurt school. To insist that only knowledge con-

Knowledge, then, had no role in the rise of the industrial world? It

ducive to the 'manipulation of the environment' is useful sounds

certainly had, but not the kind of knowledge that descends from

rather paradoxical in times of global pollution and growing envi-

science downward into practice. Interpretations of the past that take

ronmental and health concerns. The 'diseases of affluence' that

for granted this connection inevitably fail to explain how ideas and

plague modern Western societies appear to be more the product of

beliefs of the elites percolated through the remainder of society.

mass ignorance than the offspring of enlightened attitudes.

Elites are identified as the agents of social change while society is


attributed the role of a passive receptor, something that is at odds

5. Power relations: The weight of history


Another set of factors should be considered in our attempt to recon-

with social theory. A more interesting research strategy would be to

ceptualize development, a set as complex as crucial: this is the glob-

explore the history of literacy.

al interdependencies and power relations between nations.

Unfortunately little has been done in recent years to investigate connec-

There are good reasons to believe that early modern slave trade

tions between literacy and development in past societies but it seems

and modern colonialism did not significantly favour the industrial

clear that what was once the privilege of the learned upper classes

take-off of Western Europe, in spite of what argued by Joseph

underwent a gradual process of democratization. The origins of this

Inikori and others. The colonial empires certainly provided markets

process, however, can be traced back to a period well prior to the age of

for surplus produce but this was at a later stage of the develop-

industrialization.

ment process. It could also be argued that twentieth-century impe-

According to Goody and Watt, the emergence of alphabetic script in an-

rialism brought to the United States advantages that were mainly

cient Greece was something of revolutionary importance as it turned

geopolitical and was a consequence, not a cause, of its economic

reading and writing into skills that could easily be learned. Another

strength. These reasons, summarized by Paul Bairoch and Patrick

watershed was probably the Reformation. The doctrine of sola scriptura

O'Brien in their classic studies, do not imply however that colonial-

demanded that each believer had a direct relationship with the scrip-

ism and neocolonialism did not harm the colonized countries. Quite

tures. This must have had an impact on literacy rates which started to

the contrary. In a wonderful book published a couple of years ago,

diverge between Catholic countries and northwestern European lands,

Prasannan Parthasarathi has shown how the British rule on India

though, as Carlo Cipolla makes clear, there are significant exceptions,

destroyed its textile manufacture, turning what was once one of the

such as Bavaria, Tyrol and the Rhinelands. And in any case this repre-

most advanced economies in the world (we are speaking of the

sented only a temporary advantage for those lands.

early eighteenth century) into a dependent and underdeveloped

What changed more and more with the advent of the industrial way of

country. Power relations play a fundamental role in explaining the

life was not just the distribution of knowledge among the social classes

economic trajectory of Latin America, el otro Occidente, throughout

but the quality of the knowledge being generated and diffused.


11

the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. I certainly do not wish to

welfare, a society must necessarily treat land and labour as full-

resurrect the theory of dependencia in its crudest form, nor propose

fledged commodities. There may be other paths that lead to develop-

the mechanistic application of Immanuel Wallerstein's core-periphery

ment.

model. I also think it is wrong and misleading to ask such a question


as why the countries of Latin America are not as rich as those of

6. Redefining development
Writing the history of a country, region, or hemisphere, taking another

North America. These are societies that have little in common you

country as a yardstick, is never a good idea. Turning the history of

cannot compare the incomparable. If a comparison has to be made,

development into a narrative of winners and losers can be tempting

one with Mediterranean Europe would make more sense.

if we look at history from a Protestant, eschatological viewpoint. But

If we put the question this way, I am convinced that the structuralism of

the risk is to see failures where there are none and not to see prob-

the sixties and seventies found answers that are difficult to dismiss.

lems which actually exist. Let me give you an elementary example: if

When I read authors such as Halpern, Cardoso and Prez Brignoli, or

we look at figures on GDP per capita, and take Qatar as a bench-

the debates on the 'colonial mode of production' that flourished in

mark, then we will easily conclude that Sweden has failed, because of

those years, I am impressed by the level of sophistication that Latin

its comparatively unimpressive performance. But if we assess Qatar

American historiography had reached. These works show a subtle un-

by the Swedish yardstick, we will rather say that Qatar has prob-

derstanding of the interplay of international and domestic forces, of

lems, as its level of inequality is incompatible with the Swedish idea of

material elements and socio-cultural variables.

a modern society.

The crisis that structuralist approaches have undergone since the

Macroeconomic performance as a development index is meaningless per

1980s, when neoliberalism spread to the Southern Cone and authori-

se; it should be set against the values and aspirations of a society. I am

tarian regimes exerted an oppressive control on academia, is some-

not talking about human development, nor am I proposing to use other

what paradoxical. How can today the armchair institutionalists, from

indices biased towards western values; I am talking about economic

their ivory towers in Boston or Stanford, put the blame for economic

development strictly conceived. In order to understand whether a

problems in Latin America on its extractive institutions when it was

country is developed, we ought to ask ourselves first of all whether its

the United States that actively encouraged the establishment and

performance reflects the people's goals and aspirations. This is a step

maintenance of those very institutions at some crucial points in the

that history and the social sciences have not yet quite taken. The new

twentieth century?

institutional economics embodies the negation of this concept, but even

Nobody wants to deny the burden that elements such as corruption or

looking backwards to the golden age of structuralism, the issue was

the unaccomplished modernization of the judiciary have imposed on

never tackled seriously. Scholars such as Gerschenkron and Prebisch,

various countries, keeping them until recently in a state of relative

with their theories of factor and import substitution, acknowledged the

backwardness. But one cannot stigmatize the traditional features of

existence of multiple paths to development. But they were still compar-

Latin American societies for having long hindered the formation of a

ing what they implicitly assumed to be the standard model with other

market for the factors of production because this would require the

models that were thought to be atypical due to historical accidents. On

strong assumption that, in order to achieve a satisfactory level of

this ground, we probably need anthropologists to come to our rescue.


12

Breaking the equation between growth and development and redefining development as the economic side of modernization would be a
substantial advance in this direction. In this respect, too, we have
much to gain from abandoning linear accumulation approaches in the
wake of the new growth theory and getting back instead to the structural change approach of Furtado, Hirschman, Myrdal and others.
Once we have redefined development in relativistic terms, it might
come as a natural consequence to prefer multicausal, if less elegant,
explanations to simplistic ones.
The future of history-writing in this field will largely depend on the role
that scholars in the global South and East will play in reconfiguring the
debate. New powers are emerging from these regions and their voice

is likely to be heard more and more loudly in the years to come. I think
it is definitely time for Latin American economic historians to reappropriate development as an intellectual category and generate new paradigms that may, once again, leave a durable impact on international
scholarship. This is the wish which I express for the Mexican community
today.

A lecture delivered at the opening ceremony of the


Terceras Jornadas de Historia Econmica, El Colegio
de Mxico, Mexico City, 17 February 2015

13

MOISS GONZLEZ NAVARRO, HISTORIA


Y ECONOMA.
Dr. Enrique Semo

El 10 de febrero, se apag la vida fructfera de un historiador que en

Colegio de Mxico. Entre los participantes recuerdo a Luis Gonzlez,

muchos aspectos fue un pilar de nuestra ciencia en Mxico. Me refiero a

Bertha Ulloa, Mara del Carmen Velzquez y Eduardo Blanquel recin

Moiss Gonzlez Navarro. Su vida es un ejemplo poco comn de dedica-

ingresado a El Colegio de Mxico al mismo tiempo que yo. Desde el

cin fructfera a la investigacin y la labor creativa. Ha inspirado a va-

principio y antes de conocer su obra, trat a Moiss Gonzlez Navarro y

rias generaciones de historiadores, a travs de un fecundo trabajo de

lo encontr marcado por una singularidad, que lo distingua de todos los

enseanza y formacin de investigadores. Ha llenado de hiptesis fe-

que participbamos all. Se negaba rotundamente a la trivialidad, la

cundas todas las etapas de la vida nacional y a la vez ha escrito obras

pequeez y la impertinencia. Haba una posicin moral en constante

monumentales, eruditas, con una fundamentacin en toda clase de fuen-

alerta sobre todo aquello que pudiera ser jugar o ridiculizar valores o

tes: los archivos, las hemerotecas, las estadsticas y las obras de pensa-

ideas importantes. Moiss estaba autnticamente preocupado por los

dores del pasado, siempre con una aproximacin crtica, que enmarca a

marginados, los trabajadores lo que ahora se llama clases subalternas.

la fuente en sus lmites subjetivos y temporales. As ha fecundado en

Tambin haba un fuerte sentimiento nacionalista que se haca sentir no

forma excepcional el conocimiento que tenemos del pasado mexicano.

solo en su obra sino en su manera de ser. Comprend que para conocerlo

Conoc a Gonzlez Navarro hace sesenta aos, cuando entr a trabajar

y para entenderlo haba que leerlo, y lo hice fielmente durante muchos

en El Colegio de Mxico como investigador para una obra que planeaba

aos. He ledo la mayor parte de los libros de Moiss. Su enorme obra

Daniel Coso Villegas y que desgraciadamente nunca se escribi: una

no es toda del mismo nivel. Siempre rica en informacin, en detalles

continuacin de la Historia Moderna que deba cubrir los aos de la

poco conocidos, no toda ella es muy clara y atractiva, pero sus principa-

Revolucin Mexicana. Los dineros no llegaron y en su lugar se iniciaron

les libros son un semillero de ideas e informacin que hasta el da de

estudios sobre demografa y maz. De ese primer encuentro, guardo un

hoy representan un caudal del cual no podemos prescindir.

recuerdo entraable. Moiss irradiaba una tensin intelectual, un senti-

En una entrevista que le hicieron deca sobre su formacin el Centro de

do celoso de independencia, una honestidad que me atrajeron de inme-

Estudios Sociales tena entonces una inspiracin weberiana en sociolo-

diato y que han servido de base a la amistad que nos uni espordica-

ga, una gran influencia de Harold Laski en ciencia poltica y de Keynes

mente durante largos aos. Hay otro aspecto de su vida, que trasciende

en economaWeber, Laski, Keynes- y en ellas nos formbamos los

el medio de los historiadores, Gonzlez Navarro fue un ejemplo de com-

estudiantes. Karl Marx, en cambio, estuvo ausente. A la distancia, he

promiso con los problemas de su pueblo y de conviccin que para ser

llegado a pensar que quiz hubiera convenido un cierto equilibrio y que

libre, el pensamiento social debe guardar celosamente su distancia del

ste se hubiera logrado si hubiramos tenido como profesor a Wences-

poder, ya sea este el Estado o los medios de difusin. Moiss tena como

lao Roces, marxista espaol... Tuvimos un pequeo equilibrio con Mario

nico criterio de la historia la verdad. Poda equivocarse pero no acepta-

de la Cueva que, aunque no era marxista, era una persona muy abierta,

ba modificarla o ignorarla por criterios de inters personal o poltico.

con estudios en Alemania y que conoca la obra de Marx. Con el tiempo

Yo lo conoc en un lugar poco formal: los breakes de caf que se hacan

esa ausencia fue superada con numerosas lecturas. As en el prlogo de

en El Colegio de Mxico y que reunan a un grupo selecto de investigado-

Anatoma del poder en Mxico nos dice Este trabajo ha intentado apli-

res. Ah lo que sala a relucir no era tanto la historia sino la calidad de

car algunas categoras de Max Weber y de Carlos Marx. En buena parte

los hombres y mujeres que componan el equipo an pequeo- del

con base a la sociologa weberiana en 1968 elabor un tipo ideal de


14

caudillos y caciques y continua Gonzlez Navarro- el carisma,

Parsons y Neil J. Smelser. Hoy da la corriente ha resurgido y conoce un

concepto comn a ambos tipos de dominacin Marx lo desmitific antes

auge importante, como lo demuestra el libro de Thomas Piketty El capi-

que algunos epgonos de Weber lo desnaturalizaran. En efecto Marx

tal en el siglo XXI.

rechaza la obra de Vctor Hugo sobre Napolen III porque nicamente

El uso de mtodos inspirados en la sociologa econmica, se manifiesta

ve en ese el acto de fuerza de un solo individuo Marx en cambio

sobre todo en la obra principal de Moiss Gonzlez Navarro elaborada

cree en mostrar que las luchas de clase francesas crearon las circuns-

como parte de la monumental Historia Moderna de Mxico dirigida por

tancias y las condiciones que permitieron a un personaje mediocre y

Daniel Coso Villegas, seguida de otro volumen Estadsticas Sociales del

grotesco representar el papel de hroe Todo eso lleva a un concep-

Porfiriato 1877-1910 que es el primer gran libro de estadstica histrica

to esencial en la obra de Marx: los hombres hacen su propia historia,

de Mxico. El volumen sobre historia social del Porfiriato est compues-

pero no arbitrariamente, sino bajo circunstancias directamente dadas

to de cinco grandes partes. La primera corresponde a lo que el autor

y heredadas del pasado. Hasta aqu la cita. Y luego Gonzlez Navarro

llama el trasfondo humano en ella aparecen los aspectos ms genera-

demuestra un serio conocimiento de las obras polticas e histricas de

les de la poblacin: censos, movimiento demogrfico, campaas contra

Marx y Engels. Gonzlez Navarro concluye la lucha de clases propia-

endemias y epidemias, abuso del alcohol, agudas carencias en la habita-

mente dicha se acenta al desaparecer la centralizacin virreinal que,

cin y programas de inmigracin con sus prejuicios raciales.

en algunos casos la frenaba. As los hacendados luchan contra los

La segunda parte engloba problemas como la consolidacin del latifun-

comuneros, los arrendatarios, los aparceros y los peones libres y los

dio a travs de la proteccin de las compaas deslindadoras por el

acasillados; los industriales contra los artesanos y los obreros; y los

gobierno porfiriano as como las corruptelas que desde la Colonia pesan

mineros (quiere decir los dueos de minas) contra los barreteros.

sobre el pen. Y aqu Gonzlez Navarro nos proporciona un estudio

Podemos decir que algunas obras de Moiss estn claramente dentro

profundo quiz el mejor existente- del trabajo compulsivo en Mxico a

de la corriente de la economa sociolgica (la Wirtschaftssoziologie

finales del siglo XIX. Todas sus mltiples formas desfilan ante el lector

alemana) que es una descripcin interpretativa de instituciones econ-

para probar que la ausencia de una estructura legal para la servidumbre

micas relevantes, incluyendo hbitos y toda forma de conducta en

de ninguna manera impide la presencia de esta. Luego el autor pasa a

general como son el gobierno, la propiedad, la empresa privada, la

estudiar las huelgas que estallaron durante el Porfiriato pese a que eran

conducta basada en la costumbre o la conducta racional para usar las

prohibidas por la ley y la importancia de la arbitrariedad, los malos

palabras de Schumpeter. La sociologa econmica para utilizar el

tratos, los ceses injustificados y la imposicin de multas y trabajos noc-

trmino que Marx, Weber y Durkheim- introdujeron, puede ser defini-

turnos como causalidades de la rebelin obrera.

da como la perspectiva sociolgica aplicada a los fenmenos econmi-

La tercera parte se refiere a la formacin de las clases: de un lado los

cos. O ms precisamente la aplicacin de marcos de referencia varia-

grandes propietarios, y del otro la plebe; en medio la burguesa que

bles, y modelos explicatorios de sociologa al complejo de actividades

segn Bulnes naci con el pecado original de ser hija del presupuesto

relacionadas con la produccin, distribucin, cambio y consumo de

pblico y no de una Revolucin Industrial. Esta parte aborda con lujo de

bienes escasos y servicios. Sus grandes exponentes son Carlos Marx,

detalles el desajuste entre precios y salarios, y el desfile de la nueva

Max Weber, Emile Durkheim, Joseph Schumpeter, Karl Polanyi, Talcott

burguesa representada por el poltico influyente, el extranjero empren15

dedor, el tcnico de la naciente industria y por el otro lado la miseria de

separacin de la Iglesia y el Estado [Y en qu en] ambos opera el

las crceles pblicas y la proliferacin del crimen.

inters de los adjudicatarios de los bienes eclesisticos. Jurez declar

La cuarta parte relativa a la instruccin pblica contiene una informacin

la nacionalizacin de los bienes del clero el 12 de julio de 1859; Maximi-

amplsima sobre la enseanza primaria y las polticas del gobierno

liano confirm esta disposicin el 26 de febrero de 1865. En octubre de

sobre enseanza media y superior hasta llegar a la creacin de la nueva

ese mismo ao el Imperio confirm la existencia del registro civil esta-

Universidad Nacional. En ella tambin se reflejan las diferencias socia-

blecido por Jurez el 28 de julio de 1859. El propio Jurez decret la

les. La quinta parte aborda diferentes aspectos del uso del tiempo libre

secularizacin de los cementerios el 31 de julio de 1859, Maximiliano lo

sin perder el hilo conductor de los contrastes entre la plebe y los ricos.

confirm el 12 de marzo de 1865. Por ltimo, Jurez decret la libertad

Se puede decir, sin exagerar, que Moiss Gonzlez Navarro ha producido

de cultos el 4 de diciembre de 1860; Maximiliano la confirm el 26 de

un panorama en el cual se funden en una sociedad de muchos pisos, los

febrero de 1865.

elementos sociolgicos, econmicos y culturales en forma orgnica,

Hay libros que valen exclusivamente por su valor individual y otros que

buscando el todo de la historia social.

deben colocarse en una gran visin metodolgica nica, orgnica, siem-

Lo he visto siempre como un historiador apasionado por los grandes

pre en movimiento, del tema nacional. La mayora de los libros de Moi-

problemas de nuestra historia, ajenos a la trivialidad o los vanos flori-

ss Gonzlez Navarro pertenecen al segundo gnero. Adems hay en l,

legios. En el libro Mxico: el capitalismo nacionalista, en los artculos

una pasin retadora por lo desconocido, lo controversial, y muy frecuen-

Mora: la formacin de la conciencia burguesa; la Reforma y el Imperio;

temente por el tema prohibido por lo politically correct, por la opinin

Vallarta en la Reforma; as como la Era Moderna; estudia en forma

dominante. Poco importa los terrenos que uno pisa, siempre nos encon-

brillante el desarrollo de la conciencia burguesa en el siglo XIX mexi-

tramos a Gonzlez Navarro, abriendo brecha, empezando caminos,

cano, sin la cual no podemos imaginar el surgimiento del capitalismo

revelando nuevas facetas del riqusimo pasado mexicano o bien acumu-

como modo de produccin. En ese propsito Weberiano de Moiss

lando montaas de informacin sobre temas apenas esbozados. La

Gonzlez Navarro sale sobrando la pregunta Qu fue primero el Capi-

historiografa de Mxico se ha enriquecido mucho desde entonces, pero

talismo o la Conciencia Capitalista?

las hiptesis, los mtodos, las preocupaciones, el esfuerzo constante

No resisto citar un prrafo de Moiss, que refleja la influencia decisiva

aun cuando no siempre exitoso por unir teora e historia de Moiss

del liberalismo capitalista en todo el mundo durante el siglo XIX, sobre

Gonzlez Navarro siguen vigentes. Si a eso agregamos la honestidad, la

todos los gobiernos, incluso los polticamente ms opuestos como el

bondad y el calor humano que siempre lo caracterizaron, se comprende-

gobierno republicano, liberal de Jurez y el gobierno monrquico y

r que su evocacin cauce aoranza. Descansa en paz, amigo.

colonialista de Maximiliano. El liberalismo era el zeitgeit de la poca al


cual nadie poda escapar as como el neoliberalismo de nuestra poca
se ha impuesto ms all de las fronteras nacionales y las orientaciones polticas de los gobiernos. En dos puntos principales escribe
Gonzlez Navarro- se pueden observar coincidencias en la legislacin
republicana y en la monrquica, entre la Repblica y el Imperiola
16

ACTA
PREMIOS LUIS CHVEZ OROZCO Y FERNADO ROSENZWEIG
6 DE FEBRERO DE 2015
Los Miembros de la Mesa Directiva de la Asociacin Mexicana de Historia Econmica, Dr. Carlos Marichal Salinas (El Colegio de Mxico, Centro de
Estudios Histricos), Jess Mndez Reyes (Universidad Autnoma de Baja California, Instituto de Investigaciones Histricas), y Mara Cecilia Zuleta
(El Colegio de Mxico, Centro de Estudios Histricos), en completo acuerdo, proponen, a partir de una exhaustiva evaluacin acadmica de los mritos de las tesis concursantes para ambos premios, el siguiente dictamen:
PREMIO LUIS CHVEZ OROZCO 2015:

La consolidacin de vales reales en el arzobispado de Mxico, 18051809.


Un anlisis a partir de las composiciones, por Carlos Gabriel Len Ibarra, UNAM.
MENCIN HONORFICA A:

Economa y poltica en Lucas Alamn, por Ismael Dionisio Valverde Ambriz, UNAM.
PREMIO FERNANDO ROSENZWEIG 2015:

El surgimiento del automvil en Mxico de 1900 a 1933: tecnologa, mercados e industria, por Ilse Anglica lvarez Palma, El Colegio Mexiquense.
Minera: la articulacin econmica de San Luis Potos en el siglo XVII, por Sergio Tonatiuh Serrano lvarez, UNAM.
JURADO
Carlos Marichal Salinas
Jess Mndez Reyes
Mara Cecilia Zuleta

17

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2014.

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diseando el mapa de Amrica: las tendencias en la


formacin de regiones, Ashgate, UK, 2014.

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Muoz Altea, Fernando, Los virreyes de la Nueva


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Universidad Montevila, 2013.

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2013.

Muzlera, Jos y Salomn, Alejandra (coordinadores)

Sujetos sociales del agro argentino. Configuraciones


histricas y procesos de cambio, Prohistoria Ediciones, Rosario, 2014.

Reichert Rafal, Sobre las olas de un mar plateado. La

Njera, Aurelio y Pedro Prez Herrero


(coordinadores), El retorno. Migracin econmica y
exilio poltico en Amrica Latina y Espaa, Alcal,
Instituto de Estudios Latinoamericanos de la Universidad de Alcal, 2013.
Ortemberg, Pablo, Rituales del poder en Lima (17351828). De la monarqua a la repblica, Lima, Fondo
editorial PUCP, 2014.

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2013.
Romn Alarcn, Arturo, La pesquera de camarn en
el puerto de Mazatln 1936-1982, Culiacn, Universidad Autnoma de Sinaloa, 2013.

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Safley, Max Thomas, The history of bankruptcy:

economic, social and cultural implications in early


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18

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Maynard Keynes, Harry Dexter White, and the Making of a New World Order, Oxford, Princeton Uni-

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Scherman, Matthieu, Familles et travail Trvise la


fin du Moyen ge, Rome, BFAR, 2013.

Serrano Espinosa, Teresa Eleazar y Ricardo Jarillo


Hernndez, Las Cofradas en Mxico, pasado y presente, Mxico, CONACULTA / INAH, 2013.

para la Cultura y las Artes/Instituto Tamaulipeco


para la Cultura y las Artes, 2013.

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Mxico, D.F., Instituto Nacional de Antropologa e


Historia, 2013.

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in Politics and the Free Market Constitution, Broadway St., Stanford- University Press, 2014.

Tinajero, Araceli y J. Brian Freeman (editors), Tinaje-

ro and Freeman, Technology and Culture in Twentieth


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19

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20

TITULO

21

22

23

TITULO

24

25

Bracamonte Sierra, lvaro y Rosana Mndez Barrn,

Nueva Espaa, 1771-1812 (Poltica imperial,


mercado y consumo, por Luis Alberto Ramrez

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V CONGRESO LATINOAMERICANO DE HISTORIA ECONMICA (CLADHE V)


Universidad de So Paulo, So Paulo (Brasil)
Julio 19 21 de 2016
Segunda Circular
El Quinto Congreso Latino-Americano de Historia Econmica (CLADHE V) se realizar en la ciudad de So Paulo, Brasil, entre los das 19 y 21 de Julio de 2016. Las instituciones organizadoras son las asociaciones de Historia Econmica de
Argentina, Brasil, Chile, Caribe, Colombia, Mxico, Per y Uruguay, as como las de Espaa y Portugal, en condicin de
invitadas. La Associao Brasileira de Pesquisadores em Histria Econmica
ABPHE y la Facultad de Economa, de la Universidad de So Paulo FEA/USP, con sede en la ciudad de So Paulo,
son las instituciones anfitrionas.
Continuando con la tradicin de los anteriores realizados desde 2007, el CLADHE V es un espacio acadmico para debatir las investigaciones recientes de historia econmica en Amrica Latina, as como abordar las perspectivas globales y
comparativas con otras regiones. La organizacin de CLADHE busca incentivar la participacin conjunta de investigadores de los pases latinoamericanos y de otras partes del mundo para difundir y discutir sus trabajos as como establecer agendas de investigacin conjuntas. Investigadores de Historia Econmica y reas afines son invitados a presentar
sus trabajos.
Los idiomas oficiales de CLADHE V sern espaol y portugus; sin embargo, tambin son recibidos en trabajos en ingls. El congreso ser organizado en simposios, mesas redondas y conferencias. Ms informacin se puede encontrar en
el sitio web del evento: www.cladhe5.org
LLAMADO A PRESENTACIN DE PROPUESTAS DE SIMPOSIOS
Las propuestas de simposios temticos sern recibidas entre el 1 de Julio y el 15 de agosto de 2015 en la siguiente direccin electrnica: cladhe5@gmail.com
Con la intencin de promover la participacin conjunta de investigadores de diversos pases y regiones del mundo, cada simposio deber contar con la menos (2) coordinadores de nacionalidades diferentes (con mximo tres coordinadores).
La propuesta de simposio temtico deber ser enviada con los siguientes documentos adjuntos:
Un resumen justificativo de la propuesta del simposio;
El curriculum vitae corto de los coordinadores, el cual deber demostrar una trayectoria acadmica reconocida en el
tema propuesto;
Una lista de los potenciales participantes y posibles comentaristas, especificando en cada caso la filiacin institucional.

29

Las sesiones deben contar con la participacin de investigadores de diversos pases, siendo el 50%, el mximo permitido de participantes de un mismo pas, y los simposios debern estar conformados entre 10 y 18 ponentes.
La aprobacin de los simposios estar a cargo del Comit Organizador Internacional (COI) y ser comunicado por
medio de email a los coordinadores conforme las fechas especificadas. La aprobacin deber ser ratificada con la recepcin de los trabajos completos, teniendo en cuenta el nmero mximo y mnimo de participantes definido. Los
plazos debern ser cumplidos para que la publicacin de los artculos pueda ser realizada en la pgina del evento.
Los coordinadores de los simposios temticos sern los responsables por la aprobacin de los contenidos y de la calidad de los textos, as como de la organizacin de los simposios. El Comit Organizador Local deber recibir la lista de
los ponentes y sus artculos, as como el cronograma de las presentaciones del Simposio para su publicacin en la
pgina del evento y en el material del congreso.
CRONOGRAMA 2015-2016
2015

01 de Julio
15 de Agosto
15 de Octubre

2016

01 de Marzo

01 de Abril

15 de Mayo

19 de Junio
19-21 Julio

Periodo de presentacin de propuestas de


simposios temticos
Divulgacin de simposios y la apertura
del registro de resmenes
Plazo final de presentacin de los
resmenes a los coordinadores de
simposios
Divulgacin de los resmenes aprobados
para simposios
Plazo final de presentacin de los textos a
los coordinadores de simposios
Divulgacin del programa do CLADHE V
y inscripciones tempranas
Lmite de registro de pago con descuento
Realizacin do CLADHE V

Comit Organizador Internacional (COI)


Integrado por los Presidentes y Vicepresidentes o Secretarios de las Asociaciones
Roberto Schmit (AAHE)
Johanna Von Grafenstein (AHEC)
Guillermo Banzato (AAHE)
Jos Antonio Piqueras (AHEC)
Angelo Alves Carrara (ABPHE)
Sandra Kuntz (AMHE)
Alexandre Macchione Saes (ABPHE)
Yovana Celaya (AMHE)
Andrs lvarez (ACHE)
Reto Bertoni (AUDHE)
Javier Meja (ACHE)
Javier Rodrguez (AUDHE)
Fabin Almonacid (AChHE)
Asociaciones invitadas
Cesar Yez (AChHE)
Pablo Martn Acea (AEHE)
Carlos Contreras Carranza (APHE)
Jos Miguel Martnez Carrin (AEHE)
Bruno Seminario de Marzi (APHE)
Jos Alvaro Ferreira da Silva (APHES)

30

Comit Organizador Local


Alexandre Macchione Saes (Universidade de So Paulo) Angelo Alves Carrara (Universidade Federal de
Juiz de Fora)

Thiago Fontelas Rosado Gambi (Universidade Federal de Alfenas)


Felipe Pereira Loureiro (Universidade de So Paulo) Guilherme Grandi (Universidade de So
Paulo) Leonardo Weller (Fundao Getlio Vargas-SP)
Fbio Alexandre dos Santos (Universidade Federal de So Paulo) Daniel Feldman (Universidade Federal de
So Paulo)
Luciana Suarez Lopes (Universidade de So Paulo) Cludia Tessari (Universidade Federal de
So Paulo) Vera do Amaral Ferlini (Universidade de So Paulo) Rodrigo Ricupero
(Universidade de So Paulo)

31