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Media & Society

Morality and ethics behind the screen: Young people's perspectives on

digital life
Andrea Flores and Carrie James
New Media Society 2013 15: 834 originally published online 21 November 2012
DOI: 10.1177/1461444812462842
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NMS15610.1177/1461444812462842new media & societyFlores and James

Article

Morality and ethics behind

the screen: Young peoples
perspectives on digital life

new media & society

15(6) 834852
The Author(s) 2012
Reprints and permissions:
sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav
DOI: 10.1177/1461444812462842
nms.sagepub.com

Andrea Flores
Brown University, USA

Carrie James

Harvard University, USA

Abstract
While emerging research illuminates how youth engage with digital media, relatively
little attention has been given to moral and ethical issues. Drawing on interviews with
61 teens and young adults, we explored the extent to which youths approaches to
online life include moral or ethical considerations. We report the prevalence of three
ways of thinking about use of social networks, massive multiplayer games, Wikipedia,
and downloading. We found that individualistic thinking (focusing on consequences
for oneself) dominated participants thinking; moral thinking (considering known
others) was somewhat prevalent; and ethical thinking (acknowledging unknown others
and communities) was least prevalent. We explore the targets and triggers of these
approaches to online life, discuss ethical lapses observed, and consider theoretical and
practical implications.
Keywords
Adolescence, digital media, emerging adults, ethics, internet, morality, qualitative
interviews
Everyone in my class was doing a project using Wikipedia, so we thought itd be funny if we
[posted], This person is from Fairville, Massachusetts and owned Kentucky Fried Chicken.
Something stupid like that And we did it a minute before everyone else turned on their
computers. And my friends turned it on, read the first few lines and [said], What? This is not

Corresponding author:
Carrie James, Harvard Project Zero, Harvard University, 20 University Road, 6th Floor, Cambridge, MA
02138, USA.
Email: carrie_james@harvard.edu

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right at all... HAVE YOU EVER TRIED TO CONTRIBUTE SOMETHING TRUE TO IT?
Not really. I dont really know about this stuff. (Drew, age 17)
HOW DID YOU BECOME INTERESTED IN EDITING WIKIPEDIA? I dont know. If I see
something thats wrong, Ill say, Oh, someone might get the wrong information, and Ill fix
it because, I think, [What] if it was me? So, if someone comes on this page looking for
information and theres wrong information, how are they going to feel? That might affect them
in a bad way. And same thing, if I go to a page looking for information and theres incorrect
information, Ill be affected in a negative way. So, I kind of think of paying it forward. (Trey,
age 15)

New media including sites like Wikipedia, Facebook, and YouTube are integral to
young peoples lives today. Accordingly, questions are raised about the positive and negative impacts for cognitive and social development, learning, and civic engagement.
Recent research examines these questions and the general contours of youths digital
lives (Ito et al., 2009; Palfrey and Gasser, 2008; Turkle, 2011). Another important area of
inquiry not sufficiently addressed by current research involves the relationship
between new media and moral and ethical sensibilities.
Indeed, the opening quotes from Drew and Trey about their uses of Wikipedia suggest
different ways of thinking about ethics online. Specifically, they suggest different levels
of awareness and concern for effects of their choices on others. Drews conduct suggests
a lack of consideration for the potential negative effects of posting misinformation on a
widely used online encyclopedia. By contrast, Treys participation is motivated by a
sense of responsibility to a broad public. While stories of young peoples misdeeds and,
less frequently, their positive conduct receive media attention, little information exists
about the ways of thinking behind the conduct of youth like Drew and Trey.
In this paper, we explore the ways of thinking that guide young peoples uses of new
media. Drawing on qualitative interviews, we explore how teens and young adults
(hereafter, referred to as young people or youth, for ease of reference) think about
their participation in social networks, blogs, content sharing sites, and online games.
We describe the extent and consistency with which their thinking involves individualistic, moral, and ethical considerations, and the situations that trigger these ways of
thinking. We also note the prevalence of amoral and unethical attitudes toward online
situations.

Background
Moral and ethical development
A long-standing subject of study in psychology (Kohlberg, 1981, 1984; Piaget, 1965;
Selman, 1975; Turiel, 1983), moral development theory is an appropriate starting point
for considering young peoples approaches to online life. Kohlbergs stage theory (1981,
1984) describes an evolution of moral thinking from the self (stages 12), to known others (stage 3), to society (stage 4), and toward the establishment of abstract principles,
such as justice (stages 56, rarely achieved). Most relevant to our focus is Kohlbergs
suggestion that teens and emerging adults (Arnett, 2004) should have the capacity to be

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attentive to moral concerns in their interactions with others and to appreciate the importance of good behavior to a functioning society.
Even if teens and young adults have the capacity to think morally and ethically,
they need to recognize situations as moral or ethical in nature as raising issues of
justice, rights, and others welfare as opposed to interpreting situations as simply
matters of personal preference or social convention (Nucci, 1996; Nucci and Lee,
1993; Turiel, 1983). Relatedly, moral sensitivity or the awareness of how our
actions affect other people (Bebeau et al., 1999: 22) is observed to be as important as
the capacity to reason and make judgments. Furthermore, even when a young person
recognizes a given situation as moral, she may not act accordingly, and vice versa;
moral thinking does not always coincide with moral conduct (Colby and Damon,
1992). The literature suggests that moral development occurs not simply through
adults teaching moral principles, but by young people confronting problems in the
world, making sense of them, and making choices (Damon, 1988; Kohlberg, 1981,
1984; Piaget, 1965; Turiel, 1983). Recent studies about offline conduct suggest that
amoral conduct lying, cheating, and bullying are widespread among young people
(Fischman et al., 2004; Josephson Institute, 2010) and that youth have a weak sense
of what constitutes a moral dilemma (Smith, 2011). Online spaces are crucial for
study, given that they provide new contexts, opportunities, and challenges for moral
development (Bradley, 2005; Willard, 2007).

Qualities of digital life

While all tools affect peoples thoughts, intellectual technologies (e.g., the clock, the
book, the internet) have the greatest and most lasting power over how we think (Carr,
2010: 45). Certain qualities of digital technologies differentiate them from prior media
and accordingly may have unanticipated moral and ethical implications. In providing
young people with new spaces for identity experimentation that are unmediated by
adults, Bradley (2005) argues that the internet can produce the disequilibrium required
for moral development. At the same time, constant connectivity may thwart the development
of an autonomous self (Turkle, 2011), an important ingredient of moral development (Piaget, 1965). Moreover, digital media can destabilize relationships with others in
two ways: (1) if connected continuously to others, a total convergence between self and
other; or (2) a total othering, a drastic distancing of ones actions from their effects on
others (Lanier, 2010; Silverstone, 2006; Willard, 2007). Related to this is the quality of
invisibility, or the fact that one cannot see others online, which may have a disinhibition effect (Suler, 2004). The persistence, replicability, searchability, and scalability of
content posted online (boyd, 2007, 2010) are further concerns that raise ethical challenges (James et al., 2009; Jenkins et al., 2009; Shirky, 2008).
Despite rampant speculation, the effects of new media on moral and ethical dispositions have been little studied; however, emerging research suggests mixed effects. A
2001 study of how children ages 712 react to moral dilemmas suggested that context
(offline versus computer-based) affected moral reasoning (Burnam and Kafai, 2001).
More specifically, older children conveyed more ambivalence and confusion about
whether computer-based scenarios were moral in nature. A study of youth in middle

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school, high school, and college found greater acceptance of unethical conduct with digital technologies than in offline contexts (Poole, 2007). Some research suggests that
tweens are more likely to engage in plagiarism online than to copy from physical books
(Ma et al., 2007). Other studies reveal similar attitudes about software piracy and illegal
downloading (Business Software Alliance, 2004; Palfrey and Gasser, 2008). Video game
studies suggest that some people perceive games as magic circles where morality and
ethics are suspended (Castronova, 2005), while others see games, especially massive
multiplayer games, as communities (Powers, 2003). Finally, teen interactions on social
networks are reported to be mostly kind but a majority of teens have witnessed cruelty
online (Lenhart et al., 2011).
These studies suggest the need for further understanding of how young people think
about online choices and the circumstances where moral and ethical thinking is present
or absent. Our research explores young peoples moral and ethical dispositions by studying their approaches to online self-expression, privacy, trust, appropriation of content,
cheating in games, and speech (James et al., 2009). This paper focuses on the ways of
thinking adopted across such topics.

Studying the good online: Distinguishing three ways of thinking

The current study was informed by a conceptual framework that distinguishes among
individualistic, moral, and ethical ways of thinking. We explore the extent to which
young people employ approaches to online life that are principally focused on the self
versus obligations to known others and recognition of larger contexts. Our framework
is influenced by Kohlbergs moral development theory; however, we depart from
Kohlberg in that our main focus and basis for distinguishing among the different
approaches is the target of thinking. In other words, we wish to understand who the
primary target of thinking is when youth consider the potential impacts of their
actions. We acknowledge the importance of other components of morality, such as
judgment and identity (Bebeau et al., 1999); however, we focus on the target of thinking because the aforementioned qualities of digital technologies may obscure impacts
on others.
Reminiscent of Kohlbergs pre-conventional stages, we define individualistic or
consequence thinking as marked by a primary focus on gaining rewards or avoiding
negative consequences for the self. Online decisions guided by consequence thinking
alone may produce unintended negative consequences for others. On the other hand,
consequence thinking is important when making certain decisions online, such as
when choosing privacy settings.
While consequence thinking focuses on the self, moral and ethical thinking involve
considering the potential effects of ones actions on others. The distinction we make
between moral and ethical thinking is derived from, and mirrors, Gardners distinction
(2011) between neighborhood morality (how one treats known others) and the ethics
of roles (how one conducts oneself in formal, public spheres of school, work, and
society). Similarly, Rest et al. (2000) speak of micro-morality, which pertains to
face-to-face interactions, and macro-morality, which centers on interactions with
non-intimates and in larger communities and societal institutions.

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These distinctions are particularly apt for the internet where young people operate
both in smaller communities of interpersonal relations and in large networked publics.
Online, teens and young adults most often interact with known others their Facebook
friends are usually their offline friends (boyd, 2008). However, they also interact
with, and sometimes forge relationships with, online-only contacts, for example participants in multiplayer games or fan fiction communities (Ito et al., 2009). As noted, certain
qualities of the internet can affect offline and online relations positively or negatively.
Self-disclosure can facilitate intimacy; yet sensitive chat conversations shared with unintended audiences can harm disclosers. Therefore, what we call moral thinking includes:
(1) awareness that ones actions affect known others; (2) a capacity for empathy; and (3)
adherence to principles such as fairness, justice, and mutual respect in relation to known
others. These elements align with Gardners respectful mind (2006), Kohlbergs conventional stage 3, Gilligans ethics of care (1982), and Noddings concern with empathy (1984).
Yet the networked, public nature of the internet requires a capacity for thinking more
abstractly, about the effects of ones actions on unknown others and at the level of the
community. What we call ethical thinking involves a sense of responsibility for a wider
set of participants, aligning with Kohlbergs conventional stage 4, advanced cognitive
capacities (Alexander and Langer, 1990; Fischer and Bidell, 1998), societal perspectivetaking (Selman, 1975), and the ethical mind (Gardner, 2006, 2011). In our framework,
ethical thinking is akin to systems thinking and includes: (1) community thinking, or
awareness of potential effects of online actions for larger entities; (2) reflection on ones
roles and responsibilities in online and offline communities; and (3) complex perspective-taking, or considering multiple stakeholders implicated in online actions.
These conceptual distinctions among consequence, moral, and ethical thinking
informed our study. Our research questions are: How and when do young people think in
primarily individualistic, moral, and ethical terms about their online participation? To
what extent are they consistent in their approaches? How prevalent are amoral or unethical approaches?

Method
We explored these questions through qualitative interviews with 61 young people aged
1525 (mean age, 20) who frequently engage in one or more of the following activities: blogging; social networking (e.g., Facebook); gaming (e.g., massive multiplayer
games, virtual worlds); content creation (e.g., production and online sharing of video,
art, or other content); participation in online forums or knowledge communities (e.g.,
Wikipedia).

Participants
We recruited participants from three public high schools and six colleges, including private and public institutions, and through social networks and email listservs at work sites
in the Greater Boston area. The resulting sample was diverse with respect to gender, race,
ethnicity, and socioeconomic status. Our overall sample included 32 females and 29

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males; 34 were White, eight African American, eight Asian American, seven Latino, one
Native American, and three Other. With respect to primary online activity, the sample
included 26 social network users, 14 gamers, 13 bloggers, and eight content creators.
Most of our participants engaged in multiple online activities but, for the purposes of
each interview, one activity was chosen as a focal point.

Procedure
Study participants completed a brief survey of online activities and participated in two
interviews; on average, each interview lasted 60 minutes and six days transpired
between interviews. Interview one focused on participants online experiences and
perceptions. Interview two involved hypothetical dilemmas about online situations; in
some cases, interviewers asked participants to elaborate on any unclear responses to
questions raised in interview one.
The findings reported here are based on analysis of interview one transcripts. In this interview, we asked participants about their histories of digital media use, including how they
began using social networks, online games, blogs, etc.; their choices about self-presentation
in different online contexts; and how they manage privacy issues and make choices about
accessing online content. We probed for their perceptions of what is appropriate or inappropriate in various contexts, as well as their views of the risks and benefits of online life.
Related to this, we asked participants to tell us about any online situations that troubled them
and probed their responses to such situations (see Selected Interview Questions, Appendix 1).
We aimed to be as value-neutral as possible in the wording of our questions.

Data analysis
All interviews were digitally recorded and transcribed. We developed a coding scheme comprised of etic codes, or codes derived from our initial research questions and conceptual
framework of ways of thinking. We also included emic codes, or codes based on themes
that emerged directly from the stories and perspectives shared by our participants (Glaser
and Strauss, 1967; Miles and Huberman, 1994). For example, participants emotional investment in their online activities surfaced as an important theme and thus became a basis for a
code. A four-person team obtained reliability by coding several transcripts for all codes,
comparing coding, and resolving disagreements through discussion and refinement of code
definitions. We entered final coding into NVivo, a qualitative software program. A shadow
coder reviewed selected transcripts to ensure that reliability was maintained.
In this paper, we report results from coding focused on the presence or absence of
consequence, moral, and ethical thinking; and targets and triggers of these approaches.
Where interview participants mentioned more than one target or trigger of thinking,
instances were coded with each target or trigger mentioned.

Results
Findings regarding the prevalence of all three approaches are reported in Table 1. It is
important to note that consequence thinking, moral thinking, and at least one form of

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Table 1. Average number of instances, all thinking types and subtypes (n=61).

Consequence Moral thinking*

Ethical thinking
thinking
Explicit
Person- Moral
Community- Roles and
Complex
standards centered perspective- level thinking responsibilities perspectivethinking thinking taking
thinking
taking

Total 9

.5

Absence
of ethical
or moral
thinking

ethical thinking appeared in nearly every interview; however, the frequency and consistency with which these approaches appeared varied tremendously.

Ways of thinking: Consequence thinking

The most frequent way of thinking about online life was consequence thinking. As
described above, consequence thinking is individualistic; it is focused on potential consequences to the self and involves little or no consideration of others. At least two
instances of consequence thinking were found among every participant. On average,
participants exhibited consequence thinking nine times over the course of an interview;
the range was 218 references (see Table 1). Jared, age 23, exemplifies this approach in
his comments about music downloading: You are always aware of what [downloading]
sites you go to, and [think], I hope this doesnt get me in trouble. When Jared downloads
illegally, he thinks about potential punishments from legal authorities, game administrators,
or school figures. Moreover, his decision to download illegally despite these threats
suggests an emphasis on personal gain (e.g., access to music).
Targets of consequence thinking. The most frequent targets of consequence thinking were,
by definition, the young people themselves; 75% of all consequence thinking instances
pointed to the self only. A quarter of interviewees referred to other people as well
including known and unknown others. When others were mentioned, the primary
concern for the self was apparent; for instance, a teen expressed concern that a friend
hurt by her online comments will be angry at her.
Triggers of consequence thinking. Certain topics appeared to be particular triggers for consequence thinking. Of consequence thinking instances, 42% were in relation to online
privacy, including decisions about disclosure of identifiable information, posting habits,
and settings on social networks. For example, athletes spoke about not posting photos
containing questionable content such as alcohol use for fear of sanctions from coaches or
school administrators. The second most frequent trigger, covering 24% of cases, was concern for ones reputation. For example, Rosa, an 18-year-old high school student, reflected
this concern when she described decision-making about her content on Facebook: I dont
want to have nude pictures and people be like, Okay, what is she? What type of person is
she, posting up these types of pictures? So it really is important to me.
The third most frequent trigger, referenced in 21% of all instances, was illegal downloading. Nearly all participants reported engaging in illegal downloading in the past or

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present. As indicated by Jareds comment, concerns focused on punitive consequences.

However, the rewards of downloading coupled with awareness of uneven violation
enforcement contributed to most participants engaging in piracy. Devon, age 19, said, I
know what Im doing is wrong, but until there are some more strict laws, I just dont
really think about it.
Other triggers of consequence thinking include decisions not to cheat in online games
(11% of references) and not to plagiarize (4%). The thwarting effect in such instances
suggests that consequence thinking can be a valuable tool that protects youth from harming their reputations in multiplayer games or other consequences.

Moral thinking
The second most frequent thinking type was moral thinking. This approach focuses on a
circumscribed set of known individuals, such as friends, acquaintances, family members,
authority figures, and fellow bloggers or gamers. All participants exhibited at least one
instance of moral thinking. On average, participants used moral thinking seven times in
their interviews, within a range of 117 references. We coded for three dimensions of
moral thinking when participants thought about known others: (1) person-centered thinking (evident in 40% of instances); (2) moral perspective-taking (13%); and (3) principled
thinking (48%).
In person-centered moral thinking, participants acknowledge that their actions may
affect others. When deciding about posting on her friends Facebook walls, Alexis, age
18, considered the potential emotional effects on them: I dont want to say something
that would probably make them uncomfortable. While person-centered thinking is a
basic acknowledgement that ones actions can affect others, moral perspective-taking
involves taking the perspective of another person. For example, while Alexis acknowledged the potential for a bad reaction, Madeline, age 21, placed herself in the shoes of a
recipient of a negative comment: I havent had any negative commentsbut, things that
Ive seen that are negative [about other people] that would make me feel bad.
Trey, age 15, illustrated principled thinking when he described the moral principles
that guide his interactions with others in an online game: You dont treat someone like
a jerk because youre behind the microphone... I think you should just treat someone the
same way you treat them as if you were talking to them face-to-face. More specifically,
Trey appeared to be beholden to principles of fairness and respect for others. Overall, he
appeared to adhere to a kind of digital Golden Rule Do unto others online as you
would have them do to you offline.
Targets of moral thinking. Participants most often conveyed moral thinking towards offline
friends and peers (38% of references). However, 26% of instances pointed to individuals
with whom participants communicated online-only and may not know offline, for
instance fellow gamers and bloggers. Roughly half of the young people we interviewed
suggested that such online contacts deserve to be treated with respect or otherwise
viewed them in a moral way. Notably, participants like Trey who conveyed principled
thinking may be poised to begin thinking in generalities, extending their principles to
larger groups of people, a hallmark of ethical thinking.

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Table 2. Percentage of participants who used ethical thinking types.

Number of
participants
% of total sample

Community-level
thinking

Roles and
responsibilities thinking

Complex
perspective-taking

56/61

22/61

9/61

92% (including
prompted and
unprompted cases)

36%

15%

Triggers of moral thinking. Of all moral thinking references, 45% were related to interpersonal conduct in online multiplayer games, user-generated content sites, and social networks, such as friending practices. The second most frequent trigger for moral thinking
was commenting on social networks and other platforms. As exemplified by Madelines
quote above, participants considered the emotional effects on the recipients or readers of
comments. Other topics that generated moral thinking include: decisions about sharing
gossip about friends online (15% of references) and privacy decisions motivated by concern for others (12%) (e.g., a musician makes his social network profile private to protect
his girlfriend from harassment by fans).

Ethical thinking
We define ethical thinking as the capacity to think abstractly about the impact of ones
actions on a larger community. While nearly every participant exhibited ethical thinking
at some point in his/her interview, this approach was less prevalent and, where present,
was inconsistently used. Indeed, none of the young people interviewed appeared to
engage ethical thinking consistently when making decisions online. We looked for three
dimensions of ethical thinking: (1) community thinking an awareness of the potential
impacts of online actions beyond a circle of known others; (2) reflection on ones roles
and responsibilities in online and offline communities; and (3) complex perspectivetaking, considering the perspectives of multiple stakeholders in a given activity. Certain
dimensions of ethical thinking, such as community thinking, were more frequently used
than others, such as complex perspective-taking (see Table 2).
Community thinking. The most frequently observed ethical thinking form was awareness
of community-level impacts. Community thinking was employed at least one time by
92% of participants; on average, this way of thinking came up four times (range of 010
references; see Table 1). It is worth noting that participants were asked explicitly about
the benefits and harms of the internet. These questions prompted 23% of community
thinking instances; 77% were unprompted.
Targets of community thinking.The communities considered by participants varied.
Forty-four percent of all instances focused on the internet public anyone who can
access the internet and find information online. For example, Trey, age 15, discussed
the benefits of Wikipedia for the internet community. Participants also considered the

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negative effects of certain types of conduct for the population of young internet users
(15% of references). Gaming communities, including large populations that number in
the millions, accounted for 12% of communities mentioned. Five percent of references
concerned the financial effects of the internet on creative industries, for instance music
and film.
Triggers of community thinking. Negative effects were cited more often than positive
effects (57% vs. 43%). Cited harms included participatory harms, such as cyberbullying
or in-game cheating. Seth, age 25, describes how actions can negatively impact game
communities: in an online game that [focus on the self] changes. Because the things that
you do to your character can adversely affect things that occur [in the game] Thats
ruining the game experience for other players. Consequently, Seth strives to balance
his enjoyment with what is optimal for the game community. Other references focused
on harmful online content (e.g., violent content) negatively affecting young people and
declining social cohesion overall (e.g., screen time replacing face time with friends
and family).
On the benefits side, participants discussed online knowledge sharing, creative opportunities, and greater social cohesion in online communities. Knowledge sharing was
cited most often, especially in reference to Wikipedia. For example, Trey describes
Wikipedia as: a global knowledge source people contribute to it for the good of the
internet community.
Roles and responsibilities thinking.Roles and responsibilities (R&R) thinking refers to
instances where young people assume roles and responsibilities online (e.g., citizens of
a game community) or reflect on offline roles and responsibilities when online (e.g.,
thinking about ones role as a musician when downloading music). Thirty-six percent of
participants used this approach at least once in their interview; on average, two instances
of R&R thinking were found among participants (range of 012 references). Compared
to community thinking, which involves only recognition of the effects of online actions
for communities, R&R thinking suggests a sense of personal accountability for ones
online and offline communities. Carlos, an aspiring musician, conveys this idea:
I guess because I got more involved with music, more seriously involved with music, and I kind
of started to learn about what illegal downloading how that can affect and how that is currently
affecting music careers, and how the music industry is suffering because of that. So I choose
not to support [downloading].

While Carlos once relied on illegal downloading to increase his musical exposure, as
he assumed the role of musician, he assumed a greater sense of responsibility for his
actions effects on other musicians and the industry.
Targets of roles and responsibilities thinking. Participants who used roles and responsibilities thinking mentioned several different roles. The most frequent was offline worker,
observed in 43% of all R&R thinking. Jane, a young professional, conveys this approach
in relation to the high school students with whom she works offline and interacts online:
I work with high school [performers], and they friend me on Facebook. And theyre
all on my limited profile because Im supposed to be a professional role model figure to

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them. [But] its nice to know that they have my personal email if they need me. Jane
appreciates the ability to connect with the high school students online but is mindful of
her responsibility to maintain her role model status.
The second most frequently observed role was citizen, surfacing in 31% of instances.
While the word itself was rarely used, the role of citizen was evident when participants
discussed online actions aimed at creating social change or social good offline. Some
participants discussed citizenship in relation to online-only communities, such as Seths
strong sense of responsibility to his World of Warcraft guild: I had a sense of pride in my
ability to go in with a group, understand what my role was, and do it properly you have
a responsibility to kind of do what you need to do to make sure everyone has a good
experience. This level of commitment to an online role was not exclusive to gamers;
bloggers and content creators also referred to their online roles as writers or creators
(11% of instances).
Triggers of roles and responsibilities thinking. The most frequent trigger for R&R thinking,
evident in 33% of references, is engagement in social networks. As seen with Jane, many
young adults make decisions about online content mindful of their roles as workers or
employees of organizations. Julian, age 23, strongly articulated his multiple roles and
responsibilities when social networking:
I think I feel most responsible to myself to make sure Im not presented negatively. I also feel
a certain sense to the museum because I am an employee of theirs, so I wouldnt want to do
anything to make them look negative, particularly on any page that also lists where I work.
Same thing with [my college]. And I think I also feel a certain sense of obligation to my friends
and family. I dont want to have other people come to them Because, whether you like it or
not, you are judged on that stuff. So I think thats the chain of responsibility.

Julian, an exemplary roles and responsibilities thinker, was a rare case. Most young
adults who mentioned their worker role exhibited surface acknowledgement of their
employer or their profession and, consistent with consequence thinking, a stronger focus
on the impact of online choices for their own professional image.
Other triggers for R&R thinking included creating and posting content (text, video,
music) (31% of instances) and playing multiplayer games (16%).
Complex perspective-taking. As described above, moral perspective-taking the capacity
to imagine and consider another persons feelings about a particular action is an important dimension of moral thinking.
Complex perspective-taking involves empathizing with multiple stakeholders (including unknown individuals, industries, and communities), discerning their motivations, and
recognizing potential consequences for them pursuant to a particular action. This form of
thinking was rarest among participants only 15% were strong complex perspective-takers.
Participants averaged three references per interview, with a range of 06 references.
Targets of complex perspective-taking. The most frequent targets of complex perspectivetaking were those related to music and film downloading. Among the targets mentioned
were the Recording Industry Association of America (RIAA), the Motion Picture

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Association of America (MPAA), record companies, mainstream musicians, and

independent artists. While these stakeholders were often considered, most participants
nonetheless engaged in illegal downloading, suggesting the dominance of consequence
thinking.
Other targets were tied to online environments. For example, gamers readily discerned the perspectives of fellow gamers and considered the game economy. Yet, consideration of more distant stakeholders, such as game programmers, was rare. When
discussing commenting on friends social network pages, many participants used moral
perspective-taking. A smaller number of participants went further, imagining the perspectives of other audiences, including other youth, college admissions officers, and the
police. For example, Carlos exhibits complex perspective-taking when he acknowledges
the limits of text and the possibility of multiple interpretations of online comments:
Spoken language typed can mean a whole different thing and people can take it the wrong way
because you cant hear vocal inflections and that kind of stuff. So everything I put up there I try
to think about what kind of reaction itll have from people and if theres any chance that
someone could take this the wrong way.

Triggers of complex perspective-taking. The activities that triggered complex perspectivetaking include illegal downloading (35% of references); gaming (29%), e.g., considering
the implications of cheat codes on other players, guilds, etc.; creative activities, such as
considering reactions of different audiences or creators (23%); and commenting on
social networks (6% of references).

Amoral and unethical thinking

Nearly all of our participants (98%) including strong moral and ethical thinkers
exhibited at least one instance of amoral or unethical thinking. Forty-seven percent of
references suggest a total lack of awareness of ethical or moral features of online situations, and 53% involve awareness of such features but a dismissal of their importance.
On average, participants had four references coded as amoral or unethical thinking, ranging from 020 references per interview.
Common topics where lapses were observed included questionable gaming strategies,
such as buying and selling characters; illegal downloading; and commenting on social
networks. For example, some gamers were unapologetic about cheating, often drawing
on the rationale that its just a game and therefore not a real moral or ethical concern.
With respect to illegal downloading, Justine, age 19, recognizes the negative effects on
musicians but fails at empathy: If we buy a CD, theyre getting thats their paycheck,
kind of Theyre losing money but, I dont know. I kind of dont care at the same time.
Even more participants in our sample failed altogether to acknowledge the effects of
piracy for musicians and creative industries.
We observed 11 cases of egregious amoral or unethical conduct. Pete, a 15-year-old
content creator, spoke about spamming online forums for entertainment, conveying a
disregard for the negative impact on forum participants. Kayla, age 17, described how
she and her friends created a fake Facebook account in order to friend their coach and
look at her Facebook profile:

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It was nothing bad or anything, but they just made this fake account of someone who they said
went to high school with her. But then the [coach] ended up finding [the fake] account And
so she was like, Who is this? Why would you do this? Were like, Okay, bye. Logged it off
or deleted it or something. It was just really funny.

Calling the situation just really funny, Kayla failed to recognize any harms to her
coach, team, school, or to herself. Other egregious cases included privacy invasions,
large-scale cheating in an online game community, and plagiarism.
Our findings about moral and ethical lapses suggest that consistent approaches to
online life were rare. Some participants who were strong ethical thinkers in certain online
situations exhibited moral or ethical lapses in other situations. For example, a college
student evinced a moralistic attitude about photos of under-age drinking posted on
Facebook her peers, she argued, fail to consider the potential negative effects for people
in the photos, Resident Advisors, and the school. At the same time, she failed to see the
ethical dimensions of writing positive articles on Wikipedia about her college as part of
her admissions job a clear violation of Wikipedias standards. Moreover, Carlos, who is
cited as an exemplary ethical thinker with respect to music downloading, conveyed an
amoral approach to privacy. During his interview, he revealed that he had recently broken
into his girlfriends Facebook account to read her private messages.

Conclusion
The current study explored young peoples narratives about their online lives in order to
uncover the prevalence of moral and ethical approaches. We focused on the targets of
youths thinking, including the self, known others, and distant others and communities.
The findings provide insights into the key considerations that may guide young peoples
conduct online.
We found that teens and young adults most frequently focus on the potential consequences for themselves when making decisions online. This finding is consistent with
previous studies that suggest uncertainty about the moral effects of computer-based
actions (Burnam and Kafai, 2001; Castronova, 2005; Ma et al., 2007). We also found that
nearly all participants exhibited at least one instance in which they either failed to recognize or trivialized the moral or ethical dimensions of certain online activities, according
with offline studies (Fischman et al., 2004; Josephson Institute of Ethics, 2010) and with
Poole (2007), who found greater tolerance for unethical conduct online. At the same
time, our study moves beyond previous research in delineating the triggers and targets
associated with individualistic or unethical approaches online.
While we found that teens and young adults approach online life with their own interests foremost, the prevalence of moral thinking is notable. This way of thinking was
found among participants who interact principally with offline friends and among those
with online-only friends, such as fellow bloggers or gamers. Therefore, there is evidence
for the prevalence of Kohlbergs stage 3 thinking as well as for an ethics of care
(Gilligan, 1982). Indeed, most young people participate in networked publics as if they
were smaller neighborhoods made up of close relations. The neighborhood morality is
valuable, and may help prevent online contexts from deteriorating into dystopias.

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Moreover, principled thinking, the application of principles such as the Golden Rule to
interactions with known others, may be a gateway to ethical thinking if youth extend
their principles to distant targets. However, moral thinking is insufficient in contexts
where one routinely makes choices that can affect distant, unknown others. Also, moral
thinking is not consistently used; most participants in our study conveyed at least one
instance of amoral or unethical thinking, often in relation to known others.
Another objective of our research was to explore if and when young people engage in
ethical thinking. Nearly all participants demonstrated capacities for ethical thinking,
consistent with Kohlbergs suggestion (1981, 1984) that most adolescents can acknowledge larger effects of their actions (stage 4). Interestingly, certain activities, including
illegal downloading and online gaming, appeared to trigger ethical thinking though often
subordinate to consequence-driven considerations. When ethical thinking surfaced, it
typically took the form of community thinking; participants were less skilled at taking
the perspectives of different stakeholders often implicated in online activities. These
findings suggest that many young people may acknowledge the existence of others but
may be uninformed about or uninterested in the range of stakeholders affected by
these activities.
Importantly, relatively few participants consistently thought about the ethical implications of their online actions. Indeed, some of our more impressive ethical thinkers about
some themes committed moral lapses in other areas. More than just suggesting a lack of
consistency, this suggests that youth deploy their ethical thinking situationally.
Our findings raise significant questions for the literatures on moral development
and digital life. The public nature of the internet the fact that one can never know
who is behind the screen suggests that ethical thinking is vital. The fact that all
participants showed ethical thinking capacities but lacked consistent follow-through is
important. These findings suggest that online interactions may be susceptible to a disconnect between moral or ethical thinking and action (Colby and Damon, 1992), and/
or an inclination to favor self-focused thinking. This disconnect may be tied to distinct
qualities of online life, including invisibility (Suler, 2004) and distance (Silverstone,
2006). If we understand moral development as the product of confronting and making
sense of dilemmas (Damon, 1988; Kohlberg, 1981, 1984; Piaget, 1965; Turiel, 1983),
these qualities of online life may interfere with the critical making sense step. In
other words, online, youth may fail to reflect about their experiences and the implications of their choices. Relatedly, they may perceive online interactions are less real
than face-to-face interactions that might typically prompt ethical thinking and conduct. If so, and if young peoples interactions are increasingly mediated, moral development may be thwarted.
The inconsistent use of ethical thinking suggests that certain online contexts may
engender greater moral sensitivity (Bebeau et al., 1999) while others may coincide with
greater disinhibition (Suler, 2004). Our work illuminating the targets and triggers of
thinking suggests that particular online situations can prompt moral, ethical, or unethical
action. We also need to understand better how specific digital qualities (e.g., invisibility)
manifest across platforms and are negotiated by participants in different online communities. For example, supports for different ways of thinking may be relevant, and variable, across contexts. Studies suggest that peer supports in multiplayer game contexts can

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scaffold ethical thinking, countering the invisibility of other players (Croft, 2011;
Gilbert, 2009). In turn, online cultures in which cheating and bullying occur may embrace
distance between people online and thereby promote self-protectionist thinking.
Exploring how digital qualities are handled across contexts is therefore a critical next
step for understanding what promotes or inhibits moral and ethical approaches.
The limitations of the current study include a small, geographically limited sample
and self-reported data. Studies which observe teens and young adults as they engage
online may confirm our findings about the circumstances that elicit certain approaches
and the correlation between thinking and conduct. Future studies should also explore
whether our findings prevail among larger samples, and among young people engaged
with different levels of frequency and in a wider range of online activities. For example,
studies of interest-driven youth (Ito et al., 2009), such as members of fan communities,
could afford an understanding of how investment, role, and identity are associated with
moral sensitivity and macro-morality (Rest et al., 2000). Some studies compare
youths perceptions of offline moral situations with online situations (Burnam and
Kafai, 2001; Poole, 2007). However, in light of our findings, further research is needed
to understand the extent to which dispositions to think ethically offline correspond with
ethical thinking online. Such studies should identify the triggers and targets, as well as
the qualities of offline and online contexts that support or detract from different ways of
thinking.
Our study has relevant implications for parents, educators, and policymakers and
raises questions about current supports for digital ethics. The internet safety movement
is a dominant purveyor of messages that may contribute to largely individualistic
approaches; moreover, the relevance of such efforts has been challenged given the low
risk of stranger danger based on online contact (Wolak et al., 2008). Emerging digital
citizenship curricula may provide more relevant supports. Such efforts may scaffold
principled thinking a key component of moral thinking as a gateway to digital citizenship. At the same time, school-based efforts may be more effective if supplemented
by peer-based efforts in online contexts. Just in time supports from fellow participants
in online games, blogs, and other contexts may be more powerful (Croft, 2011; Gilbert,
2009). Indeed, supports targeted to triggers for ethical thinking (but not always ethical
conduct) such as illegal downloading and online games are warranted. Moreover,
designers of digital environments may support ethical thinking by designing in features
that illuminate distant stakeholders and communities those behind the screen who are
potentially affected by online decisions.
Acknowledgements
The authors thank Katie Davis, Howard Gardner, Erhardt Graeff, Julie Maier, Margaret Rundle,
and Andrs Tilcsik for comments on earlier versions of this paper, and John M. Francis and Sam
Gilbert for the interviews they conducted.

Funding
The research reported in this article was funded by the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur
Foundation.

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Author biographies
Andrea Flores is a Research Assistant at Harvard Project Zero and a PhD candidate in
Anthropology at Brown University. She holds an MA in anthropology from Brown
University.
Carrie James is a Principal Investigator at Harvard Project Zero. Her research focuses on
young peoples digital and civic lives. She has a an MA and a PhD in Sociology from
New York University.

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Appendix 1
Selected interview questions
I. Introductory questions
Participants were asked to reflect on their broader lives and early use of digital media.
Questions included:
Apart from your online activities, how do you spend your time? What are some of
the things that you care about?
Can you remember at what age you first started using a computer or cell phone?
What kinds of things did you first do with these devices? How did your activities
change over time?
II. Participation contexts
Participants reflected on their participation in gaming, social networking, blogging, or
content creation. Interviewers probed for how participants think about and negotiate
online identities, privacy, credibility, ownership and authorship issues, and norms about
appropriate conduct. Questions included:
How did you learn how to use or what to do on social networks? Are there any
things/behaviors that are considered taboo or inappropriate to do?
Looking back on your own experiences playing games, have you ever experienced or observed something that troubled you? How, if at all, did you respond?
Why did you decide to respond in this way?
How does your blog compare to how you present yourself offline?
How do you feel about selling avatars? Have you ever sold or bought a high-level
character?
To whom or what do you feel most responsible when blogging?
III. Accessing content online
Participants were asked about the content they access online including music, video,
and other creative content in addition to their uses of Wikipedia and other information
sites. Questions included:
Do you ever download/share content with others from non-commercial sites/
services? Why or why not? If yes: Do you ever worry about downloading/
sharing from free sites? What do you worry about? Issues like copyright
infringement?
In what situations might you purchase content versus downloading it for free?
How do you use Wikipedia? Do you use it in similar or different ways from other
information sources? Do Wikipedia entries need to be cited? Why/why not? If
yes, how should they be cited?

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IV. Perspectives on new digital media

Participants were asked to reflect broadly on the benefits and disadvantages of the new
digital media. Questions included:
What are the benefits of blogs, games, social networks for young people? For
society?
Beyond what you have experienced personally, do you have any larger concerns
about things that happen on the internet?

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