James Grant

3/18/15
Literature Review

Introduction:
Many studies have failed to take into account that there is a growing diversity of blacks in
the United States. For instance, the number of Haitian immigrants rose from 191 in 1940 to
114,407 in 1996 (Zephir 2001). Like many other immigrants, Haitian immigrants have to adjust
to a new ethnic identity that is different from the one they had in their country of origin
(Mittelberg and Waters). Their children have to decide between choosing a monocultural identity
and a bicultural identity. The transference of culture between first generation and second
generation Haitian immigrants is disrupted by the addition of their new identity in America .
(Zephir 2001). This conflict of culture has long term implications in how second generation
Haitian immigrants navigate through American society. Interestingly, as Caribbean women and
native women of color enter less ethnically homogenous spaces in college, they are more likely
to date someone of their ethnicity than their male counterparts. (Lopez and Batson et. al 2002)
The disparity in college enrollment between native and Caribbean women of color and native
and Caribbean men of color makes one curious as to why there is such a disparity in
endogamous dating when considering the previous factors. The following literature will explain
the integration process of first generation and second generation Haitian immigrants in American
society. The literature will also relate the gender and racial experiences of different Caribbean
black immigrant groups and Indians to demonstrate that there is a social pressure among women

to preserve the culture. The final part of this literature review will convey how they deal with this
social pressure in the realm of dating.

Haitian Integration into American Society

Although Caribbean Blacks in the United States have their ethnic differences, they are
unable to escape the underlying racial barriers that plague American society (Waters 2001). The
ethnic identity that immigrant groups assume in the country they migrate to (host society) can
have long term implications in terms of how it shapes their experiences integrating into the
host societies social way of life. Mittelberg and Waters study argues that the eventual identities
of immigrants and their offspring in the United States is a result of interacting variables such as
the elements of ethnicity in their home country, the different opportunities offered by the host
society and the structural hierarchy of groups (1992). They assert that different social settings
prioritize certain elements of ethnicity. In this model the United States prioritizes race and
national origin as the major indicators of ethnic identity. The study highlights that race and
ethnicity have been used interchangeably towards blacks. Haitian immigrants have a different
meaning as to what constitutes one as black than the United States definition . As a result.
Haitians immigrants have been ambivalent in determining the ethnic identity they will assume in
the United States (Mittelberg and Waters). The study offers three resolution from ethnic
identifications patterns among Haitians in the United States. One in which applies mostly to
those that were interviewed in the study was a solution where Haitians assume an ethnic identity
as American Blacks in certain situations while assuming a strictly Haitian identity in other
situations (Mittelberg and Waters). For second generation Haitians, they emphasized that they are
Haitians but are also American Blacks, which represents their conforming act of being

categorized Americas imposed racial identity as well. The inability of Haitian immigrants to
maintain a static ethnic identity in the host country, the United States, is not of their own will but
of the will of larger structural social forces in the host country . The simple categorization of
Black/ White in the United States is conjunctive with hierarchical power relations that are rigid
and difficult to transgress.
The simplistic categorization of racial identities in the United States undermines the
cultural differences and discord among blacks. Some Haitian immigrants have emphasized
unfavorable views on African Americans. Some have referred to them as spoiled, rude and
unwilling to take advantage of the free resources offered in the United States. Some assert that it
is for this reason that they stay away from them (1992). However, as racial boundaries reveals
itself and perform its function of maintaining structural and racial hierarchies, this ethnic discord
between blacks and Haitians does not inhibit social relation between Haitian blacks and
American blacks. In this situation, not only Haitian immigrants but Black Caribbean immigrants
in general are no longer guarded by the good culture they express (Waters 2001). As their
social mobility is halted by racial barriers, they form oppositional identities to what is considered
White. Their children begin to relate more with the context of struggles of African Americans as
their struggles become similar (Waters 2001).
The transformation of ethnic identities is imposed to immigrant groups like Haitians by
larger macro structural forces in the United States so that racial boundaries and hierarchal
boundaries are maintained. Even through enduring these structural forces of racial
categorization, many Haitian immigrants still find it vital to maintain and instill some
components of Haitian culture to their second generation offspring (Zephir 2001). In these

interactions there is discord upon intergenerational and intragenerational disagreement about

what makes one a authentic Haitian in America.

Intragenerational and Intergenerational Conflict among Haitians in America

The meanings of identities of groups cant be marginalized to the social context of the
host society nor the migrants country of origin (David and Waters 1991). For Hatians, the
American identity and the Haitian identity are binaries that should be transgressed in support of
Haitian culture. In other words, the extent to which a Haitian embraces their culture determines
their strength of Hatianess (Zephir, 2001). The ability to speak fluent creole is considered a cue
for one being an authentic Haitian. Biculturalism and having some allegiance to American
culture is a sign of a weaker Haitian identity. This weak Haitian identity is also attributed to an
inability to speak fluent creole. Strong Haitian identity embraces a monoculture identity. This
identity is mostly assumed by the immigrants that were born in Haiti.(Zephir, 2001). Some
second generation Haitians disagree on the idea of a true Haitian being able to assume a
bicultural identity in the United States. Some believe that it is okay to assume their ancestral
identity as well as their American identity where as others believe that one cannot assume both
identities and must stick strictly to one.(Zephir, 2001)
The new American setting disrupts the transference of culture from Haitian immigrants
to their children.(Zephir, 2001) Integration into this new society however does not destroy the
need to preserve origin identities for Haitians. The need to retain origin identities is encouraged
by strong cultural allegiance as well as social pressures within Haitian networks to display ethnic
identities. This social pressure is not only experienced by Haitians but also American Blacks,

Puerto Ricans, Whites and Indians. In Indian families, mothers are considered responsible for the
cultural socialization of their daughters (Diya, 2004). Just like second generation Haitians, Indian
daughters exhibit an ambivalence in determining their identity in America (Diya 2004). Their
daughters however exhibit behavior of Indian culture through their teachings of their mothers
which results in increased motivations to maintain the idea as women being the mediums of
transference of culture.(Diya, 2004). However, this cultural pressure among Indian women limits
their agency, for they are unable to divert from teaching their daughters Indian culture.
Preservation of culture is key to many groups during integration. Acts of preservation of culture
manifests itself through different methods such transference of it to their offspring and assuming
cultural identity in a situational context, such as a celebration of culture. An interesting lens in
which we will look observe of preservation of culture is when we look at the dating patterns of
native blacks and immigrant blacks

Endogamy in Dating Patterns Among Colored Females

It was founded in a study that immigrant Blacks in the United States were less likely to
marry Whites than native Blacks (Batson, Litchter and Qian). More interestingly, the study
found that Black immigrant men were significantly more likely than black immigrant females to
date whites. The study also found that immigrant Blacks were more likely to marry native Blacks
than Whites. Education was founded to be a variable that closed the social gap between native
Blacks and Whites in terms of interracial dating but for immigrant Blacks, culture trumped
education in forming interracial unions with Whites. The disproportionate interracial unions
among immigrant Blacks and Whites from a gender perspective is a motif in American society
that cant be ignored. One possible reason for this pattern could be that there may be more of a

cultural expectation to maintain cultural traditions among black immigrant and native woman.
Their tendency to date intracially is evident even in social settings where black men in
population are disproportionate to the population of black women.

The unequal number of college going female second generation immigrants compared to
second generation male Caribbean immigrants could be attributed to the gender roles that they
assumed in their familial setting. Lopezs study found that the ability of Caribbean second
generation females to use their mothers as models of womanhood not only engaged them in
traditional ethic feminine roles but it also enabled them, to equate woman hood with social
mobility (2001). Caribbean second generation women also assumed adult responsibilities and
were much closer to ethnic relatives than men. This was due to men mostly not having adult
responsibilities in the home. The combination of the Caribbean immigrant womens complete
assured sense of gender identity and Caribbean immigrant men being more vulnerable to social
stigmas that halt their social mobility are significant contributing factors in explaining the
disparity between colored Caribbean men and women in college (Lopez, 2002. Interestingly, this
disparity doesnt discourage women of color to form unions intraracially. A study of college
educated black women indicated that they would not marry another race/ ethnicity even if there
werent enough college educated men of their ethnicity (Bronzaft, 1995). Women as being
closest to their culture among genders is salient when considering why there is more reluctance
to date interracially among colored women than colored men. It is possible that as being closer to
the culture, women feel more pressured to maintain cultural cohesiveness in the family.

Maintaining culture may be important for ethnic groups and women within those groups
but we cannot also leave absent the new experiences that immigrants children endure. The
friends that they make and the people they interact with can have some implications on who they
date. One study found that that the ethnic racial ties of an individual is more of a predictor of
how they date racially/ ethnically than the racial/ethnic makeup of their geographic settings.
(Clark-Ibanez and Felmlee). What is more interesting is that the ethnic diversity of one parents
social network was found to be a significant factor in determining if one dates interracially/
interethnically. Since many Caribbean colored women have closer experiences with their ethnic
culture then colored immigrant men, it is logical to assert that their observations of their mothers
and how they enact traditional gender roles during their interactions with their social networks
have a significant influence on their choosing of dating partners.

My research on blacks dating behaviors will take into account the diversity of blacks and
narrow the target population to a particular ethnicity. Analysis will be conducted on their
responses to acts of negotiating between the culture of America and the culture of their country
of origin or their parents country of origin In my research, the target population I will use in
assessing those who exercise these cultural negotiations in a dating context will be second
generation college going female Haitians in NYC.

Bibliography

Batson, Christie.,Daniel Litchter and Zhencao Qian (2006). Interracial and Intraracial Patterns
of Mate Selection Among Americas Diverse Black Populations Journal Of Marriage &
Family, 68(3), 658-672.
Bronzaft, Arline L (1995) Do the future plans of educated black women include black
mates?. Journal Of Negro Education, 64(2), 162.
Clark-Ibanez, Marisol and Diane Felmlee., (2004). Interethnic relationships: The Role of Social
Network Diversity. Journal of Marriage and Family, 66(2), 293 305.
Kallivayalil, Diya (2004) Gender and Cultural Socialization in Indian Immigrant Families in the
United States Feminism and Psychology 14(4) 536-559
Lopez, Nancy (2002) Race Gender Experiences and Schooling: Second-Generation Dominican,
West Indian and Haitian Youth In NYC Race Ethnicity and Education, 5(1) 67-89
Mittelberg, David and Mary Waters The process of Ethnogenesis among Haitian and Israeli
immigrants in the United States Ethnic & Racial Studies July 1992 15(3) 412-434
Waters, M. (2001) West Indian Immigrant Dreams and American Realities Black Identities
Chp. 25 Pp.221-224
Zephir, F.(2001) Trends in Ethnic Identification Among Second-Generation Haitian Immigrants
in New York City Chp. 6 pg. 155-189