Académique Documents
Professionnel Documents
Culture Documents
BY GEOFFREY OF AUXERRE
N. M.
HARING
s. A. C.
Introduction: I. Geoffrey's Life (p. 3); II. Geoffrey's works against Gilbert
and their manuscript tradition (p. 17). - Edition of: r. - S. Bernardi Vita Prima,
Li b. III, 5,15 auctore Gaufrido (p. 30); 2.
Error(es) Gilleberti Pictauensis episcopi (p. 31); 3
I,ibellus contra capi tula Gisleberti episcopi Pictauensis (p. 36);
4
Gaufridi epistola ad Albinum Cardiualem, Albanensem episcopum (p. 6g). Appendices (p. 82).
I. - GEOFFREY'S LIFE
Geoffrey was among the twenty-one Parisian students who entered Clairvaux
about II40 as a result of sermons preached by St. Bernard on h.is way through
Paris (1). He was born at Auxerre about III5-II20 and had gone to Paris to
study under Abelard. In II45 he became St. Bernard's secretary and as such
accompanied the abbot on many often exhausting journeys.
The first journey was in II45 At the request of Alberic, cardinal of Ostia
(rr38-rq8), St. Bernard went to Toulouse (2). On this occasion they passed
through Poitiers where they met Bishop Gilbert (II42-n54) and, probably, his
two archdeacons Calo and Master Arnald Qui-Non-Ridet. The exiled archbishop
of Bordeaux,
of Loroux, was also at Poitiers at the time (3 ). From
Poitiers
went on to Bordeaux and soon departed for Toulouse. On June
29 St. Bernard preached at Albi and sent word to Clairvaux that he would be
back
the octave of the feast of the Assumption (4). Not long after the
return to Clairvaux he embarked on a journey which included -v'isits of Arras
and Saint-Bertin (6).
1
( ) S. Bernardi vita tertia g; PL
527 D: "Contingit aliquanclo uirum pro quibusdarn negotiis acl
Gallie proficisci. Cumque iu itinere et in reditu scolaribns parisiensibus, ut solebat, fecisset de conuersione sermonem ... ".
(2) S. Bernardi vita
III, 6, 17; PL 185, 313 B. W. JANSSEN, Die piipstlichen
in
in: Kolner hst. Studien 6 (Cologne rg6r) 42-51. Hist. litt. 13, 73-78.
3
( ) N. M. HXRING, Bischof Gilbert I I von Poitiers ttnd sei ne Erzdiakone, in: Deutsches
Archiv 2I (1965) 163. E. VACANDARD, Vie de Saint-B~rnard 2 (Paris 1927) 229.
4
( )
Vie 2, 237.
6
( } VACANDARD, Vie 2, 287.
N. M. Hiiring S. A. C.
In the following year (n46) Gilbert held a synod at Poitiers. During a sermon
in the cathedral he made some passing remarks conceming the Blessed Trinity
to which Archdeacon Arnald did not hesitate to object in pnblic. To settle the
matter an appeal to Rome was made and, according to Geoffrey, both went to
submit their disagreement to the arbitration of Pope Eugene III (II45-II53)
before whom they debated at Viterbo. Eugene passed no sentence and ordered both
parties to present themselves to him in Paris on Easter Sunday of the following
year (20 April II47) (6 ).
At the end of the year II46 Geoffrey accompanied St. Bernard on his journey
to Germany where they frst visited snch cities as Mainz (November), \Vorms,
Frankfurt, and Speier('). Then they went as far south as Zi.irich. On Christmas
eve they returned to Speier where they met Archbishop Albero of Trier (II3III52), bishops Hermann of Constance (n38-n66), Ortlieb of Basel (n38-n64),
Amadeus of Lausanne (II45-II5g), Burchard of Strasbourg (II4I-II62), Bucco of
Worms (II20-II49), Gi.inther of Speier (n46-n6r), and Anselm of Havelberg
(n2g-n55). Also present were the Benedictine abbots Fridelo of Reichenau in
the diocese of Constance, Benedict of \Veissenburg in the diocese of Speier, Berthold
of Murbach in the diocese of Strasbourg, and a number of priors. One of them
was the Premonstratensian Otto of Kappenberg (8 ) whom they were to meet again
at Reims in March n48.
The reason for the presence at Speier of so many dignitaries was a diet (9 )
convoked by the Emperor Conrad III (rog3-II52). St. Bernard preached the
Christmas sermon and during his sojourn persuaded the emperor to take part
in the crusade to be launched in II47
On 3 January II47 St. Bernard and his secretary left for Worms. At
Kreuznach on Epiphany, they passed through Boppard, Koblenz (January 8),
and Remagen on their way to Cologne (10 ) where they stayed January 9-13. After
visiting Brauweiler Abbey and Ji.ilich they arrived at Aachen described as "celeberrimus et amoenissimus locus" (n). From there they went to Lige via Maastricht and, after passing through Huy, Gemblours, Villars, and Mons, arrived
a t Cambrai on J anuary 26. They stopped a t Laon and Reims. On February 2
we fnd them in Chlons-sur-Marne at a meeting with King Louis VII (II37-n8o)
and many French, German, and Sicilian nobles discussing the crusade. It was
resolved that the fnal dedsions sho11ld be postponed until the next meeting to be
held at tampes. This meeting lasted three days (February r6-r8), and the
general starting date of the crusade was fxed: the day of Pentecost (June 8).
The French army was to gather at Metz and to set out for the East on June rs.
Suger, abbot of Saint Dnis (II23-II5I), was appointed administrator during the
king's absence.
Four of fve days after the meeting, on February 22 or 23, St. Bernard
and Geoffrey left tampes for Sens and Auxerre. On Febmary 27 they were
back at Clairvaux. But less than three weeks later, on March 13, St. Bernard
attended the diet at Frankfurt 'vhere he met archbishops Henry of Mainz (II42II53), Albero of Trier, Arnold of Cologne (II37-II5I), and bishops Bucco of Worms,
Gi.inther of Speier, Burchard of Strasbourg, Siegfried of Wi.irzburg (electus II47nso), Werner of Miinster (II32-II5I), Henry of Lige (II45-II64), Anselm of
Havelberg, and Eberhardt of Bamberg (n46-II72) (12 ). Also present were Abbot
Wibald of Stavelot (III7-II58) and, probably, the abbot of Cluny, Peter the Venerable (II22-II56). The archbishop of Mainz was chosen to administer Germany
during the absence of King Conrad. During those exciting days Geoffrey, a young
and insignifcant secretary, saw and heard the men who were shaping the destiny
of Europe.
While all this was going on, Pope Eugene and the papal curia were on their
journey to Paris, following a rigid, well-planned schedule. On March 30 they
were welcomed in the name of Conrad III at Dijon by a delegation including
bishops Bucc.) of Worms, Anselm of Havelberg, and Abbot Wibald of
Stavelot (13 ). They arrived at Clairvaux on April 6. St. Bernard had gone from
Frankfurt to Trier where his presence is recorded on March 27. Returning to
Clairvaux via Metz and Toul he arri-v-ed just in time to receive the illustrious
visitors. We may assume that on all these travels Geoffrey was constantly at St.
Bernard's side.
The papal visit at Clairvanx did not last long, for on April ro Pope Eugene
was already at Troyes on his way to Paris (14 ). On April 13 the archbishop of
Trier (15 ) joined the papal retinue at Provins. Two days later we fnd the travellers " in the territory of Meaux" (16 ) and on April rg, Holy Saturday, at
Saint-Dnis.
We have seen that in Italy Pope Eugene had given instructions to Bishop
Gilbert of Poitiers and his archdeacon Arnald to present themselves in Paris on
Easter S11nday (zo April II47) (17 ). Both St. Bernard and Geoffrey were in Paris
where Bishop Gilbert was tried by Pope Eugene himself a t a consistory (18 ) attende d
(6)
12
13
N. M. Hiiring S. A. C.
of Saint-Martin in the diocese of Arras, to study the doctrine. The matter was
then to be taken up again in connection with the council Pope Eugene had
planned for Letare-Sunday of the following year (2r March rq8).
While Pope Eugene was in Paris word reached him of a crime committed
against the papal legate, Master Osbert, by monks of Baume-les-Moines in the
diocese of Besanon. On 29 May II47 he sent three letters to di:fferent addressees
announcing that he had reduced the abbey to the rank of priory and that the
community was to be placed under the obedience of Peter the Venerable (26 ). A
letter by St. Bernard to Eugene suggests that, wise as it was, the pope's sentence
seemed too severe {2 7). The letter shows that, perhaps to investigate the crime,
St. Bernard and his secretary had temporarily left the pope's retinue.
On June II Eugene set out for Meaux. From July I4 to September 6 he
stayed at Auxerre whose bishop, Hugh of Macon (II37-II5I), once abbot of
Pontigny, was with St. Bernard when they entered Citeaux. St. Bernard and his
notarius attended the General Chapter of Citeaux in September which was presided over by Pope Eugene who before returning to Auxerre consecrated the church
of Fontenay (2r September rr47). Both St. Bernard (28 ) and his secretary witnessed the ceremony. It seems that St. Bernard continued to stay with the pope and
it is a reasonable assumption that Geo:ffrey was at St. Bernard's beck and call.
On October II, still at Auxerre, Eugene summoned (29 ) the prelates of France,
Germany, England, and Spain to meet at a council on 21 March rq8. At first,
it seems, he intended to convene it at Trier. In the same month (October 26)
he consecrated the cathedral of Chalons-sur-Marne whose bishop, Bartholomew
(II47-II5I), we shall meet again at the council of Reims. His archdeacon, Robert
de Bosco, also went to Reims. Present at the consecration were eighteen cardinals,
eleven bishops, and a number of abbots( 30 ). It is known that Theobald of Paris
(n44-II58), Hugh of Auxerre (II37-II5I), both recorded as present at the council
of Reims, and Geoffrey of Nevers (rq7-II59) were among the bishops taking
part in the solemnities (31 ).
After visiting Verdun (32 ) Eugene arrived at the outskirts of Trier on November 29. When, on the following day, he entered Trier in splendid procession,
26
( ) Epp. I85 (to Peter the Venerable); I86 (to William, count of Macon); I87 (to
Humbert, bishop of Besanon); PL I8o, I227 B; I227 C; IZZ8 B. The monastery in question
is also callecl Baume-les-Messieurs (OSB). Gall. chr. I5 (Paris I86o) I75 B. In Kovember
I I 57 Frederick Barbarossa restored the monastery to its ancient rank. Cf. J. MABILLON,
Anna!. OSB.; ed. Lucca 6 (I745) 405 ancl 460. See also Petri Venerabilis preceptio seu
constitutio de Balmensi monasterio issued on I January liSI; PL I89, 479 B. The nature
of the crime is unknown.
27
( ) BERNARD, Ep. 25I; PL I82, 45I B.
( 28 ) VACANDARD, Vie 2, 3I3-3I4.
29
( ) Epp. 23I (to Henry, bishop of Olmutz) and 232 (to Eberhardt, archbishop of
Salzburg); PL r8o, I284 B and D.
( 30 ) Bernard de Clairvaux, in: Commission d'hist. de l'Ordre de Citeaux, Abbaye N.-D.
d'Aiguebelle 3 (Paris I953) 632.
31
( ) Gall. chr. 9 (Paris I75I) 88r C.
32
( ) VACANDARD (Vie 2,3I) suggests that Card. Alberic died during this visit. HenryBernard de Warren agrees and claims in Bernard de Clairvaux (Aiguebelle) 6o9 that St.
N. M. Haring S. A. C.
including Card. Alberic), one may be inclined to conclude that Eugene was anxious to have all cardinals available to advise him. However, the council may
have been the real reason for the arrival of cardinals who had not been with the
curia in France until March rr48. At that time the entire curia consisted of
abont thirty cardinals (41 ) two of whom were with the crusaders and at least seven
had stayed behind in Italy.
How much personal contact Geoffrey had with the cardinals who were in
Paris, Trier, or Reims is unknown. But he had no doubt that the most important
ones favoured and supported Gilbert - " cardinales quorum principales fauisse
reo et euidenter etiam fouisse constaba t '' (42 ). It is well known that one of them
was Cardinal Hyacinth of S. Maria in Cosmedin, later Pope Celestine III.
The trial did not develop as planned by Pope Eugene. Abbot Godescalc was
in poor health (43 ) but he had prepared the case. In addition to Gilbert's commentary he handed over to the pope a scedttla of patristic texts or excerpts
"manifestly contradicting "Gilbert's teaching, as Geoffrey maintains (44 ). Geoffrey
points out that, Godescalc's eloqueuce being unequal to the task, Pope Eugene
passed Gilbert's commentary aud the scedula on to St. Bernard.
Writing to Albinus, cardinal of Albano (rr8g-rrg8), over forty years later
Geoffrey mentions the presence of Geoffrey, archbishop of Bordeaux (rr36-rr58) (46 ),
the Premonstratensian Milo, bishop of Throuanne (II3I-II59) (46 ), Master Jocelin,
bishop of Soissons (rrz6-rrsz), and Jocelin's dose friend, Suger of Saint-Dnis (47 ).
St. Bernard's secretary noticed that Gilbert's metropolitan, Geoffrey of Loroux,
spent most of the time in silence. But Master Jocelin had already argued "impatiently" with Gilbert at the consistory of Paris (48 ). Bishop Milo, a saintly and
learned man, may also have been at the consistory of Paris though there seems to
be no written support for the view. It is almost certain that Suger had attended
the trial in Paris despite the fact that there is no historical record to prove it.
At Reims Suger was among those who " sharpened their tongues " against
Gilbert (49 ). Also mentioned as particularly hostile to the accused a t Reims are
Bernard said Mass at Alberic's grave a few clays later. Since Alberic was still with the
curia in Tri'"r, his death occurred at Verdun on his way from Trier to Reims in February
I 148.
(33) Ru,DERIC, Gesta Alberonis 23; MGH SS 8, 255.
(34) VACANDARD, Vie 2, 327. BERKHARDI, Konrad III., pp. 687-688.
(3 5) (WIBAI,D), Ep. 87 (72); ed. Jaff I6o.
( 30 )
Vita s. Hildc'gardis I, 5; PL I97, 95 AB. VAO.~DARD, Vie 2, 335
(3 7) S. Bernardi vita prima IV, 4, 21; PL 185, 333 B.
(3B) Ep. ad Alb. 3, 14.
(39) Hist. pontificalis 9; ed. Reg. I,. Poole (Oxford 1927) 21.
(40) St. Bernard wrote severa! letters to him: Epp. 219 and 230-232; PL. 182, 382 D419 D. Without offering a list P. Pelster writes in A1iscell. Lombardiana (~ovara 1957)
68 that only seventeen cardinals were at Reims. BAI,DERIC, Gesta Alberonis 23; l\IGH
SS 8, 255 names a total of seventeen cardinals, including Alberic, as present at Trier.
(H) Other members were the ca.rinal bishops Guarin of Preneste, Conrad of S. Sabina,
and Dietwin of S. Rufina (on Crusade), the cardinal priests Guido of S. Crisogono (on Crusacle), and Manfred of S. Savina, the cardinal cleacons Astald of S. Eustachio, Roclulph
of S. Lucia in Septisolio, and Peter of S. Maria in Via Lata.
42
( ) Ep. ab Alb. 3, I3.
43
( ) See note 25 supra.
41
( ) Ep. ad Alb. 3, 13.
45
( ) Cf. Hist. litt. 12, 541-545.
( 46 ) Cf. H. TII,I,MANN, Die papstlichen Legaten in England (Bonn 1926) sr. joH~ OF
SAI,ISBURY, Ep. 200 (acl Milonem ep. Morin.); PL 199, 227 C. In Ep. 1o8; ed. W. J.
Mrr,r,oR, The Letters of fohn of Salisbury r (Lonclon 1955) 172 John speaks of Bishop Milo
as " sancto episcopo :.\Iilone p a tre optimo ".
47
( ) Ep. ad Alb. 3, 16-17.
Six letters written by St. Bernarcl to Jocelin are still extant.
Cf. Hist. litt. 12, 412-4r8.
4
( 'j OTTo, Gesta Frid. I, 54; p. 76. J ocelin met Gilbert a t Poi tiers in .May I 145 Cf.
S. Bentardi vita prima II, s. 36; PL 185, 288 D.
49
( ) Hist. pont. 8; p. 17.
N. M. Haring S. A. C.
his two archdeacons Calo and Arnald (50 ). Geoffrey pays special tribute to Master
Arnald (51 ) but never refers to Calo in his writings. According to Otto of Freising
both archdeacons approached St. Bernard asking him to support their cause (52 ).
Peter Lombard and Robert of Melun are likewise known to have attacked Gilbert
with a certain bitterness (53 ).
To show that his doctrine did not deviate from the teaching of the Fathers
Gilbert instructed his clerics to bring to the consistory a great number of " large
volumes " from which the pertinent texts were to be read in their originai context (54 ). St. Bernard's secretary soon realized that Abbot Godescalc's scedula
became the object of derision and mockery by comparison with Gilbert's imposing
array and use of originai sources (55 ).
To remedy the situation he paid a visit to the cathedral library of Reims
after the debate of the frst day was over. Among other works he decided to
borrow St. Augustine's De Trinitate in which he was happy to discover a text
that agreed almost verbatim with a statement made on that day by St. Bernard
against Gilbert (56).
If we remember St. Bernard's travels and endless journeys in II45-II48
it is obvious that neither the abbot nor his secretary could spare the time to familiarize himself with Bishop Gilbert's way of theologizing. The task to prepare
the case against Gilbert had been placed in the hands of Abbot Godescalc whose
health was apparently causing diffculties.
At the end of the second day of the trial the cardinals declared: "We shall
weigh the evidence and pass sentence accordingly ". To quote Geoffrey: "Audiuimus que proposita sunt. Deinceps iudicabimus qualiter debeant diffniri ''( 57 ).
For Gilbert's opponents it was a foregone conclusion that the sentence would not
amount to a condemnation. Deeply disturbed by this turn of events they gathered,
as Geoffrey relates (58 ), at St. Bernard's residence on the next day.
The gathering was attended by ten archbishops (59 ) and " almost all " the
bishops (60 ) stili at Reims. Most bishops had already left. In addition, many
abbots and schoolmen were present at the gathering: "abbatum et magistrorum
plurima mnltitudo" (61).
Tostate their case they drew up a (idei symbolum (62 ), divided into four parts,
as a reply to the four errors or capitula of which Gilbert was accused. Those who
were present at the meeting gave their consent to the proposal that their presence
should be recorded in the document. Hugh of Auxerre, Milo of Throuanne, and
Abbot Suger were delegateci to submit to the pope and the curia the profession
of faith with the names of those present when it was formulateci. The three emissaries were told to point out that, while Gilbert had given the pope a written declaration of his readiness to correct his teaching should it be found wanting, their
word was so fnal that they wonld change "nothing whatsoever" (63 ).
According to Geoffrey Pope Eugene told the delegation to inform the gathering that their " profession " contained nothing objectionable and that both he and
the cardinals intended to protect Gilbert's name and station without approving his
doctrine (64 ). We are then told by Geoffrey that Gilbert "freely renounced each
capitulum " publicly in the hall where the trial had taken place. Then the pope
condemned the four arti cles or charges "un der pain of excommunication '' (65 ), forbade the reading as well as the copying of Gilbert's commentary "unless it had been
corrected by the Roman Church"( 66 ). Geoffrey bemoans the fact that no corrections were ever m ade (67 ), There were several other charges against Gilbert.
But Geoffrey never even bothered to ascertain their contents (68 ).
In a number of details other contemporary sources do not confrm Geoffrey's
description of the events. Inspired by a deep-seated aversion to the bishop of
Poitiers, St. Bernard's secretary can hardly be called impartial. But especially
in his Libellus he has recorded a number of rather pithy oral statements which he
must have jotted down at the trial (69 ). Very valuable from the historian's point
of view is also his list of those present at the meeting in St. Bernard's residence.
They were frst recorded in the document sent to Eugene and the cardinals and
again in Geoffrey's scriptura a copy of which had long been lost at Clairvaux
and was discovered when he was about to send his reply to Master Albinus, Cardinal Bishop of Albano (' 0 ).
Geoffrey had written this scriptura about forty years earlier (71 ). Listed as
present at the meeting are the archbishops of Reims, Bourges, Bordeaux, Tours,
Trier, Caesarea (Palestine), York, Canterbury, Rouen, and Vienne; the bishops of
Soissons, Chalons-sur-Marne, Paris, Auxerre, Amiens, Tournai, Throuanne (Morinie), Norwich, Valence, Le Mans, Alet (Saint-Malo), Angoulme, and Saintes;
the abbots of Cluny, Citeaux, Clairvaux, Saint-Dnis, Fleury (Saint-Benoit-sur-
IO
( 50 )
Ibidem.
Ep. ad Alb. 2, 4-5.
52
( ) OTTo, Gesta Frid. I, 48; p. 68.
53
( ) Hist. pont. 8; p. I7.
( 54 ) Cf. K. M. HARING, The Porretans and the Greek Fathers, in: 1'd cdStudies 24 (Ig6z) I82 ff.
55
( ) Ep. ad Alb. +,18: "Calumpniabantur fautores illius hominis quocl decurtata testimonia proferremus eu m ille coclices integros exhiberet ".
( 56 ) Ep. ad Alb. 5, 22-23: De Trin. V, ro, II; PI, 42, gr8.
57
( ) Ep. ad Alb. 7,34.
By referring only to the carclinals Geoffrey may have triecl
to exonerate Pope Engene. But the history of the trials shows that Pope Eugene was a
man who clicl not snccumb to pressure.
58
( ) Ep. ad Alb. 7,35.
59
( ) Ep. ad. Alb. 7,35 and I3,68. S. Bernanli vita prima III, s.rs: "a patribus decem prouinciarnm ''.
(6o) Ep. ad Alb. I3, 68.
61
( ) Ep. ad Alb. 7, 35 ancl I3, 68. No mention of the magistri is macle in his Vita.
(
51
62
II
( 63 )
:-l". M. Haring S. A. C.
Clairvaux an d that some scandal was involved which the pope hoped to preven t
from becoming known (B 1). Pope Alexander adds that when the archbishop carne
for bis next visit he would discuss the matter " more carefully " with him, the
bishop of Auxerre (Alain of Flanders II52-II67) (B 2 ), Cardinal Henry of Ss. Nereo
et Achilleo (II5I-II6J), and the former bishop of Langres, Geoffrey (II38-II63).
Geoffrey mentions Cardinal Henry as present at the consistory of Reims. At
that time he was a subdeacon: "Henricus Pisanus tunc Romane ecdesie subdiaconus, futurus postea Clareuallensis monachus et ex abbate Sancti Anastasii sanctorum Nerei et Achillei presbiter cardinalis" (B 3 ).
At Clairvaux Geoffrey was replaced by Pontius, abbot of Grandselve, who
was later elected bishop of Clermont (IIJO-II8g). In II67 Geoffrey was sent to
Italy by the abbot of Citeaux, Gilbert, in order to promote the reconciliation
between the Emperor Frederick Barbarosa. and Pope Alexander (B 4 ). Barbarossa
rejected his mediation. In the following year he was sent to mediate between
Henry II (II54-II8g) and Thomas Becket(B5 ). Henry expressed the wish to keep
Geoffrey in the royal court (B 6 ).
When Pontius of Clairvaux was elected bishop of Clermont (IIJO), he was
succeeded by Gerard, abbot of Fossa Nuova near Piperno in the diocese of Terracina. The successor of Abbot Gerard was our Geoffrey. \Vhen Abbot Gerard
died a violent death in IIJO, Henry of Marcy, then abbot of Hautecombe near
Chambry in the diocese of Geneva took his place and Geoffrey became abbot
of Hautecombe. It was there that he wrote his commentary on the Canticle of
Canticles dedicated to Henry, his predecessor at Hautecombe (B'). It is generally
held that he died as abbot of Hautecombe after II88.
As we shall see, his letter addressed to Cardinal Albinus shows that., still
living in the nineties, he returned to Clairvaux. It is however widely assumed
that thls letter was addressed not to Cardinal Albinus but to his predecessor,
Cardinal Henry of Albano(BB), who died in the vicinity of Arras on I January II8g.
The letter was first published by C. Baronius (B 9 ) (1538-r6o7) as: " Gaufridi
epistola de rebus gestis in causa Giliberti ". No manuscript source is indicated
12
(
(
81
82
13
Alain retired to Clairvaux in r 167 and die there in r r8z. In I I 52 St. Bernar
(Ep. z8z; PL r8s, 488 B) wrote to King Louis VII on his behalf: " Ego, ego electioni
N. M. Hiiring S. A. C.
and no (other) manuscript has been found to date. After Baronius the letter appeared in the Concilia (Cologne r6o6, r6r8, and r636) of Severin Binius (r573-I64r),
in vol. ro of the Sacrosancta Concilia (Paris r67r) rrzr-rr27 of Philippe Labbe
and G. Cossart (90 ), later in Mabillon's edition of the works of St. Bernard (Paris
r6go) (91 ), in Hardouin's Conc. col!. regia max. VI,z (Paris IJI5) I3II-I3I8, and
in the Conc. sacr. nova et ampl. collectio (r758-I798) of Giovanni Dom. Mansi (r6gzIJ6g) (92).
The address reads: "Amantissimo patri et domino A., Dei gratia Albanensi episcopo, domini pape uicario, frater Gaufridus de Claraualle: Minimum id quod est".
According to su eh historians as F. Ughelli (93 ), Cl. de Molinet (94 ), an d others
the letter A stands for Albinus, also known as Master Albinus.
Although Mabillon does not hesitate to spell out the name (Epistola ad
Albinum) in the heading of the letter (95 ), he calls it Epistola ad Henricum in his
admonitio (96 ). According to the Rectteil des historiens (97 ) the letter A should
be replaced by H to make the papal legate Cardinal Henry of Albano the recipient of the letter. The Histoire littraire approves because "rien ne prouve
que cet Albin ait t lgat en France " (9B). But that does not prove that he
might not have been a papal legate elsewhere. The cautious conclusion reads:
"Il est clone vraisemblable qu'on aura lu A au lieu de H".
Much more categorica! is H. Denifle's declaration: " Albin war nicht vicarius
papae ". He maintains moreover that Geoffrey wrote his Libellus in 1148 and
"presented it to the council" of Reims (99 ). Denifle concludes that the letter
must have been written before rr88 and adds that Geoffrey died shortly after
writing it since another abbot of Hantecombe (1 ) is recorded in rrgo.
Without any such discussion another change from A to H has been made
and accepted by historians. Baronius has published a letter by Geoffrey to the
very same address: "Amantissimo domino et patri A, Dei gratia Albanensi episcopo et domini pape uicario, frater Gaufridus de Claraualle: Minimum id quod
esb> (2). The Histoire littraire and others simply call it a letter to Henry, cardinal of Albano (3 ). The letter deals with the Eucharist and contains the remark:
"Ad partes enim Gallie, sicut nostis, hoc anno cum uestra benedictione reuersus ... "(4 ).
It seems that the first historian to question the substitution of Henry for
Albinus was B. Geyer who points out that a charter issued at Messina by King
Tancred on 7 July rrgr actually calls Albinus "the pope's vicar": " Concedimus
quoque ad preces et intuitum Albini, uenerabilis Albanensis episcopi, domini pape
uicarii, karissimi amici nostri ... " (5 ). He is in fact record ed as papal legate (6 )
as early as rr88 or even earlier.
Accepting Geyer's argument Reg. L. Poole suggests that the appearance of
the Liber de uera philosophia was the " reason why about rr8g " Albinus desired
information concerning the trial of Bishop Gilbert C).
Cardinal Albinus demanded a report not only on Gilbert's but also on Abelard's
trial. It is not unlikely that Albinus, a former Canon Regular, pressed the issue
so vigorously on behalf of Pope Celestine III (rrgr-rrg8) who had sided with
Abelard against St. Bernard at the synod of Sens in rr40 and with Gilbert at
Reims in II48. At the time of the synod of Sens he was still the subdeacon
Hyacinth Bobo about whose conduct at Sens St. Bernard complained to Pope
Innocent II (rr30-II34) in no uncertain terms (B). He denounced Hyacinth in
the same manner to Chancellor Cardinal Haimeric (9 ). The carrier of both letters
was given instructions to implement the report viva voce.
Yet in II44 Hyacinth was createci cardinal-deacon by Celestine II (II43II44), the former cardinal-priest Master Guido de Castello, also a warm friend and
admirer of Abelard. He had once been warned by St. Bernard not to let his love
( 90 )
IS
chr. 16, 481) the f.rst evidence of a successor is found in II8g. C. OumN, Suppl. de script.
(Paris 1636) 439 was apparently close to the truth in writing of Geoffrey: " uixit ualde
senex usque ad annum I 200 et ultra ".
(2) A nn. ecc!. (ad ann. II88); ed. A. THEINER 19 (Bar-le-Due 1869) S74
3
( ) Hist. litt. 14, 446.
4
( ) Annales 19, S74
( 5 ) B. GEYER, Die Sententiae divinitatis SI. H. TOECHE, Kaiser Heinrich VI (Leipzig
1867) 6oS, charter 12. Tabul. Casin. (Monte Cassino 189I) 314. P. P. KEHR, Italia pont.
8 (Berlin I93S) 84, No. 19.
( 6 ) In II88 Pope Clement III wrote to William, King of Sicily, about the report
received from his two legates (legati) Albinus of S. Croce and Peter of S. Lorenzo in Damaso.
Italia pont. 8, s6, No. 222.
(7) Hist. pont., p. xxxix.
(B) Ep. 189, s; PL 182, 3S7 A: "Iacinctus multa mala ostendit nobis. Nec enim, que
uoluit, fecit uel potuit. Sed uisus est mihi patienter ferendus de me qui nec persone uestre
nec curie in illa curia pepercit. Quod melius Nicolaus iste meus, immo et uester, uiua referet noce ".
9
( ) Ep. 338; PL 182, S43 D.
N. M. Haring S. A. C.
for Abelard extend so far as to embrace the loved one's errors (10). It was out of
reverence for Celestine II that Hyacinth assumed the name Celestine.
Master Balderic who met Cardinal Hyacinth at Trier describes him as a man
"who by the sweetness of his speech drew everyone's love to him" (11 ). But for
some unknown reason his sweetness did not include St. Bernard (12 ).
As early as II54 Hyacinth acted as papal legate in Spain (13 ). To appease
the Emperor Frederick Barbarossa (II52-ngo) Pope Hadrian IV (II54-II59) sent
him to Germany in II58 (14 ). In II62 and II65 he was in France on important
missions on behalf of Alexander III (n5g-n8r) whose theology was influenced
by Abelard and to whom the Porretan Adhemar of Saint-Ruf submitted his patristic collection to show that Gilbert was orthodox. \Ve are told that he received
the work with gratitude and that he read it like a young student (16 ). Master
Everard of Ypres who later became a Cistercian served for a while in France "as
a cleric of his lordship Hyacinth, now pope " (16 ).
When at the age of 85 Cardinal Hyacinth accepted the tiara he had hardly
forgotten the persons and issues involved in the nan~es Abelard, Bernard, and
Gilbert. It is, therefore, quite probable that Cardinal Albinus, a Canon Regular
like Adhemar of Saint-Ruf, acted so strongly at the pope's personal request.
We have seen that in n88 or earlier Cardinal Albinus of S. Croce in Gerusalemme was a papal legate in Sicily together with Cardinal Peter of S. Lorenzo
in Damaso. But he did not become bishop of Albano until the summer of n8g,
between r8 May and 6 June. The title "domini pape uicarius ", given Albinus
in both letters, does not occur until ngr in a charter in which King Tancred (n8gII94) calls the " domini pape uicarius " his dearest friend. The title is confirmed
by the cardinal's admirer, the papal notary Master Michael whose short treatise,
preserved in MS Troyes IJ2I, is dedicated to Albinus and opens with the words:
" Reuerendo patri et domino Albino, Albanensi episcopo, domini pape uica rl. o... " (1') .
Since Cardinal Albinus was consecrated in May or June n8g and his messenger arrived in France on October 31, the year n8g cannot be ruled ont entirely. Of the two letters the reply to Albinus is of later date. The first letter
was written dnring the first year of Geoffrey's return to France from Italy. Hence
a more probable date for the second letter seems to be ngr-ng2 or even later,
for in ngo Albinns was with King Tancred and his first signature under Celestine
III does not appear until 15 June ngr (18 ). He stayed in Rome until 23 June
ng2. After an absence of several months he signed papal documents from 3
August ng2 to I2 July ng6. Hence the second half of the year ngr would seem
to be the earliest date for the second letter to Albinus. When he wrote those
letters, Geoffrey was no longer at Hautecombe but at Clairvaux (lo). This is
confirmed by the inscriptions of his commentary on the Canticle of Canticles (2o)
written, as J. Leclercq puts it, "vers la fin de sa vie" (21 ). According to one of
the inscriptions of the commentary he had become prior of Clairvaux. Hence it
is more than a pure conjecture that at an unknown date Geoffrey left Hautecombe
for Italy, probably Fossa Nuova, and happened to meet Cardinal Albinus. Perhaps
they discussed current trends in the teaching on the Eucharist and Geoffrey promised to answer by letter. H e then returned to '' Gaul '' - ''ad p art es Gallie '' with the cardinal's blessings and wrote the promised letter.
When the cardinal's messenger, Augustine, arrived on the eve of All Saints,
Geoffrey was quite surprised. He wrote his reply at once, for the messenger was
waiting. On his return to Rome Augustine carried not only Geoffrey's answer
but also the scriptura, Geoffrey's Libelltts de uita s. Bernardi, and the letters sent
by St. Bernard to the curia in connection with Abelard's teaching (22).
I6
17
18
( ) V. PFAFF, Die Kardindle unter Papst Co,lestin III {II9I-IICJ8), in: Zeitschr. der
Savigny-Stiftung f. Rechtsg., han. Abt . .p (I955) 84.
19
( ) At Hautecombe he called himself " fr. Gaufric1us de Altacumba: Minimum icl
quod est". J. LECLERCQ, Les crits 277 and 278. In his two letters to Albinus he is " fr.
Gaufridus de Claraualle: Minimum id quod est".
20
( ) J. I,ECLERCQ, Les crits 280.
21
( ) J. LECLERCQ, Les crits 280 writes: " Faut-il conclure que Geoffroy aurait compos. c'e commenta ire complet pendant un dernier sjour Clairvaux? Rien ne le prouve,
mals l hypothse n'est cepenJa!lt excl ue ". Consid.eriug the date an d the inscription of his
two letters to Card. Albinus, Geoffrey's " deruier sjonr Clairvaux " seems to be beyond
doubt. Geoffrey's name does not appear in the list of priors of Clairvaux edited by J.
LECLERCQ, in: Anal. O. S. Cist. I8 (I962) I30-I3~..
\Ve may tberefore presume that
Geoffrey retired to Clairvaux without having an office.
22
( ) Ep. ad Alb. 14, 72.
1
( ) Vita s. Bernardi prima III, 5, I5; ed. J. MABILLON, S. Bernardi opera II, 6 (Paris:
~homas Moette I6go) II22 F-II2.) C: PL I85, 3I2 AD. Cf. A. H. BREDERO, Etudes sur la
VV1ta Prima" de saint-Bernard, in: Anal. S. O. Cist . .18 (ICJ.62) I<J-2!. The brief notice in the
lfa secunda auctore Alano 28, 76 (PL I85, 5I6 D) 1s obvwusly based on Geoffrey's report.
10
( ) Ep. I92; PL I82, 358 B.
(11) Gesta Alberonis 23; MGH SS 8, 25'i
( 12 ) Speaking of Arnold of Brescia, John of Salisbury (Hist. pont. 3I; p. 64) writes:
"Adhesit Petro Abaielardo partesque eius cum domino Iaciucto, qui nunc caruinalis est,
aduersus abbatem Clareuallensem studiosius fouit ".
(13) W. JANSSEN, Die piipstl. Legaten 5().
( 14 ) RAHEWIN, Gesta Frid. III, IJ; MGH SS 20, 42]: " Ad leniendum eius animum
nuncios mittit. . . Iacinctmn cardinalem ... presb. s. Marie in Scola Greca ".
(1 5) N. HAIUNG, The Porretans and the Greek Fathers 193-I94
( 16 ) Dialogus Ratii; ed. N. 11. HARING, in: j\JedStudies I5 (I953) 248.
( 17 ) Cf. Cat. gn. 4, 2 (Paris I 855) 727: Bouhier E 96.
saec. xii.
N. M. Haring S. A. C.
18
[z]
[3]
[4]
lished in
The 5 criptura
Of these texts the scriptt~ra is probably the oldest. Unlike the other texts
it is entirely impersona! and may be described either as a first draft of the Libellus
or as a documentary against Gilbert without personal comment. With one or
two exceptions all its attctoritates are found in the Libellus.
The scriptura offers the four capitt~la each of which is followed by a few patristic excerpts allegedly opposed to the doctrine expressed in the preceding capitulum. Then follows the text which Geoffrey usually describes as professio or
symbolum (s). The scriptura ends with the list of those w ho w ere " present a t
the council ". The word " council " in this case means the gathering that, as we
have seen, took place at St. Bernard's residence the day after the closing of the
two-day trial a t Reims. The use of the word " concilium '' to designate the
meeting is, no doubt, legitimate but under the circumstances misleading in view
of the council held at Reims.
No sooner had Geoffrey's letter to Albinus come back from the scriptorium
than a confrre discovered a text Geoffrey had been looking for so long that he
had given up hope of ever finding it. Since it was a rather small document it
could easily be misplaced and get lost. He describes it as " script"tra. . . quam
super eisdem capitttlis ante annos pene quadraginta edideram cum ipso symbolo
quod domino pape et Romane ecclesie ex parte decem archiepiscoporum et omnium
episcoporum pene qui in illa adhuc die Remis inuenti sunt cum abbatibus maximis
atque plurimis et magistris scolarum et subscriptis nominibus singulorum per snperius memoratas personas fuerat presentatum" (6 ).
Here one must read Geoffrey with caution. He speaks in this passage of a
scriptt~ra " edited " by him almost forty years earlier. If we assume that he wrote
to Albinus about ngr-ngz and if we take, "almost forty years" to mean 39
or 38 years, the edition was made about II52-II54 or before Gilbert's death. We
know through the Historia pontifcalis (7) that he wrote the Libellus when he was
(2) Textes sur Saint Bernard et Gilbert de la Porre, in: 1vled5tudies 14 (1952) 102-128.
Text of Scriptura on pp. 108-109. In his never-failing courtesy Dom J. LECI.ERCQ has
welcomed the reprinting of this important document in the present edition. The permission
to include it is hereby gratefully acknowledged.
(3) 5. Bernardi opera II, 6, 1325 A-1339 C: PL 185, 587 B-596 B.
(4) Annal. ecci. 12 (Vatican 1607) 352 D-357 D: ed. AUGUS't. THEINER 19 (Bar-le-Due
1869) 23-27, Nos. 20-30. Although all later editions are derived from the edition of 1607
collations have been made to raw attention to suggestions of textual improvements.
(5) Cf. N. :NI. HARING, Das sog. Glaubensbekenntnis 55
(6) Ep. ad Alb. 13, 68.
(7) Hist. pont. II; p. 26.
19
8
( ) Hist. pont. p. xxxviii. J. LECI.ERCQ (Text,;s ro8) accepts this view: " I)crit dont
parle ici Geoffroy est son Libellus bien connu ". _-\.ccorclingly, E. M. BuvV.. R't, Tliomas
of J,forigny and the Theologia scholarium of Abelard, in: Antonianum 40 (1965) So writes
that Geoffrey "forwarded to Albin of Albano ... an authenticated copy of the Libellus ".
9
( ) See N. HARING, Das sog. Glaubensbekenntnis 86 (Textfonn B).
10
( ) Ibidem 87 (Textfonn C).
( 11 ) Ep. ad Alb. 5, 23: De Trin. V. ro, II; PL 42, <)18.
12
( ) Ep. ad Alb. 6, 30.
20
N. M. Haring S. A. C.
2I
the other hand he must have been overjoyed when he later studied one of the
Greeks and fom~d two statements which, to his mind, contradicted Gilbert's doctrine.
Less suspicious are the quotations from "
", for Vigilius of Thapsus
was generally known and dted under that name (13). Geoffre(s remark t~at
Athanasius was quoted against Gilbert (" cui
euidens oppos1ta est auctontas
Athanasii ... ") (u) lends weight to the assumption that the text was found in
Godescalc's scedula. In writing to Albinus Geoffrey seems to have quoted the
passage from memory.
The scriptt<,ra is found in MS Vat. Reg. Lat. 278, fols. 72-73. The manuscript
can be traced back to the library of Paul Ptau (1568-1614) from whose son
Alexander (d. 1672) Queen Christina of Sweden acquired t~e volume containi.ng
to abdtcate, the manuscnpt
it. When in 1654 she turned Catholic and was
went with her to Rome where her library was added to the Vatican Library in
16go. According to A. Wilmart the manuscript w.as wri:ten i~ the twelfth cen:~ry
"in superiore Gallia arte mediocri" (1). The scnptt~ra 1s a shghtly later add1hon
written in a different more elegant hand. Both were wrtten about the year 1200.
At present no other copy is known to
But there is little doubt that
the text used by J. Mabillon (16) in his Annales was Geoffrey's .scriptura. ~e
discovered it in an Ottoboni manuscript. In 1952 J. Leclerq (17 ) edtted the scrzptura from MS Vat Reg. Lat. 278, and in 1957 F. Pelster (18 ) published an analysis of the text without realizing that a printed edition was available. Pelster
mentions that he looked in vain for the Ottoboni manuscript. Since the document
is not of conspicuous length, it may well be hidden away among other texts of
an entirely different nature.
Greek word (t pyr) in the edition( 20 ), a misreading for "iusto pio", indicates that
the transcriber was faced with some difficult readings. The marginal notes printecl in Mabillon's edition probably reflect a similar
in the manuscript.
The two manuscripts used in the present edition show that originally these
introductions to the patristic excerpts were probably written on the outer or inner
margins of the folios rather than within the text. In a number of cases such
headings are now found at the end of the quotations which they are meant to
introduce. Placed within the text the headings sometimes
the natural
sequence or :flow of the exposition. The omission of such names as
of
Nazianzus and others may be due to the condition of the Longpont manuscript
whose whereabouts is unknown. The edition does not reflect the meticulous care
taken by Geoffrey in indicating the orign of his quotations.
Looking for manuscripts a student is often rewarded by consulting
muchmaligned Histoire littraire. In our case no such assistance is
except for
an erroneous but valuable reference. The twelfth volume of the Histoire littraire
(r763) attributes to William of Saint-Thierry a treatise "des Relations divines
contre les erreurs de Gilbert de la Porre" (21 ). We shall see that this false attribution originated at Clermont College in Paris. The incipit
in the Histoire
littraire reads: "Quatuor in his schedulis capita, lector, inuenies que in magna
nuper ecclesia ... repugnantia 11eritati ".
Although this is obviously the incipit of Geoffrey's Libellus, no reference is
made to Mabillon's editiou in r6go. On the contrary, the editor Franois Clment
calls the work "un autre crit de Guillaume, qui n'a pas encore vu le jour " (2 2).
In addition to the opening sentence the Histoire contains the transcription of a
twelfth
lengthy passage (23 ) in which Geoffrey passes some remarks on
century writers. W e also learn that "la bibliothque du collge de Louis le Grand
en possede un exemplaire enrichi de notes marginales du Pere Labbe. Il y en
a voit un an tre Morigni prs d'tampes ". Concerning the manuscript allegedly
founcl at Morigny the author confesses: "Nous ne savons o les manuscrits de
cette abbaye ont t transports depuis le malheur de sa clestruction " (24 ).
The "collge de Louis le Grand", renamed before the expulsion of the Jesuits
(r764), is more commonly knmvn as Collge de Clermont. The volume in question
is identfiecl on the margin as: " Bibl. col. Clarom. n. 27 ".
The building of the Collge de Clennont ;vas purchased
the Jesuit Fathers
in 1563. Snch outstanding scholars as Jacques Sirmond (r55g-r651),
of literature and rhetoric at the college (1581-1590) until he was called to Rome,
20
21
22
~.M.
S. A. C.
(25) Cf. H.
, ]. D. "VI ansi et lcs grandes collections conciliaires (Paris rgoo) 29 ff.
(2 6 )
ad ,Jlb. 14, 73-H
(27 ) PL r8o, 283-328.
(2S) Bibl. Patrunl. Cist. II, 4 (Bono-Fonte: A. Renesson 1662) 238-26r. C. Oumx,
Suppl. de
439 attrilmtes to Geoffrey "libn1m Contra Petrmn Abelardum
q uem uhli )lS. et editioni paratum in mani bus Bertrandi Tissier ". See also Com m. de
script eccl. 2, r497 and J. A. PABRICIUS, Bt:l. lat. mediae et inf. aetatis 3 (Hamburg 1735) 2I.
(29) PI4 r8o,
Cf. A. VERNET, U;~ abb de Clavaux bibliophile Pie1-re de
(1471-1496), in:
6
84: "Il n'a pas t retrouv depuis ".
(30) E. M. BUYTART
79) takes unicum to mean " uniqne ". Ths
is a possible but very unlikely interpretation.
(31) G. l\IORIN, Lettres indites des Papes Alexandre Il et Saint Grgoire VII, in:
Revue Bn. 48
128, n. r.
In 1940 the catalogne was publishe;l ia which Dr. Ernma Bartoniek describes
the manuscript in considerable detail (32). In Stegmiiller's Repertoriwm (33 ) it is
listed as No. 634. Seveu years
after cornparing Bartoniek's description with
the information provi d ed by Tissier and Geoffrey, :\1.-B. Carra de Vaux Saint-Cyr (34)
published his conclusi an: "
le rnannscript disparu de Clairvaux ".
Although as a rule historians state their case a little more carefully, it is true that
the copy of the Disputatio and the Libelhts preserved at Clairvaux is identical with
the copy now preserved at the Kational Mnseum (Szchnyi r6) in Budapest and
that it was once bonnd together with MS Troyes 1926, formerly Clairvaux G. 33.
On fol. 71 of the Budapest
we read: "Ce liure m'a est ennoy
en don par Mr. Camuzat Chanoine du
r6og, au treys (?) de Januier". This
enlry must bave been made by Andr Duchesne (r584-1640) in whose hands the
codex was when Tissier (r6ro-r67o) transcribed it. The transcript was made
some time hefore 1640 or hefore Tissier was thirty years old.
N:cholas Camuzat (3 fi), Canon of Troyes (1575-r665), who published his famous
Prompt2~arwm sacrarum antiquitatum Tricassnae diocesis (36 ) in r6ro, was an outstanding historian ancl in dose contact with Duchesne. Commenting on a letter
written by Peter the Venerable, Dnchesne quotes a text " e chartulario Trecensis
ecclesie depromptum et beneficio niri. docti Nicolai Camuzati nobis exhibitum " (37 ).
Another example of their dose cooperation is found in Duchesne's Hist. Frane.
Scriptores where he states that his edition of the historical letters of Traimundus,
monk of Clairvaux, comes " ex duobus codd. ms. quorum unus communicatus est
a pio et docto uiro Nicolao Camusat, ecclesie Trecensis canonico'' (38 ).
Canon Camuzat must bave been the friend who donated the copy received
by Duchesne in January r6og. That year Duchesne, who was 25 years old,
presented France with two of his historical masterpieces (39).
Emma BARTO::i'IEK, Codi ces latini mcdii aevi, in: Catologi Bibl. Nlusaei N ationalis
HungMci rz (Budapest 1940) 17, Ko. r6. Bartoniek rightly suspeeted the Freneh origin
of the manuscript.
( 33 ) F. STEGMULLER,
comm. in sent. Petri Lombardi (Wurzlmrg 1947) 305.
( 31 ) (Artiele
Disputatio catltolicorum patrum adversus dogmata Petri -:lbaelard, in:
Renue d es se. phil. et t!zol. 47 (r963) 205-220. In note 23 (p. 2q) he speaks of Citeaux instead of
Clairvaux. According to E. :\L BuvTAH.T (Thomas of 1Vlorgny 75), C:arra de Vaux's elaim
"leaves one uneasy ". A t the sa me time h e admits t hat the evidence is "
"
( 85 ) See Cat. gn. 4, 2 (Paris rS55) 953: MS Troyes 232r. Gall. chr. 12 (l'aris 1770) 334 D;
472 C; 483 D; 486E. Bographie universelle 6 (Paris 1812) 663. MICHAUD,
unv. 6, 523.
(36) Published at Troyes.
37
( ) PL r8g, 67 A.
Wheu Pierre de Goussainville prepared his edition of the works
of Peter of Blois which appeared in 1667, just two years after Canon Camuzat's death,
he discovered at Clennont College a mauuscript of Peter's works which had bee11 in Camuzat's possession. MS Berlin. Dcutsche Staatsb. 189: Phillipps 1720 contains a note:
"Ex bibliotheca ~icolai Camuzaei ( = Camuzati) Trecensis ecclesie canonici ". See also
PL 207, col. xxii D: "Incidit preterea in manus nostras codex lll.S. Nicolai Camusa.tii,
quondam eeclesie Trecensis canonici, qui nunc asservatur in Bibliotheca Collegii Clarornontani Soc. Jesu Parisiensi ".
( 38 ) A. DucnESNI<~, Hist. Frane. Scriptores 4 (Paris r641) 477
( 89 ) A ntiqz~itez et recherches de la grandeur et majest des rois de France and its sequel:
Ant. et rech. des villes, chateaux et places de France.
( 32 )
:VI. Hiiring S. A. C.
God only knows how Canon Camuzat came into possession of the codex (40 ),
but Tissier was still in a position to notice that it once belonged to Clairvaux.
Presumably the owner's name had not yet been erased.
At Clairvaux the volume or fragment now at Budapest was part of volume
G. 33 (MS Troyes 1926) at the time when Abbot Pierre de Virey compiled the
catalogne of the library (May 1472). Concerning MS Troyes 1926 A. Vernet (41 )
has the following note: "Dans le volume cot G 33 (Troyes 1926) des Excerpta
patrum sans valeur ont t snbstitus aux articles 4 et 5 du catalogne: << [4] Disputacionem catholicorum patrum contra dopnata Petri Abelardi en III livres et [5]
ung traicti contra Gilbertnm Porretanum de relationibus diuinis Jl.
No such substitution of excerpta patrum has taken place after Abbot Pierre
made his inventory, for either Abbot Pierre himself or rather an earlier librarian
(13th-14th cent.) numbered the folios with Roman numerals. MS Troyes 1926 ends
with folio 159 and MS Budapest, Nat. Mus. Szchnyi r6 begins with fol. r6o (42 ).
The fact that Abbot Pierre could provide the pressmark G. 33 proves again that
at his time the codex was still complete (43 ).
On fol. r (modern numbering) (44 ) of the Budapest manuscript there is a
warning, written in a late twelfth-century hand: " Deest tmus quaternus i. e.
primus. Qui tenuerit obedienciam scriptorum (45 ), illum requirat". This is obviously the warning transcribed by Tissier. It occas again on the lower margin
of the last folio of the Disp1ttatio (fol. 84v): " Dispntacio Petri Abelardi (46 ) contra
catholicos uiros Galliarum. Unus quaternns deest i. e. primus. Reqniratur apud
Morenienses monachos iuxta Stampas" (4').
This entry accounts for the erroneous information given in the Histoire littraire where we are told that there had been a copy of the Libellus at Morigny
near :Ittampes. The reference found in the Budapest mannscript is only to the
Disputatio about whose missing part a request was to be made at Morigny near
lttampes. 'V.le do not know when the Disptttatio and the Libellus were nnited
or bound together. But the confusion hecame possihle onlv after the two tracts
had been united in a single vohme.
(J 0 ) If Canon Camuzat received the fragment fro;n ~he abbot of Clairvaux it must
h ave been Ab bot Denis l' Argentier of Troyes (in office fro:n I 5'!() t o 25 October I 624) w ho
authorized the dismembering of the manuscript. Cf. Gall. clir. 4 (Paris I876) 8r2.
( 41 ) Un abb dc Clairvaux bibliophile: Picrr, de Vircy, in: Scriptorium 6 (I952) 84, n. 63.
42
( ) The nmnbering ends with fol. 222 (fol. 63 of the mmlern numbering).
Later (on
fol. 68v) there is evidence of yet another series of numbers: 68v = I36; 69 = I37; 6gv =
I38. It ends on fol. /Iv = r42. This pagination seems to account for the number q r
found inside the front cover (7I folios = 142 pages).
43
( ) lt is underst<::.ndable that the lihrarian A. I-Iannand found no pressmark. Cf. Ca!.
gn. 4, 2 (Paris I855) 7'!4
(H) The folios are no w numbered by means of a mechaEic<tl de vice such as a rubber stamp.
45
( ) The length of the missing text ;nust equal aboat eight colunms in Migne.
46
( ) The first three words, it seem.s, were written o\-er in the fifteenth century.
The
rest has faded so badly that it is almost invisible.
47
( ) By comparing this entry with Geofirey's Ep. ad dlb. 14, 74 Carra de Vaux (Disputatio 2I6) has reached the condnsion that Thomas, abbot o }forigny (d. II44), is the
author of the Disputatio.
25
We have seen that Tissier must have made his transcription from Duchesne's
copy about r635-1640, for Duchesne died in 1640. In his introduction to the
Disputatio edited in r662 he claims that the manuscript had disappeared. It
had not returned to Clairvaux, for not many years later (r69o) Clairvaux could
provide Mabillon only with a transcript from Longpont.
Another witness to its existence in Paris, ]. Sirmond (1559-I65r), must have
known its whereabouts, since he obtained a transcript which is still preserved at
the Deutsche Staatsbibliothek in Berlin (48 ). The fact that a transcript was made
for Sirmond suggests that the originai had not yet reached the library of Clermont
College. However, the same fact reveals Sirmond's interest in the manuscript.
The reference to Pre Labbe (r6o7-r667) in the Histoire littraire (1763) shows at
least that Ph. Labbe used the manuscript and added some marginai notes of which
there is evidence in the Budapest copy (49 ).
But the hand that wrote: " Guillelmi de S. Theodorico libri III contra Petrum
Abelardum et Tractatus contra Gilbertum Porretanum. Cod. sec. xii-xiii " on
the fiy-leaf of the manuscript preserved at Budapest seems to be Sirmond's own.
He also added a leaf to his transcript with the inscription: "Guillelmi abbatis
de S. Theodorico contra Petrum Abelardum libri III- Ex codice Clarauallensi
acephalo ... " (50 ). If the two hands can be shown to be identical, the codex
acephal1ts travelled from Duchesne's library to Clermont College Library before
r65r. The entry shows that it was still possible to ascertain the owner of the
" headless '' manuscript: Clairvaux.
Our manuscript is described in the catalogne of Clermont College Library (61 )
published by Dom Franois Clment OSB in 1754. Less than ten years later,
) Codices I'hillippici recentiores 3 (Phillipps I6go). V. RosE, Verzeichniss der lat.
Handschrijten, in: Die Handschriftenverz. der konigl. Bibl. zu Bcrlin XII, r (Berlin I893)
469. ANDR WII,l\IART, La srie et l," date dcs ouvrages de Guillaume de Saint-Thi~rry, in
Revue J'vlabillon I3 (1923) I62 writes: "La coincidence avec le texte imprim par l\lahillon
est padaite ". Sin ce Sirmond 's transcript was m ade from the Clairvaux nwnuscript ti1e
textual agreement cannot be " parfaite " by any means.
49
( ) vVhen Hugh l\Iathoud OSB collected testimonia concerning Card. Robert Pullen
whose works he published in Paris in 1655 he received from Fr. Phil. Labbe a text "ex
tractatu Guillelmi a S. Theodorico contra Gilbertum Porretanum Dc rclationibus diuinis,
in fine: Ut ad hec specialiter capitula que in manibus ... sicut de iusto pio superius ...
quam ipse persone etc. ( = Libellus V, 29-3 r). Rocce Guillelmi a S. Theodorico testimonium
indicio et beneuolentie debeo doctissimi uiri Philippi Labbe, Societatis Jesu presbyteri ".
PL 186, 634 AB. The same passage is quoted by C. E. Du Boulay, Hist. unit. Paris. 2
(Paris I 665) 233: Aduersus ipsum scripsit Gnillelmus de S. Theodorico Tractatum de relationibus diuinis. In fine autem sic habet: Ut ad hec specialiter capi tula que in mani bus ...
sicut de iusto per superius dictmn est que sin t aliud quam ipse persone ".
50
( ) V. Rose, Verzeichniss 469.
51
( ) Catalogus manuscriptorum codicum collegi i Claromontani (Parisiisin Palatio, apud Saugrain 1754) I82, N o. 525' "Codex membranaceus in-4. minori, (foliorum, 70.) saeculo xivo exaratus. Ibi continentur Abbatis (Guillelmi S. Theodorici) libri tres contra Petrum Abaelardum,
quorum primus quaternio, ut in editis, desideratur. Ad calcem huins codicis legitur antiqua
manu scriptum: In hoc uolumine continentur Epistole Hildeberti Cenomancnsis et Enchiridion S.
Augustini, Disputatioque Abailardi contra Catholicos uiros Galliarum (ipsi sunt tres libri suprac1icti). Sed deest quaternus unus; et Tractatus contra Gilbertum Porretanum. The catalogne was compiled by Dom Franois Clment and r~. G. Oudart Feudrix de Brquingny.
(
48
N. :VI. Haring S. A. C.
26
on 5 July 1763, the French Parliameut issued an arrt for Clermont College (52 )
which was executed by Mesnil (r717-I769): " Paraph au dsir de l'arrest du 5
Jnillet 1763 Mesnil" (fol. r) (53), an inscription found in all the mannscripts of
Clermont College, including our manuscript. Its pressmark was 525 and not
27 as stated in the Histoire littraire.
On 6 December 1763 the Dutch book collector Gerard Meerman agreed to
pay " 15000 lvres" for the 856 manuscripts of
college (54 ). While en route
to Holland, the shipment was stopped at Rouen with a strong suggestion that
some manuscripts should be re-routed as donations to the King's Library. As a
result 42 manuscripts were transferred to the " Bibliothque du roi " (55 ). Meerman was given the Order of Saint-Michael, and the permission to proceed with
the shipment was issued in Paris on 24 Aprii 1764. The list of the manuscripts
returned is still in existence. It shmvs that the lowest pressmark was 214 (56 ).
Gerard Meermann di ed in 1771. After his son' s death the Meerman library
(noo manuscripts) was put up to anction at The Hague (57 ) on 8 June 1824. In
the transition our Claromontanus 525 became Meerman 516 described iu the Meerman catalogne (p. 87) as: "Abbatis (Guillelmi S. Theodorici) libri III contra Petrum
Abaelardum quorum primns quaternus desideratur; einsdem Tractatus contra Gilbertum Porretanum de relationibus diuinis. In membr. saec. xiv. Fol. 70,p." The
short description given by V. Rose( 58 ) reads: "Anon. c. Petr. Abael. etc. xiv. 70".
The Meerman catalogne of r824 does not contain 99 of the 349 Latin manuscripts listed in the catalogne of Clermont College Library (Nos. 392-740) compiled
by Dom Franois Clment OSB (59 ) in I754 Before Sir Thomas Philli.pps (1792r872) bought the Meerman collection, another 6o copies had been disposed of,
including our fragment. Sirmond's transcript landed in England (60 ) ancl s now
in the Deutsche Staatsbiblothek in Berlin (61 ).
H. 0:-.mNT, Documents sur la vente rles manuscrils du
de Clcrmont Paris
(If64). in: Bull. dc la soc. de l'hist. de Paris r8 (r891) 7-15. Cf. L. DELISLE, Le Cabine/ des
manuscrits 1 (Paris J 868) 434-436.
According to the Biogr. univ. 28 (Paris
426-427 Jean Baptiste .i\lesnil was
an " avocat clbre ". See also MICHAt:;D, Biogr. uni v. z8, wo. Mistaking the number
5 (in the date) for the letter G., E. M. BUYTAR'r (Thomas oj ,'\forigny
suggests the reading
'' Gouverneur ''.
(54) H. O>m~r. Donmrents 10.
( 55 ) Actually only 37 were sent to Paris.
("6 ) H. OMONT, Documenls 13-14.
( 57 ) Cf. GERARD MEEIUIAN (1722-1771), Bibliotheca Mrmamriana siue ca,falogns librorum i mpressorum et codicum manuscriptorum. . . q'uorum publica fiet eme ti o di e v ii i sqq.
hmii anni 1\dDCCCXXIV.
(5 8) V. RosE, Verzeiclmss, p. ix,
(" 9 ) Catal. manuscr. codicum Co !l. Claromontani (Paris I 7 54).
( 60 ) G. HAENEL, Catalogi lbr. manuscrijJtorum (I,eipzig r83o) 85o: :\Ieennan 467 beeame :Middlehill (Phillipps, Cheltenham) 1690, dated saec. xvii. A. Y\'u.~rART, La svie r62
considered i t " une copie qui est de la main de Sirmond ". The Disputatia and the Lrbcllus
are described in Haenel as: " Guglielmi, ab b. S. Theodorid aduersus Petrum .c\ baelardum
lib. III; idem adnersus errores Gilberti Porretani ". Haenel compiled his list in r827.
The spelling " Guglielmi " points to Ubri. See also H. SCHE::-iKL, Bibl. patr. lat. Britannica,
in:
TVicn, phil.-hist. Kl. rz6, 6 and 127, 8
r-8o and I75
( 61 ) V. RosE,
Verzeiclzniss 469: Phillipps 1690.
The volume contains transc:ripts
of eight different tracts made by Sirmond and four other transcribers.
( 52 )
27
Our fragment had disappeared again. It must have been purchased before
1 g24 by the Hungarian bibliophile and archeologist Miklos Jankovich (1773-1846)
whose name is written on the inside of the front cover.
The Library of Nicholas J ankovich (62 ) contained about 63000 volumes bought
bv the National Museum Library of Budapest in 1830. Part of the library was
t;ansferred to the National Musenm in 1830, the rest in 1852. To Jankovicb
the Budapest Library owes six manuscripts from Clermont College, all duly initialled
by the "
" Mesnil (63 ). At least three of these Clermont manuscripts
(696.525.519) were part of the :Meerman collection (633.5I6.572), now :MSS
Budapest, Nat. Mus. Szchnyi 2 (Boethius), r6 (Disputatio and Libelhts), and
107 (Clement V) (64 ).
The script of the Budapest manuscript shows that the Disputatio (fols. 1-48v)
was written a lttle earlier than the Libellus (49-70) and by a different scribe (6 ").
At first they were separate units, of course. At an unknown date they were
bound together and adcled to the 159 (158) folios (66 ) of what is now MS Troyes
1926, formerly Clairvaux G 33
The separation of the 70 folios comprising both the Disputatio and the Libellus took place between 1472 and r6o9, presumably during the lifetime of Canon
Nicholas Camuzat (I575-1655), in other words not long before 1609.
No inscription is found in the manuscript. On fol. 70v it is still possible
to spot an erasure which is not thorough enough to rnake all letters of the
erased words illegible. Partly erased w ere the words: " Li ber sancte :Nlarie Clareuallis ".
On the same folio there is an entry, elevenlines in
in thirteenth-century
cursi ve: "Frigescente caritatis in terris igniculo, fons totius.. .
bene dicitur
Roma(uns) quasi rodens per mam1s per quam mundus roditur ". In the lower
section of the folio a fourteenth-century hand has written the following index:
" In hoc uolumine continentur epistole Hildeberti cenomanensis episcopi et Enchiridion s. Augustini episcopi (67 ). Disputaci o Petri Abalardi contra uiros catholicos Galliarum. Sed deest quaternus nnus ". Theu in a fourteenth- (or early
Concerning :::\. J ankovich of J eszencze see Benedek .Marcell, M agyar Jrodalmi
Lex:ihon (Budapest 1963} under Jankovich Miklos (no pagination). Vnyi Ferenc, J1agyar
Irodalmi Lex:ikon (Budapest 1926) 395.
( 63) MS Budapest 2 (Boethius, s. xi); MS 5 (Augnstine, s. xi), :Y1S 16 (Geoffrey, s. xii);
MS 73 (Clement IV, s. xiii-xiv); MS r66 (Pius II, s. xv). Cf. MoRIN, Lettres indites II8.
64
( ) See E. BARTONIEK, Codices, pp. 8, 17, and roo.
( 65 ) E. BARTOKIEK, Codices 17: "ff. 1-4Sv prima manu.s
ff. 49-70 secunda manus".
The frst hand seems to date back to II50II8o. The note concerning the missing quaternio
is contemporary but slightly later. The second hand is closer to ugo-r2ro. On the inside
of the front cover, in the upper left corner, there is the older Budapest ( ?) pressmark " 1053
Quart. lat. " with the addition " Cod. sec. xii ", ali don e in the I 9th century.
( 66 ) Actually the numbering is inaccurate and should be I 58 because folio number
72 was counted as 73 At the end of the codex an entry reads: "Les pages de ganle
et la reliure ont t entirement remplaces au xix sicle et ne portent aucune inscription ".
67
( ) See the description of MS Troyes 1926 in (A. HARMAND), Cat.
4, 2 (Paris
I855) 791:
( 62 )
N . .M. Hiiring S. A. C.
fifteenth-) century hand: "Et tractatus contra Gillebertum poretanum de relacionibus diuinis ''. This entry is followed by three pressmarks of which the first
two are stroked through: (G. 44 G. 44) G. 33. The index nmst have been made
before the addition, described by A. Vernet as excerpta Patntm, was made. The
pressmarks, it seems, were written in the early fifteenth century. They were
entered by the same librarian who wrote the pressmarks G. 74 and G. 75 in the
two manuscripts containing Gilbert's commentary on Boethius (68 ).
Much less remains to be said of the second manuscript used in the present edition. It belongs to the Arundel Collection of the British Museum (69 ) in
London and consists of two distinct parts (7). The first part (fols. r-93v) dates
back to the tenth(?) century and contains the canons of seven early councils (71 ).
The second part, written in Norman script, dates back to the end of the
twelfth century (n8o-12oo) and contains what is described in the catalogne (' 2)
as: " (Tractatulus) contra epistolas Gisleberti episcopi Pictauensis f. 94: Quatuor
quedam ". It ends on line 39 of fol. 99 The rest of the folio (lines 40-44) is
blank.
On fol. 99v there is a text written at the same time (n8o-12oo) but by a
different scribe. The first line has been cut away by a binder. For that reason
the incipit is missing. The text ends on line 36 with the words: " ... ita est
alter alterius essentia i. e. idem esse est alteri quod alteri ". The text deals with
the Son as Wisdom of the Father.
The erroneous title (Tractatulus) given to our treatise in the catalogne is due
to the fact that the top lines of all the folios of our treatise have been cut away
either partly or completely. However, the title fared relatively well, since only
the upper halv-es of the first three words have been affected. There is stili enough
evidence to allow the conclusion that the title reads: "Libellus contra epistolas
28
29
A
Ms London, Brit. M11s. Arundd 393, fols. 94-99
B
Ms Budapest, Nat. Mus. Szchnyi r6, fols. 49-70.
M
Mabillon (MS Longpont): 5. Bernardi opera II, 6 (Paris r69o) 1325A1338F: PL r85, 595-618 (a very faithful reprint).
The Letter to Cardinal Albinus, bishop of Albano, was first published by
Cardinal C. Baronius (' 6 ). The edition is silent about the manuscript used. It
was not flawless but, judging by the edition, above average in accuracy. Since
then no other copy has come to light. Alllater editions, including the present one,
are more or less faithful reprints of the text published by C. Baronius.
( 73 ) Most of the manuscripts collected by THOMAS HOWARD, Earl of Arundel (15851646), were presented to the Royal Society in 1678 and purchased from the same Society
by the Brit. Mus. in 183I (pressmarks 1-550).
74
( ) On 17 March 1148 Baldwin, abbot of Longpont
(1145-1149), obtained a bull
from Pope Eugene III in Reims. This probably implies that AblJOt Baldwin attended
the conncil of Reims (2o March I I 48) and Gilbert's trial, tlwugh his presence is not recorded.
Cf. Gall. chr. 9 (Paris 1751) 474 One of his successors presumably arranged the copying
of Geoffrey's Libellus.
75
( ) The Longpont transcript for Clairvaux was macle before 1690, probably not long
before that date. The Earl of Arundel died in 1646. Considering these dates, it seems
reasonable to assume that we are faced with two manuscripts.
76
(
) Annales eccl. 12 (Vatican I6o7) 352 D-357 CD.
Gaufridus Autissiodorensis
Scriptura 1-7
quitur maxime quod ab initio cautus fuisset ea lege eandem ingredi disceptationem ut
promitteret sine ulla sese obstnatone pro ecclesie sancte arbitrio correcturum libere
suam opinonem (8 ).
l.
2.
[GAUFRIDI SCRIPTURAJ
ERROR(ES) GIU.EBERTI PICTAUENSIS EPISCOPI
AUCTORE GAUFRIDO
[Pars primaJ
Cap. I
Fuit (1) item GILLEBERTUS quem cognominauere Porretanum Pictauorum episcopus in sacris ltteris plurimum exercitatus sed sublimiora se etiam ipse scrutatus ad
insipientam sibi.
Siquidem de sancte Trinitatis unitate et diuinitatis simplicitate non simpliciter
sentiens nec fideliter scribens discipulis suis panes proponebat absconditos furtiuas
propinabat aquas (2 ) nec facile quid
immo quantum desiperet personis authenticis fatebatur.
Timebat enim quod apud Senonas (8 ) Petrum ei dixisse ferunt
I
Quod ( ) duna natura que diuinitas dicitur deus non sit sed forma qua deus
est sicut humanitas homo non est sed forma qua homo est.
Contra
AuGUSTINus:
Omnis natura aut deus est aut a deo (2).
In libro De Trinitate:
Deus non ea magntudine magnus est que non est quod pse.
ert maior magnitudo quam deus (3).
Alioquin illa
Cap. II
4
Quod cum Pater et Filius et Spiritus sanctus unum esse dicuntur non nis una
diuintate esse intellgantur: nec conuert posst ut unus deus uel una substanta uei
unum aliquid Pater et Filius et Spiritns esse dicatur (4 ).
Contra
THEODERICUS Grecus (5):
Ibi enim unitas nere est Trinitas: et Trinitas nere est unitas (6 ).
5
6
8
( )
1
( )
( 1)
2
( )
(3)
neunzehn Captula Bernhards von Clairva"tx gcgen Abiilard, in: Hist. ]ahrb. 8o (r')6I) 230-239.
( 4 ) HoRACE, Ep. I, rS, 83.
Cf. ST. BER!'ARD,
342; PL 182, S47 A.
( 5 ) Gilbert was tried after the oilciai closing of the council.
The trial took piace
in the archbishop's residence and not in the cathedrai where the conciliar discussion had
taken piace. Cf. E p. ad Alb. 4, rS: " Ingredientibus uero nobis consistorium' ... ".
(6) Cf. Ep. ad Alb. 7, 35
(7) Cf. Ep. ad Alb. 7, 38: "
sunt nomina singulormn ... " (13,68): "subscriptis nominibus singulorutn ".
Cf.
ad Atb. 8,42-43. Libellus I, 12-13.
Concerning this version of the capitula see N. M. H.:i.RING, Das sog. Glaubensbekenntns
86-87 (Tex:tform B). Instead of sicut humanitas o ne tradition reads quemadnwdum humanitas.
2
( ) Cf. Libellus II, 35
3
( ) De Trinitate V. IO, II; PL 42, 918. Libellus II, rg: "Deus non ... ut quasi particeps eius st deus cun1 magnus est: alioquin ... quam deus ". Ep. ad Alb. s. 23.
4
( ) Instead of Spiritus esse read Spiritus sanctus esse.
5
( )
MS.
6
( ) Conc. univ. Chalcedonense: Collectio Sangermanensi.s rs; ed. E. SCH\VARTZ, Acta
Conc. Oec. II, s. 153 (24): "Ibi enim uere est unitas Trnitas et Trinitas uere est unitas ".
Libellus III, 50.
(')
(S)
Gaufridus Autissiodorensis
Scriptura 8-25
THEODERICUS:
Existentis scientia est deus: deus est Trinitas (9 ).
Cap.
AUGUSTINUS De Trinitate:
Consequenter intelligitur non tantum de Patre dixisse Apostolum Qui solus
habet immortalitatem sed de uno solo deo qui est Trinitas (10 ).
IO
IDE:M:
Supernarum uirtutum carmina unum tres esse et tres unum esse demonstrant (11 ).
IDEM;
Nec Sabellium incurrmus tres unum deum fatendo nec tue perfidie laques
irretmur dum bune deum Trinitatem esse ingenue confitemur (12).
II
33
nn
17
Contra
L:eo Papa:
Assumpta est a maiestate humilitas, a uirtute infirmitas, ab eternitate mortalit
natura inuiolabilis nature est unita passibili (20 ).
E
as.
t
lDSM:
19
Carnem sibi inuiolabilis Verbi deitas coaptauit (21 ).
1g
GREGORIUS:
Venit ad nos calciata diuinitas (22 ).
20
***
Cap. III
Credimus simplicem naturam diuinitatis esse deum nec aliquo sensu catholico
posse negari qui1_1 di~initas sit deus et ~eus dininitas. Si~ubi uero dici.t~r .deum sapientia
sapientem magmtudme magnum etermtate eternum umtate unum dmmttate deum esse
et alia huiusmodi, credimus
21
12
Quod tres persone tribus unitatibus sint tria et distincte tribus proprietatibus
que non sunt
persone sed tres (res) eterne et ab inuicem et a diuina substantia
numero di:fferentes (13).
Contra
AUGUSTINUS De Essentia diuinitatis:
Deus simplex est natura et inmutabilis et inperturbata.
aliud quod habet (14 ).
13
14
IS
BoETHIUS ( De Trinitate:
Hoc uere est unum in quo nullus est numerus quia nullum in eo aliud preter
id quod est (17 ).
16 )
r6
23
Credimus solum deum Patrem et Filinm et Spiritum sanctum eternttm esse
siue relationes siue proprietates siue singularitates uel uninec aliquas omnino res
tates dicantur et hninsmodi alia - adesse deo qne sint ab eterno et non sint deus.
Credimus ipsam diuinitatem - siue substantiam diuinam siue natnram dininam
incarnatam esse: sed in Filio (:13).
24
dicas
9
( )
167 A.
Co1~c.
univ. Chalcedonqnse; ed. SCHWARTZ, Acta Cane. Oec. Il, 5, 150 (rs): PG 83,
25
Remensis
( 2 ~)
Bituricensis (25 )
Burdegalensis (26 )
Turonensis (27 )
(10) De Trin. I, 6, ro; PL 42, 826. Lbellus III, 24: " Consequenter ... solo deo quod
19
Gaufridus Autissiodorensis
34
Treuerensis (28 )
Eboracensis (30 )
Viennensis (33 )
Cesariensis (29 )
Rotomagensis (32)
Scriptura 26-28
Cantuariensis (31 )
Episcoporum
z6
34
Suessionensis ( )
Ambianensis (38 )
Valentinns (42 )
Xantonensis (46 )
27
Cluniacensis (' 7)
Cathalannensis (3 )
Tornacensis (39 )
Cenomannensis (43 )
Parisiensis (36 )
Morinensis (40 )
Alecensis (44 )
z8
Autisiodorensis (37 )
Noruincensis (41)
Engolismensis (411 )
Abbatwm
Cisterci ensis (48 )
Clareuallis (49 )
35
Corbinensis (52 )
et alii plures.
kf agistri scolarum
Gauterius de Mauritania (55 )
Gauterius eboracensis archidiaconus (66 )
Gaufridus eboracensis archidiaconus (57 )
Humbertus Bituricensis (58 )
Petrus Lumbardus (' 9 )
Theodericus Carnotensis (60 )
Robertus de Bosco (61 )
Adam de Paruo Ponte (62) et alii multi.
(SO) Saint-Dnis:
OSH (rr23-II5r)
Mabillon 401. Ep. ad Alb. 3, r6 and 8, 39
(51) Saint-Benot-sur-Loire (Fleury) William OSB (1 145?-n67). Mabllon 401 names
Macarius.
(52) Corbie: Nicholas OSB (rr4z-rrs8). Mabillon 401 names Hugo.
(sa) Prmontr:
(rr28-rr61). l\fabillon 401.
(54) Kappenberg: Otto, O. Praemonstr. (II56-1172). There is an s-like mark in front
of Otto's name. Since Otto was not an abbot, this sign may be intended to distinguish
him from the
group. John of Salisbury, Hist. pont. 8; p. r8 mentions Baldwin,
abbot of Chtillon-sur-Seine
as present.
(55) '\Valter of
studied under Alberic of Reims (d. 1141), taught at Reilns
and Laon. He became bishop of I,aon in 1155 and died there in 1174.
(56) He accompanied Archbishop Henry ::.VIurdac. Cf. N. :\L H.ii.RING, Das sog. Glaubensbekenntnis 84, n. 170. See also AYRO:M SALT:YL\.N, Theobald, Archbishop of Cantetbury
(London 1956) .wz.
('") Geoffrey Turcople became dean of the catheral (u62-II67). His colleague
Walter was known as \V alter of London. Both must have been in Trier on 7 December 1147
when Henry ::.VIurdac was consecrated by Pope Eugene. However, the presence is not recorded.
(58) In 1 r 56 "
Humbertus archidiaconus Bitnricensis" signed a charter published in Gall. chr. 2, 13 B instr.
(59) When Theobald of Paris who attended the tueeting died on 8 January 1158, he
was succeeded by Lombard who died in I r6o. Peter I,ombard's presence is also recorded
by ]OHN OF SAI,ISBURY, Hist. pont. 8; ed. Poole I7.
(60) Thierry of Chartres seems to have retired to a Cistercian mon3stery during the
following decade.
(61) Robert de Bosco accompanied Bishop Bartholomew. JOHN OF SALISBURY (Hist.
pont. 8; ed. Poole 19) describes how Robert reacted against one of the propositions rnade
by St. Bernard at the meeting : '' Archiiliaconus qtdam Catalaunensis, scilicet
de Bosco ... " His name is found under a charter published in Gall. chr. IO (Paris
173 instr.. See also Afiscell. Giov. J'vltrcati, in: Studi e Testi 122 (Vatican
62
( ) Adam gave his lectures on the Petit-Pont in Paris.
He attended the consistory
of Paris where he witnessed against Gilbert as is recorded by Otto of
who describes
him as "uir subtilis ". Gesta Frid. I, 53; p. 75 This reputation is confirmed by John
of Salisbury, 1\lletal. II, 10; ed. Webb. 8o. At the Lateran coundl of 1179 he stood up
Pope Alexander III in favour of Peter Lombard. He was then bishop of St. Asaph
(II75-I
Cf. Dict. of Nat. Biogr. 1 (London rgo8) 75-76. C. E. Du BOULAY, Hist.
univ. Paris. 2, 148. All the magistri listed here 3re enumerated in the sarne order by
Mabillon 40r. JoHN OF SALISBURY, Hist. pont. 8; p. r8 has recorded the presence of
Thomas who, at the time, belonged to the household of Archbishop Theobald. In I I 55
II made him chancellor. He was elected archhishop of Canterbury in 1 r62 and
assassinated in 1170.
John also mentions the presence of Roger, later Archbishop of
York (n54-II81).
Gaufridus Autissiodorensis
I,ibellus I, I-I I
3.
pro fidei ueritate (17 ). Sed cautius forte uidebitur [49v] simplici narratione contentum
quod ad personas pertinet silentio preterire.
Quatuor (1 ) in his scedulis capitula, lector, inuenies que in magna nuper ecclesia (2) propalata et reprobata sunt tanquam manifeste repngnantia ueritati: nec
cuilibet ueritati sed ei cuius iniuriam dissimulare non licnit quod ea nel maxime fidei
catholice obtineat fundamentum.
1
Hi sunt panes absconditi (3) quos celebris lle magister, porrata (') agnomine,
nomine GrsLEBERTUS (5), suis non paruo tempore discipulis uenditarat. Nec paucos
eorum furtiuis inebriarat aquis (6 ) presertim animos iuueniles nouitate gaudentes: sine
dane qne Christus est in diuinas paginas irruentes: sine spirtu qui solus ea nonit scmtantes ipsa etiam alta dei (7). Inter eiusmodi nona dogmata celabantur. Sed in lncem aliqnando prodiere.
2
3
Horrebant catholicorum aures profanam nonitatem. Et eo usque zelns prorupit ut predictns G(ISLEBERTus) ("), iam tunc qnidem
(9 ) episcopns, in
presentia Summi Pontificis EuGENII tercii et Sancte Romane Ecclesie (10) super his
pulsaretur.
4
Elegit autem negare omnia etiam qne Pictauis in sinodo (11 ) sua manifeste ab
archidiacono suo (12} arguebatur fuisse confessns. Inter negandum tamen anfractnosis
quibusdam more suo uerborum cauillationibus utebatnr ut facile Vir Apostolicns animadnerteret prorstls aliquid apud eum de anathemate Iherico latitare (13 ).
37
Ibi quoque et obiecta negauit et quasi (18) testes protulit (19) quod nil tale aliquando docuisset (20 ).
8
Prolate sunt tamen particnle qnedam. Sed, ut poterat, etiam manifesta capitnla
detorquebat: non paruis in hoc maxime (25 ) patrociniis utens (26 ). Demum iussus est
Summo Pontifici integrum mittere corpus libri (27 ).
Factaque est inquisicio tercia in urbe Remorum (28 ) ubi predictus papa magnum
9
eodem anno (29) concilium celebrauit congregatis quatuor regnorum episcopis: Gallie
Germani e Anglie et Hispanie (3). Ubi iam dissimulandi facultas non fui t cnm ex (31 )
propriis litteris euidentius argneretur.
Sed et ipse paratis sibi patrociniis factus uidetur audacior ut ex hoc dedignaretur
10
amplius diffiteri quod tanto tempore docuisset (32 ). Itaque qnicquid semel et secundo
coram tanto indice et testibus tants negauerat inpudenti temeritate professus, hoc
tamen addere cautus fuit paratum se (33) ecclesiastico sensui postponere suum nec
contumaciter (34 ) in eo persistere qnod dixisset.
11
Disceptatum est aliquantis diebus. Qnod ibi quoque etsi pauci admodum pro
doctrina lla starent sed plnrimi pro persona satagentes [So] excnsare et extenuare
etiam que non probabarit (35 ). Denique (36 ) coactus est zelus ecclesie Gallicane (37 ) agente clarissimo dareuallis abbate BERNARDO (38 )
adnersus eadem capitula fidei
sue simbolum edere: quam expressius potuit obuians his que dicebantur ab illo. Nec
sicut ill dixerat aliquibus sese debere personis snper his acquiescere addiderunt sed
in eodem omnes unanimiter stare et nichil penitus mutaturos (39 ).
28
( 29 )
Gaufridus Autissiodorensis
12
Gnde etiam omnibus demum Apostolico examine et communi iudicio reprobatis
ipse quoque eorum auctor (' 0) in communi audientia ore proprio his (41 ) que professus
fuerat abrenunciauit (' 2 ). Et singula queque refutans (43 ) promisit nil tale deinceps
sese (44) aut scripturum aut docturum (45 ) aut etam crediturum.
totus sapientia es " (4 ) eo sane propriarn magis in deo figuram expressionis assignans
quod in homine quidem, cui (5 ) multe sint proprietates, habundantia forme unins utputa sapientie in deo autem singularitas ipsa ueram faceret huiusmodi enunciationem (6 ).
13
Porro uolumen illud in quo manifesta esset inuenta iniquitas lectitari de cetero
nel (46) transcribi ('') Summus Pontifex apostolica auctoritate prohibuit nisi forte romana ecclesia purgatum illud ederet et correctum (' 8 ). Quod quidem nec factum audiuimus (49 ) nec speramus aliquando faciendum.
14
Quia tamen multorum adhuc scolarium corda uidentur eum quo semel inbuta
sunt seruare odorem nec desistunt ut dicitur (50 ) eo (51 ) perniciosius (52 ) quo occultius
interdictas paginas lectitare, erit forsitan non inutile si ad correptionem (53 ) presentium
et futurorum cautelam (54 ) ipsa pariter confutati (55 ) erroris capitula - qnemadmodum
auctor eorum suo illa ore professus suo deprehensus est inscripsisse libello - et sanctorum testimonia patrum quibus confutata snnt aut [sov] confutari posse uidentur in
medium proferamus (56).
II
De
capitulo
primo
I
Inicium malorum hoc erat: Forma ponebatur in deo qua deus esset et que non
esset deus ut humanitas hominis forma est non que sit sed qua sit homo.
39
Et dei quidem esse in eo constituebat ut hac (7) forma subsisteret: forme autem
ipsius (s) in eo magis ut non hec aliquo [SI] sed hac esset aliquid i. e. deus (9).
6
nens
De qno quidem capitulo super tractatum BOECII immo pocius contra non exposed BoECIO se opponens scripserat in bune modum:
BoECIUM
Ex Commentario
( 10 ) episcopi super BoECIUM:
11
Sicut ( ) non est quo deus sit nisi sola atque simplex essentia i. e. usya sic non
est unde usya ipsa sit nisi quoniam ea simplex et solus deus est. Gnde etiam usus loquendi est ut de (1 2 ) deo dicatur non modo " deus est " uerum etiam " deus est ipsa
essentia ". Recte utique. Si enim de aliquo (18), qui non modo sapiens sed etiam coloratus et magnus et multa huiusmodi est, ex sapientie pre ceteris (14) habundantia dicitur " Tu quantus quantus totus es sapientia " (1") tanquam nichil aliud sit quod sibi
esse conferat nisi sola sapientia, multo proprius deus cui diuersa non conferunt ut sit
dicitur " ipsa essentia " et aliis nominibus idem ut " Deus est ipsa diuinitas sua, ipsa
sua sapientia ".
7
Ex (16 ) eodem:
Diuinitas (17 ) in Patre dicitur esse sic ut essentia in eo qui nere est.
Hanc nero formam siue naturam diuinam quam, ut diximus, deum esse negabat
diuersis dice ba t (1 ) appellati nominibus "diuinitatem magnitudinem bonitatem ueritatem
sapientiam omnipotentiam " qua uidelicet una forma non modo deus sed et magnus
et uerus esset et bonus et sapiens et queque similia: eo nempe creatorem a creaturis
differre contendens quod ille quidem formis subsisterent (2 ) pluribus, ipse una.
Ex (18 ) eodem:
Aliqui (19) sensu paruuli (20 ) audientes quod deus est simplex ipsum et quecumque de eo nominum diuersitate dicuntur - ut " deus unus eternus persona principium auctor Pater Filius Connexio " et huiusmodi alia - eiusdem nature eiusdemque
rationis esse ita accipiunt ut essentia (21 ) qua dicitur esse deus (22 ) sit et unitas qua
unus est et eternitas qua eternus est et similiter cetera: et e conuerso ipse etiam Pater
sit paternitas et unus unitas et eternus eternitas et conuersim (23 ).
3
Unde et hniusmodi (3) enuntiationes " Diuinitas est deus sapientia ueritas magnitudo bonitas " nel " Omnpotentia dei est deus ipse ", si de simplicissima illa excellentissmaque natura sermo fieret, falsas esse omnino tam impie quam libere ausus
est profiteri.
Ex (24 ) eodem:
Qt~ero (2 ") an Pater et Filit~s et Spiritus sancttts predicentur substantialiter de
ditdnitate i. e. de illis qui quoniam sola diuinitate [Srvl sunt id quod sunt non modo
" deus " uerum etiam " diuinitas " appellantur.
4
Porro connersas earum " Deus est ueritas " " Deus est sapientia " ceterasque
eiusmodi emphaticas esse tradebat ac si de homine diceretur " Tu quantus quantus
( 40 ) (J:'i;"ec sicut ... eorum auctor) Dernum est a Summo Pontifice, abiudicatis omnlms,
A1\1.
timens ille ac tremens (pauens
( 41 ) his om. A. Cf. S't. BB~RNARD,
Cant. s. So, 4, g; ed. LEcr,ERCQ 283: "Tam bee
quam cetera digna repregensione inuenta proprio ore damnauit ".
( ~) Cf. Ep. ad Alb. 8, 42.
(43) Cf. S'l'. BERNARD,
Cani.
ed. LECLERCQ 283.
( 45 ) dicturum M
(44) (nil. . . sese) sese nichil tale
( 47 ) su h excommunicationis pena ad d. A ,11.
( 48 ) Cf. Ep. ad Alb. 8, 43
audiuimus corr. ex nouimus B.
( 50 ) (nec ... dicitur) nec destiterunt AJJ. Cf. ST. BERNARD, E p. 338 (to Card. Haimerius):
" Quo semel est imbuta recens seruabit odorem testa diu ", quoted frorn HoRACE, Ep. I, 2, 69.
51
( ) utique add. A~1.
(52 ) sibi add. AM.
53
( ) correctionern A 1\f. Cf.
Cani. s. So, 4, 9; ed. LECLERCQ 283.
(54) et add. AlVI.
(55 ) confutati M.
( 56 ) Explicit prefacio.
Incipit capitulum prirnum add. B.
( 1 ) dicebat om. Alvf.
(2 ) sustinerent A
(3 ) eiusmodi 1vf.
4
IO
( 5 ) cum B.
(4 )
ad Alb. 2, 7
( 6 ) enuntiatianem B.
(') hac om. B.
( 8 ) supple: esse constituebat.
( 9 ) The statement seems to reflect the trial rather than a written source.
10
( ) Gisliberti A. Gilleberti B. (Ex. . . Boedum) om. M. Gilleberti cornment. in Boet.
marg. lvi. super Boecium om. A.
GILBERT,
in Boethi lib. de Trinitate I, 3, 5; ed. N. lYI. Haring sr: "Sicut ...
ipsa sua sapientia" (PL 64, r:z6g D).
12
( ) de ss. A.
(12 ) de aliquo om. M. de honne A.
14
( ) onrnibus add. AB(GilbeJ't).
15
( ) es
sapientia es Glbert. The text is derived from Terence, Ado!. III, 3, 40.
16
( ) ex eodem om. BM.
17
( )
De Trin. I, 3. 24; ed. HA.RING 56: "Diuinitas ... nere est" (PL 64., 1274 B).
18
( ) Ex eodem om. M.
19
( ) GILBERl', De Trin. Il, 2; ed. HARING 88: "Aliqui sensu ... conuersim" (PL 64, I30I D).
20
( ) paruuli sensu Jl.
(21 ) ut essentia: ut et essentia Gilbert.
22
( ) qua dicitur esse deus: quae dicitur deus 11!.
23
( ) e conuerso B.
(24 ) ex eodem am. Bllf.
2
( )
De Trin II, I, s; ed. HARJNG 8g: "Quero ... appellantur" (PI.., 64,
133 B). The text is shortened. The italicized words are those of Boethius.
Gaufridus Autissiodorensis
Libellus II,11-23
Ex (26) eodem:
Pater (2 7 ) ueritas i. e. uerus est( 28 ). Filius ueritas i. e. uerus est. Spiritus sanctus
zteritas i. e. uerus est (29 ). Et collectim (30 ) Pater Filts et Spiritus sanctus non sunt
tres ueritates sed sunt una singnlariter et simpliciter tteritas i. e. unus uerus.
Dum enim materia subiecta humanitati suscipit quodlibet accidens, ipsa hoc suscipere
uidetur humanitas. Forma nero que est sine materia non potest (49 ) esse subiectum nec
uero (50 ) inesse materie (H).
II
Ex ( eodem:
Qui (32) homo est ut Plato uel Cicero (33 ) uel Tripho uel qui Deus (34) ut Pater
uel Filius uel Spiritus sanctus: quod dicitur illortJm quilibet esse homo et istorum quilibet esse (3") deus refertur ad substanNam non que est sed qua est (36).
Hoc igitur unum quod solum est id quod est hoc pulcherrimum fortissimumque
1g
quod nullo nititur in quo nullum aliud preter quam id quod est quod subiectum fieri
non potest, forma enim est, quis sanum sapiens deum esse negauerit? Alioquin si deo
diuersa non conferunt ut sit ("2), diuinitas autem nullo nititur ne uno quidem, eligat (53 )
quisque quod iudicauerit preferendum.
13
19
12
31 )
Ex (37 ) eodem:
Cum (38 ) dicitur deus deus deus primum de Patre secundum de Filio tercium
de Spiritu sancto, eorum quidem qui sunt deus numeratio facta est: eius uero quo sunt
deus repeticio.
14
Iam si expositorem audiuimus - ne forte st infidels - ipsum consulamus
auctorem. Formam quippe nominat. Sed quid uelit intelligi, manifestius exprimit
dicens:
15
16
Ut cum homo terrenus constet ex anima corporeque, corpus et anima est: non
uel corpus uel solum (41 ) anima. In parte (' 2) igitur non est id quod est. Quod uero
non est ex (43 ) hoc atque hoc sed tantum hoc est (44 ), illud nere est id quod est. Et est
pulcherrimum fortissimumque quia nullo nititur. Quocirca hoc uere unum est (45 ) in
quo nullus numerus, nullum in eo aliud preter quam id quod est.
17
Neque enim subiectum fieri potest. Forma enim est. Forme uero [52] subiecte
esse non possunt. Nam quod cetere forme subiecte accidentibus sunt ( 4~) ut humanitas
non ita accidentia suscipit eo quod ipsa est sed hoc (47 ) quod materia ei (48 ) subiecta est.
zo
21
22
23
poterit: Boethius
B has the following addition: "
esse (fonnas
in formis que preter
materiam sint iste forme non ernnt que sunt in materia et corpus efficiunt. ~am ceteris
que in corporibus sunt abutimur " fonnas " uocantes dum
sunt. Adsimilantur
formis his que non sunt in materia constitute ". BoETHIUS, De Trin. 2; p. 12.
( 52 ) Cf. Libellus II, 5
(53 ) et eligat l'vfigne.
( 54 ) (Augustinus libro) ait enim libro AJi{. Aug. de Trin. lib. 5 cap. ro rnarg. 1'VI.
55
( ) AUGUSTI~E. De Trin. V, 10, u; PL 42, 918: "Deus autem ...
quam deus ".
Scrptura I, 3 Cf. Ep. ad Alb. 5, 23. Super Cant. s. 8o, 4, 7; ed. I4ECLERCQ 282.
56
( ) In A the words " Boecius de Trinitate " are fonnd at the end of the quotation.
Boet. de Trin. cap. 3 marg. M.
57
( ) BoEl'HIUS, De Trin. 3; p. 14.: "Catholicis ... Spiritus sanctns ".
( 58 ) " alias deest nihil " rnarg. M.
(59 ) rectius corr. ex. recte B.
60
( ) Boedus ad Symachum: Idem de eodem A.
61
( ) BOEl'HIUS, De Trin. 4; p. r8: "De forma enim eius ... pluralitas ".
( 62 ) illius add. B.
63
( ) Cf. BERNARD, De Consid. V, 7, 17; PL 182, 798 C.
64
( ) (Idem. . . phylosophie) Idem in libro B. Id. lib. 3 de consol. rnarg. }el.
65
( ) De Cons. phil. III, ro prosa, ed. S'rEWARl'-RAND 268: "Queso, inquit ... diuersa coniunxerit".
66
( ) inquit. om. M.
(67 ) dixerim AB.
Gaufridus Autissiodorensis
Libellus II,24-38
hunc rerum inquit (68 ) omnium patrem illud summum bonum quo plenus esse perhibetur uel extrinsecus accepisse uel ita naturaliter habere presumas quasi habentis dei
habiteque beatitudinis diuersam cogites esse substantiam.
sola (SO) unitate tres personas ~ici asse:is (91 ) unum [?t3v] fdeu.mt . tQud obmuteseis? (92)
nte partem utramque proseqmtur, utrmque perseqm ur ugl an em.
24
Nam si extrinsecus acceptum putes, prestantius id quod dederit eo quod acceperit existimare possis. Sed hunc esse rerum omnium precellentssmum dignissime
confitemur. Quod s natura quidem inest (69 ) sed est ratione diuersum. Cum de rerum
principe loquamur deo, fingat qui potest quis hec diuersa coniunxerit.
31
25
84
29
68
( ) inquit om. M. Boeth~s.
(6 9 ) Idem est 1\!1.
{7) Idem de eodem om. J.J. Ibid. post pauca marg. ~lf. Idem in eodem philosophe B.
( 71 ) De Cons. phil. III, 10 prosa; ed. STEWART-RAND 270: "Nullo ... diuinitas ".
(7 2 ) gitur add. Boethius.
3
(' ) bonmn esse: esse bonum AB
(1 4 ) psam om. A.
5
(' ) Interlinear note in B: " T amen, Gillebertine, ut Gilleberto ultra non loqnatur ".
(7 6 ) et eum: demum Jf.
(7 7) bonitate A.
(1 8 ) ille omnium: omnum ille B. Cf.
Cant. s. 8o, 4, 8; ed. LECLBRCQ 282: "Augu-
43
Quid euidentius dici potuit? Adhuc tamen eundem [54] AuGuSTINUM audiamus.
36
Quid ergo de ea faciemus (8 ) non que est sed qua est deus?
37
sola om B.
(91 ) dici asseris: dcimus B.
obluisceris B. obmutescis suprascr. B.
( 1 ) Idem in eadem om. B. August. ibid. marg. Jrf.
2
( ) Ep. rzo. 3, 7; PL 32, 46o: "Si. .. alud quam
Trinitas ".
( 3 ) quoniam Augustine.
(4 ) ideo cum Augustine.
(") Augustinus ... sexto om. 11'[. Id. li b. I de Trin. cap. 6 marg. M. Transposed in
B. See note 7
( 6 ) AUGUSTI::-<E, De Trin.
I, 6, g; PL 42, 8z5: Omnis enim ... Deus est".
(7) Augnstinus De Trinitate libro primo captulo sexto add. B. See note 5
(B) facimus AM.
( 9 ) Idem om. B. Idem lib. 2 de Trin. c. 3 marg. M. In B this introduction s placed
between Filus anrl. aliud doctrina.
( 10 ) De Trin. II, 2, 4: PL 42, 847: "Tu dei. .. Filus est".
( 11 ) Libro quinto capitulo secundo om. AJlf.
(1 2 ) De Tritt. V, 2, 3; PL 42, 912: "Alie que ... competit ".
(13) accidentas AB.
( 14 ) (melius excogibri) eiusmodi accdere A ugustine.
( 90 )
( 92 }
Gaufridus Autssiodorensis
44
non potest. Et ideo sola est inconmutabilis substantia uel essentia que (15) deus est
cui profecto ipsum esse, unde essentia nominata
maxime ac uerissime competit.
39
I-l<'c AuGUSTINUS. Te uero, quisquis adhuc porros esuris (16) et cepas Egiptorum (17 ), fateri uelim (1 8 ) quenam magis proprie dicatur essentia: que est aut qua
est deus? Utraque enim inconmutabilis est. Et forte magis ei competit nomen essentie
qua est quicquid est? (19)
Libro ( ) secundo capitulo decimo nono:
Ipsa (21 ) enim natura uel essentia uel quolibet alio nomine appellandum est id
ipsum quod est deus quicquid illud est corporaliter uideri non potest.
40
20
41
42
Aliud enim ibi forma et aliud color. Et utrumque non in se ipso sed in aliqua
mole. Que moles nec forma nec color est sed formata et colorata. Sapientia uero et
sapiens est et se ipsa sapiens est.
Libro (24 ) eodem capitulo quinto:
Res (25 ) ergo (26 ) mutabiles neque simplices proprie dicuntur substantie. Deus
autem si subsistit ut substantia proprie dici possit in eo inest aliquid tanquam in subiecto. Et non est simplex cui hoc sit esse quod illi est quicquid aliud de illo ad illum
dicitur sicut magnus bonus et si quid eiusmodi de deo non incongrue dicitur.
43
44
Nefas est (27 ) ergo dicere ut subsistat et subsit deus bonitati sue atque illa bonitas non substantia sit uel pocius essentia eius neque ipse deus sit bonitas sua sed in
eo sit tanquam in subiecto.
45
qui Augustine.
( 16 ) exuris A .
(1 7) Cf. Num. II: 5
(1 8 ) fateri uelim: non piget, obsecro, fateri B.
( 15 )
No manuscript has the question mark. But the sense seems to require it.
libro ... nono: Idem Augustnus M. Ibid. cap. 18 marg. ,"vf.
21
( ) De Trin. II, r8, 35; PL 42, 868: "Ipsa enim ... non potest ".
2
(' ) Libro ... quinto: item Af. Idem lib. 7 de Trin. e. I marg. M .. Augustinus in (libro ... primo) add. man. ree. B.
3
(' ) De Trin. VII, I, z; PL 42, 935: "Sicut antem ... se ipsa sapiens est".
24
( ) Libro ... quinto: Item M. Ibid. cap. 5 marg. 1\'1.
25
( ) De Trin. VII, 5,
10; PL 42, 942: "Res ergo nmtabiles ... sit ta:nquam in
subiecto ''.
( 96 ) nero M.
(2 7) auteru add. 11f.
( 28 ) Idem ... sexto om. M. Ibi!l. cap. 6 marg. 1Yl. In B the introduetion is plaeed
after ex eadem.
29
( ) De Trin. VII, 6, 12; PL 42, 944: "Tres personas ... quod persona".
(
19
( 20 )
Libellus Il,3953
45
6
4
49
Quid tibi uidetur? Huicne credendum est singulari (39 ) utique magistro catholice
50
fidei et expugnatori uniuerse heretice prauitatis dicenti " Natura inmutabilis quod
est dens " et " uita quod ipse sibi est " an magis ei qui dicit " Non que est sed qua
est"? Sed iterum atque iterum quid AuGuSTINUS sentiat audiamus (40 ).
AUGUSTINUS (41 )
2)
52
53
Idem ... dnodecim: item A:l. Idemlib. I4 de Trin. c. IZ marg. 1'vl. Idem om. B.
De Trin., XIV, 12, r6; PL 42, 1048: "Est igitur. .. Deus est".
( 32 ) mtionabili Jl.f.
(33 ) natura om. A 1vl.
4
(3 ) Idem ... tercio: Item lvi. Lib. I5 c. 13 marg. i11.
( 30 )
( 31 )
( 30 )
( 36 )
Libellus II,54-68
Gaufridus Autissiodorensis
Idem (4B) De Trinitate et columba:
Legitur (49 ) quidem: Et spiritus sapientie multiplex (60 ) sed recte dicitur etiam
simplex. Multiplex enim quia multa sunt que habet: simplex autem quia non aliud
quam habet est. Sicut [55v] dictus est Filius habere uitam in semet ipso (51 ) et eadem
uita ipse est.
6r
55
est.
56
64
54
Item:
Nunc (56 ) ueniamus ad ea que deus habere dicitur que non possunt non haberi
que haberi dicuntur ut ait Apostolus: Jta et que in deo sunt nemo nouit nisi spiritus
qui in ipso est.
47
6z
57
Que (57 ) sunt ergo in deo? pariter requiramus. Nonne sapientia uirtus lux prouidentia uita splendor imago inmortalitas de qua scribitur: Qui solus habet inmortalitatem? (5B) Habet enim uniuersa que diximus que omnia Filius est.
58
Item (62):
Spiritus (63 ) sanctus non accipiens aliunde sapientiam dictus est spiritus sapientie. Hoc enim ipsum quod subsistit spiritus sapientie est. Et natura eius nichil
est aliud nisi spiritus ueritatis.
59
6o
(4B) Idem. . . columba: Item .11. In B the introdnction is placed after etiam simplex.
49
) Ep. rGg, 2, 7 (Euodio de Trin. et columba); PL 33, 745: "Legitur ... uita". Cf.
WII,LIAM OF SAINT-THIERRY, Disp. adversus Abelardum s; PL rSo, 266 A and 278 B.
50
( ) Sa p. 7 : 22.
( 51 ) I oh. 5 : 26.
( 52 ) Ieronimus. . . cliffinitionum om. ,u. Genna.dius in regulis diffinit. marg. M. Idem ...
diffinitionum A.
( 53 ) Regule defmitionurn pro/ate a S. Hieronimo contra hereticos; MS Berlin, Deutsc.he
Staatsb. 78 (Phillipps r67r), f. 6rv "Quid te ... incompositam ". Lombard, Sent. I, 13, 4
attributes to the same work and autlwr a text found in Pseuclo-Ambrose, De Trinitate
tractatus (PL 17, 537-576).
( 54 ) alia B.
(55 ) legeres A M.
56
( ) Regule definitionum; f. 62: "Nunc ... ipso est": I
Cor 2, rr.
67
( ) Regulc definitionum; f. 62: "Que ... Filius est".
(58) r Tim. 6: r6 (habet om. A.).
59
( ) Didimus ... sancto om .11. Diclym. de Spiri tu sancto marg. lVI.
( 60 ) Dmv:.rus, De Spir. s. 4; PL 23, rrz: "Quod autem ... bonitatem ".
( 61 ) ceteris tribuat: tribuat ceteris M.
(62 ) in eodem add. A. Ibidem marg. 1li.
63
( ) DIDYMUS, De Spir. s. 2r; PL 23, r28: "Spiritus ... nisi Spiritus ueritatis ".
( 64 ) Fulgentius ad Donatum om. l'vi. Fulgentius ad Donat. marg. JI.
65
( ) FULGENTIUS, Ep. 8, 12; PL 365 D: "Una ... coniungi ".
The text is quoted
by ST. BERNARD, Super Cant. s. So, 4, 8; ed. LECLERCQ 282.
( 66 ) seruitutem Fulgentius.
65
66
ILARIUS (B 5) De Sinodis:
Est (B 6) preterea tercius hic error ut cum unius substantie Pater et Filius esse dicatur significari existimetur substantia prior quam inter se duo pares habeant ac sic (B 7)
tres res sermo significet substantiam unam et duos unius substantie uelut coheredes.
67
68
( 67 )
(6B) Ethymol. VII, r, ro (ed. LINDSAY): "Deus enim ... tenet ".
( 69 ) quocl est a dd. suprascr. B.
(7) Idem ... primo: Idem 1"1. Isid. lib. eti.m. lib. 4 cap. r. marg. M.
( 71 ) Ethymol. VII, r, 27 (ed. LINDSAY): "Deus autem ... unus est".
( 72 ) autem om. B.
(' 3 ) Gregorius ... sexto om. M. in om. A. Greg. moral. lib. r6 marg. AI.
( 74 ) 1'vioral. XVI, 43, 54; PL 75, 1147 B: "Deus namque ... eternitas ".
(7 6 ) Alcuinus ... nono om. AI. Alcuin de Trin. lib. 2 c. 9 et 14 marg. M.
(7 6 ) De Fide s. Trin. II, g; PL ror, 29 B: "Hoc quoque ... deus est".
(7 7 ) Idem ... quarto: Item l'vi. See note 75
(?B) De Fide s. Trin. II, 14; PL ror, 33 A: "Eaclem ibi. .. unus cleus ".
(7 9 ) Claudianus ... anime om. lvi. Claudian. ad Sidon. de statu uita ( !) marg. M.
(B 0) CLAUDIANUS, De sta tu anime I, 3; CSEL r r, 27-28: " P ati. . . cleficiat ".
(B 1) potest M.
(B 2) createque substantie: creataque substantia M.
(B 3) est om. B.
(B 4) illud om. M.
(B 5) Hilarius de sinodis om. M. Hilar. de Synod. marg. M.
(B 6) De Syn. 68; PL ro, 525 C: "Est. .. uelut coheredes ".
(B 7) si 111.
( BB) Idem ... eodem: Item B. Idem M. Ibidem marg. l'vi.
(B 9 ) De Syn. 73; PL IO, )28 C: .. Per ... recipit ".
(90 ) anime M.
Gaufridus Autissiodorensis
I,ibellus III, 1- I 2
49
Nimirum sic ruit qui irruit. Sic percutit qui non uidet. Quidni scrutator maie7tatis opprimeretur a gloria? Hnc lle erant (8 ) non minus ridicule qua m sacrilege in~errogationes? Cum enim sic enunciaret quis "Deus est Pater, Deus est Filius, Deus
est Spiritus sanctus ", nichil horum concedens simpliciter, de quo diceret, percunctabatur.
Plane diligens inquisitor: Si dicis de Patre, aiebat, " Deus est (9) Pater " ut (10)
8
boe sit dicere "Pater est Pater" uerum dicis. Alioquin uerum esse non potest. Sic
de Filio. Sic de Spiritu sancto. Nulla enim res est, nulla substantia, nichil unum unde
uere dici possit: "Deus est Pater, Deus est Flius, Deus est Spiritus sanctus" (11).
III
Unde (12) et coni':nctam {13 ): "Un~ deus es~ Pater et Fili~s et Spiritus sanctus"
9
ne Sabellianus esset
tmmo ne esse deststeret Arnanus - omnmo {14) negabat. Inuertebat autem quas poterat enunciationes [57v] ut - uerba conuertens - sententiam
quoque peruerteret ipsam (15): Pater et Filius et Spiritus sanctus unum sunt uel unus
deus uel una substantia. "Nichil horum, ait, unquam negauerim. Sed cur hoc? Quia
uno sunt: una essentia, una diuinitate. Si quis autem sic pronnnciet: Unus {1 6 ) Deus
est Pater et Filius et Spiritus sanctus- personas predicans- hanc, inquit, plane nego".
6g
De
capitulo
secundo
2
Id ergo, quo est, unum esse in Trinitate consentit: formam illam scilicet et naturam deificam matremque, ut ita
Trinitatis. Porro quod hac essentia est,
non unum in Trinitate esse contendit sed tria singuhria quedam: tres res numerabiles
unitatibus tribus quarum prima sit Pater secunda Filius tercia Spiritus sanctus.
3
Idque miraculi docet in beata illa Trinitate credendum et in eo :fidei meritum
omne (3 } constituit ut formam numero unam in rebus esse pluribus fateatur. Illius
nimirum unitas forme sola in causa est ne plures dicantur dii quibus diuinitas est una
communis.
4
Sic nimirum tres etiam homines si fieri ullo modo posset ut una in eis humanitas
aut eadem inueniretur albedo - dico autem una et eadem numero - non iam tres
albi neque tres homines dicerentur esse sed unus.
5
Hoccine totum illud ineffabile sacramentum? Hec Trinitatis et unitatis ratio
tota? [57] Vides, dilectissime, uides {4 ) monstruosam qne nobis pingitur imaginem Trinitatis? Vides, quod :fingitur, non plane miraculum sed ridiculum? Producuntur ex
una radice tres rami. Uni quodam modo capiti tria corpora subnectuntur.
6
"Una est", inquit ("), "essentia: sed qua sunt, non que sunt ". Et qui dixit
Ego et Pater unum sumus (") uno sumus dixisse debuerat. N'eque enim est unum aliquid quod et Pater sit et Filius et Spiritus sanctus (7). "Alioquin et Filius ", in qui t,
" Pater esset et Pater Filius et Spiritus eorum uterque ".
Sic Pictauis (17 } in sede magni Hylarii, congregata ecclesia, dogmatizauit qui
10
synodo presidebat: sic in auribus Romane ecclesie et multitudinis episcoporum quos
ad Remense concilium apostolica conuocanerat (18 ) auctoritas. Heu. Inter catholicos
pro:fitenti non defuere fautores quem tamen (19) Viterbi (20} atque Parisius interrogatum
similiter non similiter (21 ) respondisse constabat. Sic usque hodie infelices pagine continent e quibus ista proferimus:
( 11 )
91
92
marg. 111..
) GILBERT, De Trin. I, 4. 4-5; ed. HARING 63: "Szbelliani qui cum ... nomine designari" (PL 64, 1279 C)
( 24 ) comparationem B.
( 25 ) esse: not in Gilbert.
(26 ) supple: similitudines.
37
( ) splendor et calor 1'vl.
(2") Part of Gilbert's text is omitted here.
( 29 ) nesci re Gilbert.
( 30 ) in naturalibus add. Gilbert.
(3 1 ) nuncupari Gilberl.
(
23
Gaufridus Autissiodorensis
Libellus III,r3-28
50
13
14
Hec de commentario sumpta sunt. De cetero BoECIUS ipse loquatur ut is (37 )
potissimum fraudis impie commenta dissoluat.
15
17
18
Nam omne equale equali equale est. Et simile simili simile est. Et idem ei quod est
idem idem est. Et similis est relatio in Trinitate (60 ) Patris ad Filium et utriusque
ad Spiritum sanctum: ut eius, quod est idem, ad id quod est (51 ) idem. Quod si in cunctis aliis rebus non potest inueniri, facit hoc cognata caducis rebus alteritas.
19
51
20
21
Hec nimirum adiectio si quis [59] prudenter aduertat prorsus uetat inuerti et
23
non nisi de uno deo patitur esse sermonem.
AuGUSTTNUS (61 ) De Trinitate libro primo capitulo sexto:
Consequenter (62 ) intelligitur non tantum de Patre dixisse Apostolum Pau1um
Qui solus habet inmortalitatem sed de uno et solo deo quod est ipsa Trinitas.
24
ltem (63):
Beatus (64 ) et solus potens rex regum et dominus dominantium (65 ) quod est unus
et solus et uerus deus ipsa Trinitas.
25
Recte (66 ) ergo ipse deus 1'rinitas intelligitur beatus et solus potens.
26
27
28
( 55 )
(3 2 ) Ex eodem commentario om. 1VJ. Idem ibid. marg. i'vl. commentario om. B.
(33) De Trin. I, 4, 6; ed. HARING 63: "Ne ... predicatur" (PL 64, 1279 D).
( 34 ) Sabellianus lVI.
(35 ) sol, sol om. B.
( 36 ) et amborum ... et Filio om. JVI.
his B.
( 38 ) Boetius ... Symmachum om. ;1!. Boet. de Trn. cap. 5 marg. 111.
( 39 ) De Trin. s; ed. S1'J<;WART-RA:~H) 26: "Relatio ... personarum. ".
( 40 ) fact corr. ex. faciet B.
(41 ) de qua dicitur om. AB.
( 42 )
( 43 )
( 44 )
( 45 )
Omisson: " Quo qudem modo id quod uix intelligi potuit interpretatum est".
commendans: docuerat 111. Cut away in A.
ait: inquiens 1lrl. Cut off in A.
Boetius ad Symachum: Idem ad eundem A. ltem Boetius ll1. Boetius ibid. cap.
6 marg. 1.11.
(
(
65
)
67
( )
68
Ti m. 6 : I 5-16.
De Trin. l, 7, n; PL 42, 8.16: "Recte ... potens ".
Item om. A. Idem M.
libro ... quarto om. M. Ibicl. lib. 7 cap. 4 marg. AI. In B this title is found before
) I
66
Libellus III,29-42
Gaufridus Autissiodorensis
52
sapientia. Sic et Spiritus sanctus. Nec tamen simul tres sunt {7 3 ) uirtutes aut tres
sapientie sed una uirtus et una sapientia sicut unus deus et una essentia.
29
Deinde quesitum est quomodo dicatur " Una essentia tres persone " uel ut a
quibusdam Grecis "Una essentia tres substantie ". Et inuentum est elocutionis (74)
necessitate dici ut aliquo uno nomine enunciaretur cum queritur quid tres sint quos
tres esse conftemur: Patrem scilicet et Filium [Sgv] et Spiritum sanctum.
Libro (7 6) eodem capitulo sexto:
Ad (7 6 ) hoc ratio peruenit ut sic sit Filius sapientia de sapientia quomodo lumen
de lumine deus de deo. Nec aliud potuimus inuenire Spiritum nisi et ipsum esse sapientiam: et simul omnes unam sapientiam sicut unum deum unam essentiam. Rane ergo
sapientiam quod est deus quomodo intelligimus esse Trinitatem? Non dixi: quomodo
credimus? Nam hoc inter fdeles non debet habere questionem.
30
31
32
Sed sic potius ut omnia illa tria et omnes et singuli habeant in sua quisque natura nec distent in eis ita ut in nobis aliud est memoria aliud intelligentia aliud dilectio
siue [6o] caritas sed unum aliquid sit quod omnia ualeat sicut ipsa sapientia. Et sic
habetur in uniuscuiusque natura ut qui habet hoc sit quod habet sicut inmutabilis
simplexque substantia.
33
sunt om. B.
(74 ) locutionis B.
Libro ... sexto: Idem M. Ibid. cap. 6 marg. M.
(' 6 ) De Trin. XV, 6, 9; PL 42, 1063: "Ad hoc ... questionem ".
( 77 ) Libro ... septimo: Idem M. Ibid. cap. 7 marg. J1.
('B) De Trin. XV, I?, z8; PL 42, Io66: "Iam in hoc ... simplexque substantia ".
" Iam in hoc loco. . . " A.
( 79 ) illis B.
(B 0 ) si t a dd. B.
(B 1 ) itemque B.
(B 2) Idem ... christiana: Idem l'vi. om. B. Idem de Doctr. Chr. marg. 1~1.
(B 3) De Doctr. chr. I, 5, s; CCL 32,9: "Res ... inueniri potest ".
(B 4) est om. AB.
( 85 ) Idem ... fidei: Idem M. Ad Petrum de reg. fidei marg. M.
( 86 ) Fur,GENTIUS, De Fide ad Petr. I, 3; PL 65, 673 B: "Istum ... esse diximus ".
(B 7) neque B.
( 73 )
(' 5 )
53
35
37
38
39
Edissere nobis si potes que natura sit Trinitas deus cum diuina natura nec
deus nec Trinitas sit. Aut certe eam fateare [6ov] creatam que non sit Trinitas deus.
Id enim tenendum principaliter a magno fidei principe commendatur.
40
41
42
Idem (8 ) in eodem:
Vis ista deus est et deus ipse tria est.
88
( 89 )
Gaufridus Autissiodorensis
Libellus III,43-55
Idem (9 ):
Omnis mens quicquid scit amat scire. Amor non minus quam inter duos est:
amantem et quod amatur. Unus ergo est {l") amborum amor qui et tercius est. Non
autem potest negari hoc totum unam animam esse et una m animam esse hec tria. Sicut
enim hec tria uere anima una est sic est (11 ) hoc unum et hoc alterum et hoc tercium.
44
Comparet igitur se hec creatura tam eminens creatori suo supereminent sibi:
excepto hoc et multum supra se amato (12) quod omnis bonitas et omne bonum et omnis
bonitatis et boni dulcedo creatoris a se ipso est.
54
43
45
46
47
Sed hic theologus noster econtra tres quidem unum sed non unum tres esse
demonstrat ne Sabellianos forte sequatur. Ceterum adhuc (11) nostrum audiat ATHANASIUM suo Arrio respondentem:
Idem (18) in eodem:
Nec (19) Sabellium incurrimus tres unum deum fatendo. Nec tue perfidie laqueis irretimur dum hunc deum Trinitatem esse ingenue confitemur.
48
49
so
Idem (24):
Ibi (2 5 ) enim unitas nere est Trinitas et Trinitas uere est unitas.
9
( )
1 r.
20
21
53
55
54
SS
capitalo
tercio
I
Tercium (1) radicis uiperee germen. Proprietates i. e. relationes personis tribus
attribuit que non sint ipse persone: res sempiternas et ab inuicem et ab unitate (2)
et a diuina substantia numero differentes ut inueniatur non Trinitas sed quaternitas
cum diuina illa snbstantia sit hoc unum et quelibet trium proprietatum aliud unum.
Nam et quatuor tradit unitates eternas quarum prima quidem (3 ) adsit summe
illi nature qua dens est: tres residue proprietatibus tribus. Porro personas ipsas prima (4) illa nnitate denm unnm (5) dici. Reliquis nero tribus unitatibus esse tria.
2
( 27 )
Gaufridus Autissodorensis
Libellus IV,3-17
3
Ubi si diligenter aduertas quod imparitatem hanc relationis ratio non admittit
quatuor statim proprietates occurrunt. Neque enim referri ad Patrem et Filium Spiritus potest quin et ipsi referantur ad Spiri turo. Sed {6 ) nec eadem qua ipse (') possunt
relatione referri ne sit una in Trinitate sine aliqua (8) proprietate persona.
4
Nempe [6z] ut diuersa a paternitate fliatio est sic et a processione productio si tamen (") hoc eam nomine placeat appellari. Iam uero et (10) huic suam dare necesse
est unitatem. Et adhuc crescet rerum numerus eternarum si fuerit qui prosequatur.
Multa siquidem hinc pullulare necesse est ut ex radice colubri regulus oriatur (11).
5
Sed hec disputatio supra nos est: Maioribus reseruetur. Forte tamen ipsa sibi
impietas ad omnem confusionem sufficere poterit dummodo lectoris diligentia perscrutetur glosam obscuriorem textu
aduersantem utpote textui - et sectandis (1 2 )
inuolucris laborantem si quominus habundant testimonia scripturarum quibus impietas omnis licet inpudentissima sit obruatur.
6
Est autem hec diuersitas non modo numero (16 ) - quo scilicet hoc unum est:
quodlibet uero illud est aliud unum - uerum etiam natura generis et loco rationis.
8
Substantiam (17 ) diuinam dicit: eam scilicet non que est sed qua [6zv] est deus
una m multis nomini bus predicati cum dicitur (18) deus magnns bonus {19 ) omnipotens et
his similia. Eadem enim in deo est sapientia et essentia et ueritas et omnipotentia et
quecumque de deo dicimus in hunc modum.
9
Ab hac ergo substantia diuina personales proprietates - nam de his utique
loquitnr (20 ) - numero dicit esse diuersas ut ipsa (21 ) quidem sit hoc unum: quelibet
uero illarum proprietatum aliud umtm. Nec uero hec differentia sufficit nisi amplior
quoque diuersitas generis et rationis accedat.
IO
sed om. B.
(7 ) qua
om. B.
(8 ) aliqua om. :li.
10
9
( ) tanbm A.
( ) et om. A ~'VI.
( 11 ) I s. I4 : 29 : De radice enim colubri
regulus.
(12) in sectamlis B.
( 13 ) Ex ... Gisleberti om. M. Gilb. super Boet. marg. ;U. Ex comm. super Boecinm A.
( 14 ) Gn,BI<:RT, De Tlin. II, 4; ed. HXRI~G 8g: " Illius enim ... loco rationis "
(PI,
64, 1303 B).
( 15 ) illorum om. B.
( 16 ) in numero Tv!..
(17) expositio marg. B.
18
( ) dicit M.
( 1 ~) et add. lvi.
(20 ) loquimur 1'.1..
( 21 ) supple: substantia.
(2 2) enim M.
( 23 ) De Cons. phil. III, IO prosa; p. 268: "Cum ... conunxerit ",
( 24 ) personas esse: esse personas iH.
6
( )
57
Idem (27 ):
Ex (28) his intelligimus Patrem et Filium et Spiritum sanctnm non de ipsa dininitate substantialiter dici sed alio qnodam modo.
x:a
Dico enim (29 ): si de diuini~ate predic~ntur, et ~e nn o .c~m non s!t nisi una
diuinitas. Deinde quod personas 1psas relatlonum sub1ecta d1c1t, cathohcus horret
auditus. Unde et [63]
BoECIUS de deo utique loquens - neqne enim alnd aliquid (so) taro .
ceters omnibus assereret preferendum sicut et (31 ) supra mem.inimus - a1t:
I3
Et ne in hoc quidem a be~to AucusTINO B?ECIUS ip~e dissentit ct;-U: e~ il.le do15
ceat (36) in dei snbstantia non ahud esse substantlam et ahud quod ace1d1t 1ps1 snbstantie sed quicquid in ea intelligi potest esse substantiam.
x6
At (37 ) forte proprietates illas non in deo ponere sed extrinsecus affigere uideatnr? Ait siquidem quodam loco:
Ex (3 8) Commentario magistri GISLEBERTI super BoECIUM:
17
Theologice (39 ) persone quoniam eius, quo sunt, singularitate unum sunt (40 ) et
simplicitate id quod sunt, essentiarum oppositione a se inuicem alie esse non possunt.
Sed harum, que diete sunt, extrinsecus affixarnm rerum oppositione a se innicem alie
et probantnr et snnt.
(25) Boecius ... diaconus om. M. Boet. ad Iohan. Diac. marg. M. Boecius ad Symachum A.
(2") BoETHIUS, De Praed.; ed. STEWART-R.\.ND 32: "Quero ... modo".
(2 7) in eodem B.
(2") De Praed.; ed. STEWART-RAND )11: " Ex ... modo".
(2 9) (enim) igitnr, fra tres ma n. rtr. B.
( 30 ) aliquid om. B.
(31 ) et om. B.
(32) Boetius ad
om. ,11. Boet. de Trin. cap. z marg ..T'd.
(33) BOETHIUS, De Trin. 2; p. 10: "Hoc ... possunt ". ST. BERNARD, De Consl.
1295 D).
( 40 )
}\!f.
Ubi? obsecro. Extra d eu m? Siquidem ex ipso et per ipsum et in ipso sunt omn i a ( ). Denique si quid illi affixum extrinsecus fuerit, extra ueritatem extra eternitatem esse conuincitur. Semel crucifixus pro no bis unigenitus dei Patris: nec si bi nec
Patri nec Spiritui utique suo quicgnam a nobis deinceps pacietur affigi (42 ).
r8
41
rg
Postremo si uere res (43 ) illas affigit (44 ) extrinsecus, ubi illud erit guod tanquam sibi maxime suffragaturum [63v] protulit:
In (45 ) substantia unitas, in personis proprietas, in maiestate adoretur equalitas?
59
Libellus IV,rS-34
Gaufridus Autissiodorensis
tantias? Atqui accidentia eas esse ne ipse quidem proprietatum magister uoluit pro-
quatuor
27nim aut forte etiam plures (54 ) eternas inuenit unitates - hunc, inquam, numerum
~ua ratione quaternitatem (55 ) possit negare, non uideo. Manifeste siquidem numerus
est quo numeramus: numerus rerum numero (56 ) ab (57 ) inuicem differentium.
Audis ", inquit, " in personis proprietas. Et dubitas credere personal es esse
proprietates, res eternas, que non ipse persone sint sed in ipsis "?
s Ceterum si hec ita se habent, tota illa BoEcn de numerali differentia disputatio
2
deleatur que non solum differentiam numeri sed et ipsum quoque numerum quo numeramus, ubi repeticio unitatum pluralitatem facit, ab ineffabili illa remouet Trinitate.
Modo affigebantur (46 ) extrinsecus. Sed fides catholica nec affixas recipit nec
infixas. Nimirum sicut in personis proprietatem sic in substantia unitatem sic in
maiestate equalitatem adorat. Sed hec omnia per indifferentiam dieta sapit quicumque
non desipit. Nichil enim in deo est preter quam id quod est (47 ).
20
"
21
22
Sed nec "proprietates " ait illa scriptura quamuis et hoc sane posset intelligi:
immo uero " proprietas in personis " i. e. distinctio. Adoratur itaque in substantia
unitas in personis proprietas in maiestate equalitas i. e. substantia una, persone distincte, maiestas equalis. Alioquin - si uerbis insistere libet - adorentur ab eo in
personis relationes, res eterne que deus non sint.
23
Nam a nobis sola fideliter adoratur simplicissima illa (48 ) substantia et natura
que est Trinitas deus. Adhuc tamen quemadmodum de his proprietatibtls disserat
audiamus.
24
25
Hic si diligens lector aduertat nil consequentie in eo repperiet quod infert:
" Propterea unitates, que proprietatibus adsunt, substantias esse non posse quod accidenti non potest adesse substantia " nisi ipsas proprietates accidentia uelit intelligi.
26
Alioquin (52 ) si non sunt accidentia, qnid rationis habere uidetm eo quod accidenti substantia adesse non possit que (53 ) illis adsunt nequaguam posse esse sub-
Rom. r r : 36.
29
30
Nulla (63 ) igitur in deo diuersitas, nulla ex diuersitate pluralitas (64 ), nulla ex
accidentibus mnltitudo atque iccirco nec nnmerus. Dens (65 ) uero a deo nullo differt
nec (66) uel accidentibus uel substantialibus (67 ) differentiis in subiecto positis dis~at.
Ubi uero nulla est differentia, nulla est omnino pluralitas. Quare nec numerus. Ig1tur
unitas tantnm.
Nam quod tercio (68 ) repetitur deus cum Pater et Filins et Spiritus sanctus
31
nuncnpatur, tres nnitates non faciunt pluralitatem numeri in eo quod ipse sunt si aduertamus (s) ad res numerabiles ac non ad ipsum numernm. Illic enim unitatum repeticio nnmerum facit. In eo antem numero qui in rebus numerabilibus constat repeticio
unitatum atque plnralitas minime facit nnmerabilem rerum numerosam diuersitatem.
32
Nnmerus enim duplex est: unus quidem quo (70 ) numeramus, alter uero qui in
rebus numerabilibns constat. Etenim unum res est. Unitas quo (71 ) unnm dicimus.
Duo rursns in rebus sunt nt homines nel lapides. Dnalitas nichil sed tantum dualitas
qua duo homines uel lapides duo fi11nt. Et in ceteris eodem modo.
33
Ergo in numero quo numer2.mns repeticio unitatum facit pluralitatem. In rerum
uero numero non facit pluralitatem unitatnm repetitio nelnt si de eodem dicam (72 )
gladius nnus mncro untls ensis nnus. Potest enim unns (73 ) tot uocabulis gladius agnosci.
34
Ree enim unitatnm (74 ) iteratio [65] potius est, non numeratio. Uelut si ita( 75 )
dicamns ensis mucro gladius, repeticio quedam est eiusdem, non numeratio diuersorum.
Vel nt si ita dicam sol sol sol, non tres soles effecerim sed de uno tociens predicauerim.
plurale A.
(55 ) quantitatem B.
(56) numero om. ;v!. Cf. BoETHIUS, De Trin. 3; p. 12 (9-14).
( 5 ') ad AM.
(58 ) et 1VI.
( 50 ) De Trin. 2; p. 8: "Age ... dispiciaums ". Boet. de Trin. cap. 2 marg. M.
(BO) ut est: nt intelligi atque capi potest M.
(61) despiciamus A.
( 62 ) Boecius ad Symachum om. 11'1. Idem ibid. cap. 3 marg. 1ll.
(63) De Trin. 2-3; p. rz: "Nulla ... nec numerus ".
( 64 ) nulla. . . pluralitas om. AB.
(65) De Trin. 3; p. 12: "Deus ... sol unus sol".
(6') accidentalibus AM.
( 66 ) ue Boethius.
(69) animaduertamus AB.
( 68 ) quod tercio: tercio quod A
('2) dicamus AB.
( 71 ) qua M.
('O) quo: in quo AB
('5) ita onz. B. del. A.
(74) repetitio add. _vf.
( 73 ) unus om. kl.
(54)
6I
Gaufridus Autissiodorensis
Libellus IV,35-48
35
Non igitur si de Patre ac Filio ac (7 6 ) Spiritu sancto tercio predicatur deus,
iccirco trina predicatio numerum facit. Hoc enim illis, ut dictum est (7 7 ), imminet
qui inter eos distantiam faciunt meritorum.
36
Catholicis uero nichil (7 8 ) in differentia constituentibus ipsamque formam ut est
esse ponentibus neque aliud esse quam est ipsum quod est opinantibus recte repeticio
de eodem quam enumeratio diuersi uidetur esse cum dicitur deus Pater deus Filius
deus Spiritus sanctus atque hec Trinitas unus deus uelut ensis atque mucro unus gladius uel ut sol sol sol unus sol.
6o
37
Uere stultam fecit deus sapientiam huius mundi. Ree enim lectitans et hec
tractans homo tantarum litterarum (7 9 ) nichilo minus auget numeros, multiplicat unitates, simplicissimam eternitatem rerum numerositate dispertit (80 ). Triphariam denique constituit trinitatem: personarum, proprietatum, unitatum. No bis autem sola
personarum Trinitas commendatur.
3R
39
Equalis est igitur etiam Spiritus sanctus. Et si equalis, in omnibus equalis
propter summam simplicitatem que in illa substantia est. Et ideo non amplius quam
tria sunt: unus diligens eum qui de illo est: et unus diligens eum de quo est: et ipsa
dilectio que si nichil est qnomodo deus est ipsa dilectio? Et si non est (85 ) substantia,
quomodo deus su bstantia est?
AuGusTrNus (86):
Numerus (87 ) et mensura et pondns ipse est deus. Ipse est numerus sine numero
a quo omnis numerus. Ipse est mensura sine (88 ) mensura a quo omnis mensura. Ipse
est (89 ) pondus sine pondere a qno est omne pondus. Omnia ergo in numero et mensura
et pondere disposuit (90 ) tanquam diceret: omnia in se disposuit.
40
44
45
Item (6 ):
Proprium (6 ) autem dei est (7} non cepisse.
6
Qui d (s) ergo de proprietatibus dicimus () personarum? [66] Eundem audia4
mus item (10 ) Ad Damasum Papam:
Non (u) enim nomina tantummodo sed etiam nominum p~oprie_tates i. e. personas uel - ut Greci exprimunt - ypostases hoc est (12 ) subststenhas con:ftemur.
47
Item:
Itaque (13) substantia unum sunt. Personis ac proprietatibus distinguntur.
("3) Isidorus ... quarto: Isidorus M. Etymolog. lib. 2 cap. 4 marg. JI. IsiJorus Eth.
libro secundo capitulo quarto A.
(4) IsiDORE, Ethym. VII, I, 26 (ed. LINDSAY): "Simplex ... in ipso est". Cf.
41
Scriptura I, If
et AI.
(77 ) illis ... est: ut dictum est illis AB.
nichil om. Jl. supra addit nihil marg. }'V[.
9
(' ) Cf. H i st. pont. 8; ed. POOLE 17.
The Chronicon Turoncnse calls him " tam liberalium artium quam diuinarum scripturarum doctor eximius et fere incomparailiter eruditus ". Ree. des hist. 12 (Paris I877) 472 B.
( 80 ) dispergit A.
( 81 ) Augustinus ... capitulo quinto: Angustinus iV/.. De Triu. lib. 6 cap. 5 marg. AI.
82
( ) De Trin. VI, 5, 7; PL 42, 928: " Si enim ... in illa substantia est ".
( 83 ) ibi add. AB.
(B 4) est igitur: igitur est BM.
85
( ) Here both A and M end the quotation.
A ends it in the middle of the line. The
rest of the line is blank.
(86) Augustinus: Idem M.
87
(
) See the theological Summa in MS. \'at. Barb. l,at. 484, f. I46v: "Augustinus: Creauit
deus omnia in pondere et mensura et numero i. e. in se ipso qui est numerus sine numero et
mensura sine mensura, pondus sine pondere ". Cf. De Gen. ad litt. IV, 4, 8; PL 34. 299.
88
( ) absque 1\1.
( 89 ) est: enim A. o m. 1\1.
( 90 ) Sa p. I I : 2 r.
91
( ) De essentia diuinitatis: Hieronymus lvi. De essentia dei marg. il!l.
92
( ) PsEUDO-AUGUSTINE, De essentia diuinitatis I; PL 42, 12oo: "Deus simplex ...
quod habet ". Cf. Scriptura I, I4.
aduertendo 1vi.
.
.
De essentia dei om. Nl. In B the text has been deleted, presumably m v1ew of the
identical quotation in Libellus III, 4I.
(2) et inperturhata add. B.
(3) De regulis diffinitionum om. M. Idem ( = Hierouymus) lib. diffinit. ad Damas.
Papam maYg. 111l.
(4) PsEUDO-AMBROSE, De Trin. tractatus 3; P I, 17, 540 C. Rcgule definii. prolate a s.
Hieronymo contra hereticos; MS Berlin, Deutsche Staatsb. 78 (Phillipps I67I), f. 57v: " Omne ....aut factum ". Cf. SIMON of TOURNAI, Disp. 9,I; ed. J. WARICHEZ, in: Spie. S. Lov.
12 (Louvain I932) 39: "Auctoritas habet: Quicquid est, est genitum uel !ngenitum uel
factum ". ALAIN oF LILLE, Contra haer. I, 20; PL 2IO, 323 A. ]EROME, Ep. 84, 7; PL
22, 249(5) item om. M.
(G) De Trin. Tract. 7; PL I7, 544 C: "Proprium ... cepisse ". Rcgule definitionum,
f. s8.
(') autem dei est: est dei B.
( 8 ) Idem quid M. Idem ad Damasum Papam: Quid A.
(") de proprietatibus dicimus: dicimus de proprietatibus A
(lO) Item ... Papam om. AJ,f. See note 3 supra.
(11) PELAGIUS, Libellus Fidei 6; PL 48, 489 C: "Non ... confitemur ".
(12) hoc est: nel etiam B.
(13) PELAGIUS, Libellus fidei 7; PL 48, 489 C: "Itaque ... distinguuntur ".
(14) Libro ... Epiphaniis om. M. Lib. 3 de 2. Eph. marg. M.
(15) GREGORY OF NAZIANZUS, De Lum. II; CSEL 46, I2I (9-I4): "Deus ... intellectum".
(16) substantiam tribus uero secundum add. AM.
6
(' )
(' 8 )
("5)
(l)
62
49
Gaufridus Autissiodorensis
Idem (17 ) libro quinto:
Ingenitus (1B) genitus et procedens una natura est, tres proprietates unus deus.
so
52
Cuius utique testimonii secundo manifeste erroris huius capitulo pars nouissima
contradicit sicut et alie multe ex his auctoritatibus aut duobus aut etiam tribus capitulis euidenter opponi facile diligens lector aduertet. Sed unum quidem (30 ) tercio
specialiter aduersatur.
Item:
Cum (") in una eademque (7) persona aliud sit diuinitas que suscepit, aliud
quam suscepit humanitas (B), idem tamen deus et (9) homo est.
53
Ille enim Trinitatem tres unitates exponit scribens hoc modo: Quo (31 ) fit ut
nec Trinitas i. e. tres unitates de deo substantialiter predicentur.
IsmoRus nero Trinitatem triunitatem (32 ) fidelius interpretatur.
v
De
capitulo
quarto
Restat (1 ) capitulum quartum: primi utique uirulenta propago. Quocirca non illi
diutius inmorari necesse est quippe quod in ipsa iam radice sua confutatum uidetur.
Diuinam quippe naturam deum non esse contendens eo usque prorupit - etiam non
interrogatus - ut incarnationem sic tribueret persone Filii ut ipsi diuinitati eam omnino
negaret. Scripserat autem super eodem capitulo in sua illa expositione pro libitu
bene dieta deprauans. Ree enim sunt uerba BoEcn:
I
(2) Boecius ... Euticem om. ,'vi. Boet. de persona et natura cap. 6 marg. l'vi.
( 3 ) Contra Eutychen 6; ed. STEWART-RAND IoS: "Sed ... et corpus".
(') qui om. A.
(5 ) et om. AB.
( 6 ) cumque A. Contra Eutychen 7; p. II 8: " Cumque. . . est ".
(7) Cum ... eademque: cum in eade111 1'vl.
(B) om. AB.
(9) atque AB.
(lO) Gisliberti A. Gileberti B.
(11 ) GTLBERT, Contra Eut. 9, 12; ed. HARING, in: ArchHistDoctLitt1\IA 2I (1954) 34S:
"Attende quod ait: Diuinitas que suscepit. Et intellige quod Christus qui ante susceptionem
hanc Deus erat suscepit ideoque dictum esse: Diuinitas suscepit quia non natura sed persona suscepit naturam ". Cf. N. M. HA.RING, Logische und sprachlogische Voraussetzungen
zum Verstandnis der Christologie Gilberts von Poitiers, in: Scholastik 32 (1957) 396.
( 12 ) idem tamen ... suscepit om. M.
(13) supple: suscepit naturam.
( 14 ) hoc: habes A.
(15 ) Fs. 84: 2.
( 16 ) Cf. GILBERT, De Trin. II, I, 27; ed. HARING 94 (PL 64, I307 C): "Pater ueritas
i. e. uerus est ... " See St. Bernard's comment in Super Cant. s. So, 4, 8; ed. LECLERCQ 282.
( 17 ) te om. M.
(18 ) attigit A.
(19 ) Prov. 9: r.
(2) De Trinitate ... septimo om. ,11. Aug. de Trin. lib. 3 marg. M.
( 21 ) De Trin. l, 7. 14; PL 42, 829: "Ergo ... utrumque homo".
Ep. ad Alb. 7. 32.
22
( ) qui BM.
( 23 ) De ... paruulorum om. lVI. Tract. 2 de bapt. paruulorum marg. J11.
( 24 ) De peccat. meritis, I, 31, 6o; PL. 44, I44: "Si enim ...
unus Christus" (abbre-
viated).
(25 ) et alii not in A ugustine.
(26 ) fuerit A.
Gaufridus Autissiodorensis
Libellus V,S-21
In (30 ) eodem:
Sic (31 ) ueritas inconmutabilis manet humane diuineque nature ut sicut uera
semper est eius diuinitas quam de Patre [67v] inconmutabilem habet ita uera semper
atque inconmutabilis sit eius humanitas quam sibi unitam summa diuinitas gerit.
Idem (32 ) in Sermone de uerbis domini " Si diligeretis me gauderetis utique":
Licet (33 ) unam personam in Christo credamus, duas tamen substantias i. e.
naturas fatemur: diuinitatis scilicet et humanitatis, assumptricis et assumpte, creatricis
et create.
ro
II
13
14
IS
r6
IJ
r8
rg
2o
( 28 )
marg. JV!.
( 41 )
quarto B.
( 42 )
IOI,
66
Gaufridus Autissiodorensis
Libellus V,22-35
Et nemo ante te, frater, catholicus fuit? Et perierat fides nostra quando "ter8
2ius (Ba) e celo cecidi t Cato "? Et magistri tui ignorauerunt fidem? Et tu ipse ante hos anc os priusquam in Parnaso sompnianti uouum tibi reuelaretur euangelium, in errore fuis~? 'Et adhuc preter paucos discipulos tuos errat Ecclesia uniuersa? Id quidem (B 4) ut
dicere impudentissimum sic sentire superbissimum, credere stultissimum iure censetur.
24
Ut enim ad hec specialiter capitula que pre (B 5) manibus sunt reuertamur, nun29
quid non audientibus. hec (B 6) tam noua dogmata con~iderandum. fuerat qu~~to~ sapientes et l.ittera~os u1ros no~ longe antehac (B 7) habmsset Eccles1a sane opmwms et
doctrine qm mamfeste contrana senserant et docuerant?
22
26
Nouissime paucis monemus eos qui scientie magis quam conscientie [6g] student
ne de cetero tam facile acquiescant noua in fide tradentibus (77 ) sed cauti sint non
transgredi ('B) terminos quos posuere patres nostri nec circumferri (' 9) omni uento
doctrine.
27
Id nempe solum ad omnem confutacionem nouitatis presertim in ratione fidei
satis esse debuerat quod nouitas est. Nam quod (B 0) testimonia interdum aliqua scripturarum exquisita detorquent (B 1) nonitatis auctores (B 2) quante presumptionis est tanquam soli ipsi legerint intellexerintue scripturas.
( 63 )
(
64
( 65 )
sermone ... epiphania om. M. Id. senn. 4 de Epih. steti. marg. ki.
Senno 3-4,3; PL 54, 247 E: "Probatissimum ... naturam ".
sermone ... domini o m. JI. (decimo nono) quarto A. Id. de Passione ser. 4 et
31
32
33
(B 3) JuvENAL, Sal. II, 40. Cf. .EVERARD OF YPRES, Dialogus Ratii; ed. HXRING
249. See also JOHN OF SALISBURY, Jietalogicon I, 3; ed. Cl. C. I. \VEBB (Oxfon1 I929) II:
" qui somniantes in Parnasso ... "
(B 4) quidem om. M.
(B 5) in B. Cf. PL I 86, 634 A.
(B6) hec om. A"i.
(B 7) hec B. tempora suprascr. B.
(BB) Radulfulfum B. Anselm died in III7; Ralph about II37
(B 9) He died as archbishop of Bourges in I 14 r. A t the synod of Soissons Alberic
was Abelard's principal adversary. St. BERNAIW, Ep. I3; PL I82, II6 C describes him as
" hominem sane fdei et doctrine. . . in diuinis pariter et humanis prudentem ".
( 90 ) Pullum A11. Robert Pullen died in IJ46. In Ep. 20j; PL I82, 372 c addressed
to the bishop of Rochester St. Bernard states that he had advised " Master Robert Pullen"
to stay in Paris a little longer " ob sanam octrinam que apu illum esse ignoscitur ".
91
( ) est suprascr. B.
( 92 ) Cf. Summa seni. I, II; PL I76, 59 A: "Dicit enhn Augustinus Quicquid in deo
est, deus est". WILLL\l\1 OF SAIN'r-THIERRY, De erroribus Guillelmi de Conchis; PL I8o,
335 D. Seni. Atrebatenses I; e. O. LoTTm, Psychologie et morale 5, 404: " Dicit scriptura
quod quicquid est in deo, deus est". Seni. diuine pagine I; ed. Fr. BLIE:I!E'rZRIEDER, in:
Beitriige I8 (I9I9) s: " ... cum hoc sit constans Quicquid est in deo, deus est".
( 93 ) laudans B.
94
( ) WILLIAM OF CHAMPEAUX, De essentia dei; ed. O. Lo'rTIN, Psychologie 5, I94 V.
Cousm, Fragm. philosophiques (Paris I865) 335
95
( ) iusto pio: iusto et pio Lottin. In M it is transcribed as a Greek term.
96
( ) in om. A. in ... sacramentis om. Ji. I-lugo e sacram. marg. l'd.
97
( ) De sacr. I, 3, 22; PL I76, 226 A: "Quia enim ibi est. .. deus non est".
(9B) in eodem om. Nl. Quotation not foun.
(99 ) diuinitatis lVI.
68
Libellus VI, I -9
Ga ufrid us Au tissiodorensis
VI
Capitula
et
Symbolum
fidei
Capitulum (3 ) secundum:
Quod nec unus deus nec una substantia nec unum aliquid sit tres persone Pater
et Filius et Spiritus sanctus.
sapientia sapientem (12 ) magnitudine magnnm eternitate eternum unitate unum diuinitate deum esse et alia huiusmodi (13 ), credimus
non nisi ea sapientia
que est ipse deus sapientem esse
non nisi ea magnitudine
que est ipse deus magnum esse
non nisi ea eternitate
que est ipse deus eternum
esse
non nisi ea unitate unum
que est ipse (14)
non msl ea diuinitate deum que est ipse
id est se ipso sapientem (15 ) magnum eternum unum deum (16 ).
Capitulum tercium:
Quod tres persone tribus unitatibus sint tria et distincte proprietatibus tribus
que non hoc sint quod ipse persone sed sint tria quedam eterna differentia numero
tam a se inuicem qnam a substantia diuina.
4
Capitulum quartum:
Quod diuina natura non sit incarnata nec naturam humanam susceperit (4 ).
69
Cum de tribus personis loquimur (17 ) Patre (18 ) Filio Spiritu sancto, ipsas (19 )
7 um deum (2) unam diuinam substantiam esse fatemur. Et e conuerso cum de uno
~~o
una diuina substantia loquimur, ipsum unum deum unam diuinam substantiam
esse tres personas proftemur.
Credimus (21 ) solum deum Patrem et Filium et (2 2) Spiritum sanctum eternum
8
esse nec aliquas omnino res - siue relationes siue proprietates sine singularitates uel
unitates dicantur et huiusmodi alia - adesse deo que sint ab eterno et non sint deus.
Credimus (23 ) ip~am diuinitatem - . siue. _substantiam diuinam siue naturam
diuinam dicas (2 4 ) - mcarna tam esse sed m Fll10 (26 ).
Simbolum fidei (5 ) quod aduersus eadem capitula editum est (6 ) dictante clarissimo (7) Clareuallis abbate (8) BERNARDO cum (D) archiepiscopis decem et multitudine copiosa episcoporum abbatum et scolarum magistrorum cum subscriptis nominibus singulorum Romane Curie [7o] presentatum:
4.
GAUFRIDI EPISTOLA AD ALBINUM CARDINALEM
6
Credimus (10 ) simplicem naturam diuinitatis deum esse nec aliquo sensu catholico posse negari quin diuinitas sit deus et deus diuinitas (11 ). Sicubi uero dicitur deum
Recapitulatio doctrinae Gilleberti marg. l\I. Since the eapitula are not contained
in B, they may be a later accretion. This would explain their absence from the Historia
pontifiealis. Conceruing the various versions of the eapitula see N. M. HARING, Das sogenannte Glaubensbekenntnis 55-90.
(2) capitulum primum om. A.
( 3 ) capitulum secuuclum (tercium, quartum) om. A.
( 4 ) Explicit libellus contra capitula Gilleberti Pictauensis episcopi add. M.
( 5 ) A Summa preserve in .YIS London, Br. ~1/us. Royal 9 E XII, f. 150 states: "Ad
corrobordtionem autem ueritatis subicimns hic simbolum fdei quod aduersus errores magistri
Gileberti Porete eclitum est clictaute clarissimo Clareuallis Abbate Bernardo cum archiepiscopis decem et multituine copios:t episcoporum abbatum et scolarium magistrorum cum
subscriptionibus siugulorum Romane ecclesie presentatnm ". The transition in 1ll reads:
" Symbohun fdei quod auersus eaem capitula editum est a Patribus decem prouinciarum
cum episcopis et abbatibus plurimis dictante reuerendissimo Abbate Clareuallis Bernardo:
Credimus . . . ".
( 8 ) a Patribus ecem prouiuciarum cmn episcopis et abbatibus plurimis add. A1ll.
(7) reuereniissimo A"\1.
(8 ) Clareuallis abbate: abbate Clareuallis AM.
(D) cum archiepiscopis ... presentatum om. A.M. It seems that in B the reading was
subseriptionibus. It has been corrected to subseriptis nominibus. The reading subseriptionibus in the London manuscript (see note 5) was presumably erived from a text in whicb
no such correction had been made.
( 10 ) The origina! reading in B: " Creimus (supraser. et conftemur) simpliciter uerum
esse nec aliquo sensu ... " is very similar to the reading in Otto, Gesta Frid. I, 59; p. 85:
" Credimus simpliciter naturam diuinitatis esse deum ... " Sirmond's origina! reading
("simpliciter") has been change to simplieem in Mansi. Cf. HARING, Das sog. Glaubensbekenntnis 82. J. HARDOUIN, Cane. VI, 2 (Paris I?J4) I299 A. MANSI, Saer. eone. nova et
ampl. eoll. 2I (Venice I776) ?II E.
( 11 ) quin sit diuinitas deus et deus diuinitas A.
ET EPISCOPU:M ALBANENSEM
I
1
( )
(12) et ad d. B.
(13) End of A. The text breakes off in the middle of the line. The rest of the folio is blank.
( 14 ) deus add. JI.
(15 ) esse add. B.
(18 ) item cum B.
(18)
Epistola I, I- I I
Gaufridus Autissiodorensis
Iniunxerat uestra paternitas uenerabilis (3 ) fratri nostro et uestro speciali filio
AuGUSTI::--o ut de mandato uestro mihi imponeret uobis per epistolam diligenter notutn
facere qualiter in Remensi concilio (4 ) quod dominus Papa beate memorie EuGENrus
tercius celebrauit super quibusdam capitulis in Exposi#one Pictauiensis (5 ) episcopi
magistri GrsLEBERTI cognomento Porretani deprehensis et reprehensis tractatum, quid
et quemadmodum tandem fuerit iudicatum.
2
3
Unde uobis si tardius uideor obedire, non miretur uestra serenitas quoniam ante
uigiliam festiuitatis Omnium Sanctorum uerbum aliquod paruum uel grande super
hoc non audiui. Eadem die stilum et tabulas apprehendens cepi scribere quod optaretn
uobis, si possem, celerius intimare.
II
4
Eodem igitur anno ( quo predictus pontfex EuGENrus Romane ecclesie cathedram sedens (7 ) non mediocrem primo statim auditu flagitiosis intulit metum et
honestis omnibus e regione fiduciam magnus quidam ur et bonorum memoria dignus
ARNALDUS (8 ) nomine et cognomine Qu-Non-Ridet (9 ) in ecclesia Pictauiensi (10) sub
predicto episcopo officium archidiaconale gerebat: non illius adeptus munere sed ab
eius predecessore promotus (11 ). Difficile siqudem talis arbor fructum eiusmodi protulisset.
6)
protinus
8
In hunc modum producta est in medium hec scriptura {24 ). Et disputa bat sanctus
BE:RNARDUS (25 ) aduersus episcopum dicens graue uerbum et enorme uideri quo dicebatur diuersa non conferre deo ut sit - quasi conferat unum.
Illam quoque similitudinem locutionis emphatice (26 ) proeul esse a deo nec sic
ut qulibet hominum (27 ) sapientia sua dicitur sed uere et substantiue dicam (2 8 ) esse
sapientiam suam essentiam suam diuinitatem suam et non quemadmodum Dauus
dictus est scelus (29 ).
IO
Negabat autem episcopus docuisse uel credidisse aliquando se uellitteris conunen
dasse quod diuinitas non esset deus, quod forma uel essentia esset in deo que non
esset deus.
6
Adfuit (14) beatissimus pater noster sanctus BERNARDUS cum eodem Papa in
eadem solemnitate Parisiis (15) cui omne negotium Christi, ubicumque eum contigisset
(16) hic (hoc marg.) B.
uenerabli l\Ib.
The council opened in the cathedral on 2 r :i'.larch 1 q8.
( 5 ) Pictauensis LM.
( 6 ) The year was rr46 and
may be referring to Eugene's return to Rome in
December r 145
(') f. scandens marg. BHL:YL
( 8 ) Concerning Arnald Qui-Non-Ridet see N. M. HXRING, Bischof Gilbert Il. uo1t
Poitiers (1142-1
und seine Erzdiako11e, in: Deutsches Archiv 21 (1965) 150-172.
( 9 ) It seems that Baronius did not realize that " qni-non-ridet " was thc archdeacon's
family name. This would account for the marginai note: " Locns decurtatus et corruptus:
desunt multa de Giliberto: nam que sequuntur dieta snnt de eius accusatore " marg. BHL\f.
( 10 ) Pictauensi HL~!.
( 11 ) Arnald was appointed archdeacon by Bishop \Villiam II (rr24-rr4o).
(12 ) CL OTTO, Gesta Frid. l,
; p. 68. Accordlug to Otto, two of Gilbert's (three)
archdeacons, Calo an Arnald, aceused Gilbert. Then an appeal to Rome was made. The
two archdeacons went to Italy amlmet Pope Hugene at Siena in Tuscany. On their return
they asked St. Bernard to assist them in tlleir cause against Gilbert. Both archdeacons
were at Reims in the spring of 1 qS as we learn from JOHN OF SALISBVRY, Hist. pont. 8;
p. 17. Their presenee at the trial hel at Paris can be reasonably assumed.
(13 ) Parisius Mb. _\ccording to Otto
F1'id. I, 52; p. 75) Gilbert was first sum
moned to Auxerre ancl then to Paris.
( 14 ) affuit Mb.
(16 ) Parisius .Vlb. Easter: 20 April II47
( 3)
( 4)
( 17 ) Secundum BHLMl\-Ib. Because of" secundum ", presumably a misreading of" sed ",
BM note on the
" Textus in multis deprauatus ".
( 18 ) GILBERT, De Trin. I, 3, 5; ed. N. HARI:\'G 5 r: " Si enim de aliquo qui non modo
sapiens sed etiam coloraius et magnus et multa lmiusmodi est, ex sapientie pre ceteris omnibus habunclantia dicitur: tu quantus qnantus es, totus sapientia es, tamquam. nichil aliud
sit quod sibi esse conferat nisi sola sapientia, multo proprius Dens cui cliuersa non conferunt
ut sit dicitur ipsa sapientia et aliis nominibus idem ut Deus est ipsa diuinitas sua, ipsa sua
sapientia, ipsa sua fortitudo et huiusmodi alia ".
( 19 ) conferre BHL~fMb.
(20 ) abunanti BHLMMb.
(21 ) (sapiente ... secundum): sapientie ipsa secnndum BHL.:U. f.1b reads: sapientie, sapientia dicitur ipsa secundum.
(2 2) Terence, Adolphoe lii, 3, t'-'
(" 3 ) conferre BIII,MMb.
( 24 ) Scriptura seems to 1nean s short piece of writing.
25
( ) S. Bernardus diluit assertiones Giliberti marg. B.
(2 6 ) Concerning the locutio emp!tatica see K. :'II. HXRING, A Commentary an the PseudoAthanasian Creed by Gilbert of Poitiers, in: J1ed5tudies 27 (1965) 26 and 37
27
( ) hominem (f. hominum marg.) BHL:ilii.
28
( ) cor. Deum. marg. HLM.
29
( ) TERENCE
Andria 665: "Quid ais? o scelus ".
(3) Eboicensem BHLM. forte Ebroicens. marg. BH. Ebroicensem marg. M. Rotroux,
bishop of Evreux (rr4I-II65) at the time of the trial, was archbishop of Rouen from II65
to II8J. Gall. chr. 12 (r874) 576.
31
( ) Ivo, dean of Chartres, died on 15 August rr65.
32
( ) quam (quamuis marg.) BHLM.
Gaufridus Autissiodorensis
Epistola II,r2-IV,2I
12
Et quia aliud alii asserebant iniunxit ei summus pontifex quatenus ante concilium, quod eodem anno (33) in ciuitate Rhemorum celebrare proponebat, eundem
sibi libellum transmitteret studiose scrutandum et paratus esset in eodem concilio ad
obiecta plenius respondere (34 ).
Sancti Dionys (45 ) cui Francorum rex LUDOUIC'US (46 ) Hierosolymam proficiscens totius
regni cornmiserat administrationem.
72
III
13
Accidit autem ut Expositionem illam sepe dictus dominus EuGENIUS ab episcopo
sibi directam uenerabili cuidam abbati Premonstratensi GODESCALCO de Monte sanct
Eligii (35 ) qui postmodum factus est Atrebatensis episcopus traderet perscrutandm:n.
Qui diligenter, utpote uir disertus, notauit capitula. Et ex libris sanctorum catholicorum patrum auctoritates paucas manifeste contrarias scripsit in scedula quas
ad idem concilium ueniens domino Pape cum libello Pictauiensis episcopi presentauit.
14
Tulerat autem de medio Domnus anno ipso columnarn grandem ecclesie dornnum ALBERICUM Ostiensem (36 ) curn omni reuerenta memorandum qui legatione functus in Aquitania (37 ) super uita
et doctrina illins G(rSLEBERTr) tanta didicerat
ut ipse, sibi aliter quam oportuerat conscius, ab eiusdern Ostiensis episcopi feruentissimo zelo pre ceteris eiusdem tempors cardinalbus trepidaret (38 ). Nec defuere qui
crederent quod, si aduixisset idem uir, Pictauiensis (39 ) ille que ausus est confiter presente eo nullatenus
15
Uentum est ad discussionern capitulorum qne predictus abbas GoDESCALCUs
notauerat. Sed quia ipse nimis erat elinguis liber ille cum sanctorum testimoniis ei
contrariis a domino
traditus (40 ) patri nostro sancto BERNARDO Clarauallensi.
r6
Aderant uiri magni nec mediocriter litterati: GAuFREDUS de Oratorio Burdigalensis ecclesie arcbiepscopus cuius (41 ) in Pictauiensi (42 ) episcopus suffraganeus erat:
MILO Morinensis episcopus (43 ) religione et scientia satis insignis: IosLENUS Suessionensis episcopus (44 } tam seculari quam litterali scientia preditus: SuGERrus abbas
73
r8
Ingredientibus uero nobis Consistorium prima die, cum magnorum uoluminum
corpora per clericos suos Pictauiensis (4 ~) fecisset afferri et n.os paucas auctori~a~es
ecclesie in sola scedula haberemus, occas10ne accepta, calumpntabantur fautores tlhus
horninis quod decurtata (48 ) testimonia proferremus (49 ) cum ille codices integros exhiberet ubi posset intelligi quemadmodum uerbis propositis precedentia uel sequentia
adhererent.
rg
Prolatum tamen capitulum de eius codice (50 ) in hec uerba: " Cum dicitur deus,
pertinet ad substantiam non que est sed qua est ". Quod dum alii atque ali clamantes
auctorem
et aduersus eum adhuc tergiuersantem non immerito causarentur,
sanctus BERNARDUS (51 ) ad episcopum ait:
" Quid necesse est circa huiusrnodi uerba diutius immorari? Non aliunde proeedit scandali huius origo nisi quod plures credere uos credunt et docere quod diuina
essentia uel natura diuinitas eius sapientia bonitas rnagnitudo non est deus sed est
forma qua est deus. Hoc si creditis, palam dici te aut negate ".
Ausus est dicere: " Forma dei et diuinitas, qua deus est, ipsa ('") non est deus " (53 )
20
"Ecce ", ait sanctus BERNARD'US, "tenemus quod querebamus. Scribatur ista
confessio ". Precepit summus pontifex. Et dornnus HENRICUS Pisanus (54 ), tunc Romane ecclesie subdiaconus, fnturus postea Clarauallensis monachus et ex abbate Sancti
Anastasii sanctorum Nerei et Achillei presbyter cardinalis, ad eius mandatum porrexit
et attulit cartam calamum et incausturn.
Cum autem scriberet ipsam confessionem, " et uos ". ait episcopus ad abbatem,
"scribite quod diuinitas est deus ". Nec concitatus ille repondit: "Scribatur ", in-
21
( 45 ) Abbot of Saint-Dnis from I I23 to I ISI, at the time of the trial administrator
of France and as such the highest politica! personality of the realm.
OF SAI,ISBURY
(Hist. pont. 8; p. I?) clescribes him as "Sigerius abbas Sancti Dionsii, uir litteratus et
eloquens ". His works are found in PL I86, 12II-I468.
( 46 ) Louis VIT (I I zo- I I 8o).
H e returned from the Crusade in rIso and me t Pope
Eugene at Tusculum. Hist. pont. 28; p. 61.
47
( ) Pictauenses I,M.
( 48 ) decertata B. uel decurtata marg. B.
(49 ) proferemus M.
50
( ) Gn,BERT, De Trin. I, 9, 4; ed. HARIXG 76: "Quod dicitur illorum quilibet esse
homo et istorum quilibet esse Deus refertur ad substantiam non que est sed qua est "
(PL 64, I2go B).
51
( ) S. Bemarus agit cum heretico marg. B.
52
( ) ipse BL. f. ipsa marg. B. et ipsa M. f. seipsa marg. HLM.
53
( ) Gesta Frid. 1, 58; p. 82.
54
( ) Cf. Hst. pont. Io; p. 22.
Epistola
Gaufridus Autissiodorensis
74
quiens, " stilo ferreo in ungue adamantino (55 ) uel sculpatur in silice (66 ) quod diuina
essentia forma natura deitas bonitas sapientia uirtus potentia magnitudo uere est
deus ".
V,22- VII,37
75
Addita sunt eodem die capitula duo prioribus et litters pariter commendata
1
!uod personales proprietates et eternarum rerum multitudinem coposam episcopus
idem ueracter esse sine initio profiteretur quarum tamen nulla deus esset, nulla a deo.
22
Disputatum est deinde super eodem capitulo. Et eo usque processum est ut
diceret Sanctus quod " si forma illa deus non est, melior deo est cum ex ea deus habeat
esse: ipsa autem nec ab eo sit nec ab eo habeat quidquam ".
VII
24
Ceterum cum de primo capitulo prima die dispntaretur, ego fui qui obieci eidem
episcopo, audientibns uniuersis, quod nerba illa que modo proftebatur eodem anno
Parisiis ( 8 ) coram domino Papa et maiori parte maiorum que aderant personarum penitus abnegasset et testes produxisset quod talia nunquam crediderat nunquam docuerat.
25
At ille multum confdens et amplius forsitan quam postea uoluisset quia negare
non poterat se negasse: "Quicquid tunc dixerim, modo", ait, "hoc dico".
26
Ego uero suspirans grauiter quod uiderem coram tantis iudicibus paulo minus
impune tanta presumi: " Ergo sicut rex ", iuquam, " uestrum dictum et dedictum
habetis "? (59 )
VI
Quartum fuit capitulum quod natura diuina naturam non suscepit humanam
32
sed persona Filii naturam nostram suscepit: contra illud beati GREGORII (64 ) quia "uenit
ad nos calceata diuinitas " humanitate et beati AuGuSTINI (65 ) in libro primo De Trinitate: "Ergo quia forma dei accepit formam serui, utrumque deus et utrumque homo".
Item eiusdem Super Eu.angelio Iohannis (66 ) in tractatu lxxv: Semet ipsum
exinaniuit et homo etc.: "Quis nisi idem ipse Christus Iesus? Sed hic iam sunt omnia:
et Uerbum in forma dei que accepit fonnam serui et anima et caro in forma serui que
accepta est a forma dei". Et LEo (67 ) Papa: "Suseepit nos illa natura que nec nostris
sua nec suis nostra consumeret ''.
Exinde postquam (68) diutius disputatum est, sub eo tenore discessum est ut
34
dicerent domini Cardinales quia " Eeee audiuimus que proposita sunt. Deinceps iudicabimus qualiter debeant diffiniri " (69 ).
33
35
Quod uerbum eatenus mouit corda multorum ut sequenti die apud sanctum
BERNARDUM conuenirent (70 ) archiepiscopi deeem, episcoporum quoque et abbatum ac
magistrorum plurima multitudo. Et quia ittdieium sibi solis (71) uidebantur reseruasse
quos nouerant fere omnes errantis poti~s q~am erroris f~utores - pron!d:re opo~tere
cum capitulis (72 ) illis G(ISLEBERTr) ep1scop1 sue et fde1 symbolum m1tt1 ut scuent
plenius unde iudicarent.
27
Et (60 ) factum est ut, disputantibus personis que aderant super primo capitulo
predicto, occurreret secundum: proftente predicto episcopo quod nec mms dens nec
unum aliquid sit (61 ) tres persone licet tres persone sint unus deus i. e. una diuinitate
et sint unum i. e. uno.
36
Scripserunt ergo capitula totidem quam expressius potuere illius uerbis (73 ) sua1r:
confessionem contrariam in omnibus et per omnia proponentes quam de commum
omnium conuenientia non sine multa deliberatione dictatam iudicaturis faeerent
exhiberi.
28
Et aduersus hoc capitulum diutius est disputatum postquam, suggerente sancto
BERNARDO et domino Papa precipiente, ipsum etiam cum priore litteris est commendatum. Cui euidens satis opposita est auctortas ATHANASII (62 } in hec uerba: "Supernarum uirtutum carmina unum tria et tria unum esse confrmant ".
37
Nec tamen uerebantur ne (74 ) contrarum aliquid iudicarent. Sed credebant non
nullos eorum ad hoc tendere ut sine aliqua diffinitione concilium solueretur.
29
Sequenti die codices tantos attulimus ad disputationem ut obstupescerent fautores episcopi et a no bis audirent quia " Ecce scedulas non habemus ".
(64) Ho1n. in Euang. VII, 3; PL 76, r LOl D: "Quasi calceat.a ad nos diuinitas uenit ".
Scriptura I, 20.
(6>) De Trin. I, 7, q; PI, 42, 829. Cf. Sent. III, 7, 1; p. 586.
( 66 ) In Ioh. Tr. 47, 13; PL 35. 1740.
( 67 ) Serrno 72, 3 (De Resurr.); PI, 54, 391 A.
(68) propter quam (f. postquam marg.) DHLM.
(69) This was at the end of the second day. Geoffrey (5. Bernardi vita prima III, 5,
15)
of " biduana disputatione ".
(1) According to the Vita (III, 5, 15), St. Dernard called the meeting: " ... domesti-
30
Faciebat episcopus in libris beati Hn,ARII et de Corpare Cananum (63 ) in quorundam Grecorum epistolis uerba minus intelligibilia - presertim in tanta festina-
( 55 )
( 56 )
J e r.
.! ob.
17:
I.
OF
C!"I,LE, E p.
r'
l;
PL
202,
4 "3
rg : 24.
( 57 ) De Trin. V, 10, 11; PL .p, gr8: "Deus autem quia non ea magnitudine magnus
est que non est quod est ipse ut quasi particeps eius si t deus eu m magnns est: alioquin
illa erit mai or magnitudo qua m deus ". Cf. Scriptuta I, 3
( 58 ) Parisius :}fb.
(59 ) Only l'\abillon has the question ruark.
(60 ) De cap. II disputatio 1/ta;g. n.
(61) sint Mb.
( 62 ) VIGILIUS, Contrr, Arian. II, 42; PL 62, 225 C. Scriptura l, ro.
(63)
~.
cam si bi ecclesiam seorsnm conuocat Gallicanam ". By " French church " Geoffrey means
Eugene after the council
ten arehbishops and some thirteeu bishops held back by
to settle the issue.
(11) soli nHL::\IMb.
(1 2 ) This seems to indicate that the captula were sent to Pope Eugene, although the
notariu.s Henry of Pisa had already written them down.
(7 3) nerbi n.
(H) nee (f. ne marg.) B.
Epistola VII,38-X,5o
Gaufridus Autissiodorensis
38
Propter quod eidem scripture quam nouissimam uobis mittimus subscripta sunt
nomina singulorum qui aderant archiepiscoporum episcoporum abbatum et magistrorum de consensu et conuenientia unittersorum.
VIII
39
Et (75 ) electe sunt tres persone: episcopi duo reuerendissimi HuGo Antissiodorensis (76 ) et MILO Morinensis et SuGERIUS abbas Sancti Dionysii qui eandem scriptnram domino P ape et Cardinali bus presentarent et dicerent eis:
40
" Pro uestra reuerentia sustinuimus minus dignos acceptione sermones donec
tandem audiuimus quod de eis indicare uelletis. Offerimus ergo et nos uobis nostram
confessionem ut non de parte sed de partibus iudicetis. Tenetis confessionem hominis
illius scriptam. Conuenit ut teneatis et nostram. Uerumtamen ille uobis sub hoc tenore
tradidit suam ut paratus esset corrigere si quid vobis aliud uideretur. Nos huiusmodi
conditionem penitus excludentes sic uobis nostram offerinms ut noueritis quod in hoc
sumus, in hoc perseuerabimus, nichil penitus muta turi ".
41
Quibus sine cunctatione dominus Papa respondit ("). Et uniuersis, qui miserant
eos, renuntiare precepit quod ab eadem confessione eorum in nullo prorsus Romana
ecclesia dissentiret. Et si stare uisi fuerant aliqui pro persona sed non stabant aliquatenus pro doctrina.
42
Inde fuit quod in insign palatio cui nomen est Thau ('B) ecclesia uniuersa conueniens et interrogatus episcopus Pictauiensis (79 ) capitulis singulis libere renuntiauit hec
eadem uerba locutus: " Si uos aliter creditis, et ego: si aliter dicitis, et ego: si aliter
scribitis, et ego ".
43
Ibidem dominus Papa auctoritate apostolica et de assensu totius ecclesie que
conuenerat capitula ista dampnauit: districte precipiens ne eundem librum legere uel
transscribere etiam sic reprobatum quis auderet nisi prius eum Romana ecclesia correxisset. Cumque responderet episcopus: "Ego corrigam ad arbitrium uestrum ",
"Non uobis " ait, " hec correctio committetur " (Bo).
77
De (82) cetero super c~pitul~s aliis de quibus ma~datum ~estre dignationis ac8
~~ i diligenter considerans m Ltbro glosarum psaltem quas. rd~m G~LIBER~US { ~)
prretanus composuit su per uersum Adorate scabellum pedum etus rta scnptum muem:
Po
" Caro de terra est. Et de carne Marie carnem accepit Christus. Hec sine impie85
tate (84) adoratur a nobis quia nemo carnem eius spiritualiter manducat nisi prius ( )
adoret ".
Hucusque uerba sunt AuGuSTINI.
46
eorum:
"Non illa (86), dico, adoratione (8') que latria est que soli creatori debetur sed
illa (68) que in dulia dignior est. Dulia enin: ado;at~o est que etiam creature ~xhibetu:.
Que dua_s ~abet. specie.~: unam que homimbus mdrfferenter, alteram que soh humamtati Chnstl exhrbetur .
In libro etiam Glosarum (69 ) eius in epistola sancti Pauli super illum locum
99
l?ropter quod deus exaltauit illum et dedit illi nomen quod est super omne nomen ( ) ita
est commentatus:
. .
.
.
"Quibusdam uidetur hoc nomen datum honun1. Quod nulla ratwne conuemt.
Hoc enim donum (91 ) est (92 ) esse flium dei: hoc nomen esse deum quod no~1 per solam
appellationem sed per naturam supe: omne nomen est. Quod no~ post passwnem suam
94
sed potius a Patre a quo habet omma cum generaretur {93 ) acceprt. Hoc ergo non est _( )
96
95
homini datum nisi forte quis dica t per adoptionem esse ( ) datum. Sed ( ) adoptmo
deo non ftectitur omne genu. Nec est in gloria dei Patris. Nam nato ex deo hoc competit. Dicit tamen Apostolus Dedit illi (97 ) nomen etc. Quod ideo dico (9 B) quia n~t~.s
accepit ut per (99 ) crucem manifestaretur quod (1 ) a Patre dum generaretur acceprt .
48
Horuni ergo capitulorum nichil eiusdem concilii tempore audieramus, nichil penitus noueramus.
x
Uidentur autem his contraria hec que sequuntu; in scr~pturis LE~NIS ~ape
quorum auctoritatem sacris canonibus confrmatam optrme nomt uestra drscretw.
49
so
IX
44
Erant et alia que in scolis suis dicebatur auditoribus suis frequenter idem episcopus tradidisse licet nos dissimularemus. Pro multitudine tamen scolarium qui testimonium perhibebant ab eo audiuisse multotiens, he coram omnibus scisse et discerpte
fuerunt carte que dicebantur eius " sententias " continere. Quin, igne petito ad comburendum eas, dixerunt quidam sufficere si scinderentur (81 ). Quenam fuerint illa capitula, nec tum scire curaui nec adhuc scio.
75
6
{' )
( 83 )
Gaufridus Autissiodorensis
Epistola X,5r-XI,63
In utraque igitnr natura idem est dei Filius et nichil est alterius nature
quod non sit utriusque.
51
Item (5 ):
" In nullo diuidentes uisibilem ab inuisibili, corporeum ab incorporeo et (6)
Uerbum in Christo hominem et Christum adoremns in Uerbo ".
52
Et infra ("):
" Utrumque (8 } :f.deliter credite, utrumque :f.deliter adorate. Et in unitate Uerbi
et carnis non si t ulla diuisio ".
53
79
57
XI
Contra (25 ) capitnlum quartum secundum quod prescripsimus sentit LEo (26 )
scribens
Ad Flauianum episcopnm ita:
Papa
" Hoc, inquit Apostolus, sentite in uobis etc. usque in gloria Patris. Assumpti
non assumentis prouectio est quod dicitur: Deus illum exaltat ".
58
59
54
Idem (2 7 }:
" Scientes quod sempiterna Filii deitas nullo apud Patrem creuit augmento,
prudenter aduertite quod nec cui dictnm est Terra es et in terram ibis eidem in Christo
dicitur Sede a dextris meis ".
55
6o
56
Idem {2 8 ) Ad Constantinopolitanos:
" Dicant aduersarii ueritatis quando omnipotens Pater uel secundum quam naturam Filium sttper uniuersa prouexit uel cui substantie cuncta subiecit. Deitas enim
Uerbi par in omnibus et consubstantialis est Patri. Sed minor erat prouehente qui
creuit ". In natura hominis accepit a Patre quod in natura deitatis etiam ipse donauit.
Item (2 9 ) Ad Leonem Augustum et ad Palestinos:
" Exultationem qua illum exaltauit deus et donauit illi nomen quod est sttper
omne nomen ad eam intelligimus pertinere formam que ditanda erat tante glori:f.cationis augmento ".
6r
Item {3) :
" Quicquid ergo accepit, in tempore secundum hominem accepit cui que non
habuit conferuntur. Forma autem serui in gloria diuine potestatis euecta est. Nec
interest ex qua Christus substantia nominetur uel adoretur ".
62
5
( )
63
(2 3) Hieron. in Ps. 98 marg. HL. ]EROME, Tract. in Ps. gS; ed. G. MORIN, in: Anecdota -"t!lareds. III, 2 (Maredsous r897) 154.
(2 4 ) (et sedenti suo) et de sedili suo BHLiviMb. et de sedidi Mign2. GERHOCH, De
Gloria 12,3; PL 194, rrr4 B: "et de essenti suo".
(2 5 ) Confutatio quarti cap. Giliberti marg. B.
26
( ) Leo ep. Flav. marg. L:VI. Ep. 35, 2 (Ad Iul. ep. coensem); PL 54, 807 B: "Hoc ...
exaltauit ".
27
( ) Senno 28, 6; PI, 54, 225 A. GERHOCH, De nouitatibus huius temporis ro; ed. O.
THATCHER 53.
28
( ) Id. ad Constantiuop. marg. Ll\I. Ep. 59, 3; PL 54, 869 AB: "Dicant ... creuit ".
29
( ) Idem ad Leon. 6 marg. LM. Ep. 124, 6-7 (ad monachos Palest.); PL 54, ro66 BC.
30
( ) Ep. 124, 7; PL 54, 1o66 CD.
31
( ) Hieron. in ep. ad Phil. marg. L::'l1. PELAGJUS, In Phil. 2,9; ed. A. SouTER, Pelagius's
Exp. of Thirteen Epistles of St. Paul 2 (Cambridge 1926) 398.
So
Epistola XI,64-XIII,74
Gaufridus Antissiodorensis
64
65
XII
66
De cetero ut epistola fnem deinceps sortiatur si placuerit uestre discretioni
super prioribus capitulis quatuor plenius edoceri, in sermonibus beati BERNARDI (31.)
super Cantica Canticorum diligentior de eisdem disputatio continetur.
67
Optamus et oramus ut bene semper in domino ualeat uestra paternitas. Recommendamus uobis fratres nostros de Fossa Noua. De prosperitate uestra et statu
ecclesie sancte certitndinem satis uellemus a udire (35 ).
XIII
68
Uix (36 ) perfecta era t epistola hec ab eo cui tradita fuerat ad scribendum. Et
ecce eadem hora uoluntas domini fuit ut mihi occurreret quod uolebam. Ab altero
siquidem fratre priusquam mihi presens epistola redderetur, scriptura alia diu quesita
iam penitus desperanti mihi exhibita est quam super eisdem capitulis ante annos pene
quadraginta edideram cum ipso symbolo quod domino Pape et Romane ecdesie ex
parte decem archiepiscoporum et omnium episcopornm pene qui in illa adhuc die
Remis inuenti (37 ) sunt cum abbatibus maximis atque plurimis et magistris scolarum
et subscriptis nominibus singttlorum per superius memoratas personas fuerat presentatum.
69
Unde satis exultans illam quoque scripturam adiciens huic epistole tamquam
charissimo domino meo uobis utramque filiali deuotione transmitto.
XII II
70
Audiui (38 ) etiam quod super dampnatione Petri Abailardi diligentia uestra desiderat plenius nosse similiter ueritatem cuius libellos pie memorie dominus INNOCEN-
Idem in Ps. rog marg. L. JmunrE, Tract. in Ps. roy; ed. G. l\lORIN ry8.
Contra 1Vlaximinum I, 5; PL 42, 747
( 34 ) Super Caut. cant. 8o, 4. 6-g; ed. J. LECLERCQ-C. H. TALBOT H. 11. ROCHAIS, 5.
Bernardi opera 2 (Rome 1958) 281-283: PL 183, rr6g B-rr7r A.
(35) Pergit nero add. BHLM.
36
( ) Appenix ad epistolam marg. BH.
( 37 ) inuincti (inuenti marg.) B. Concerning the scriptura see supra (7,38), p. 76.
( 38 ) de daumatione iterata Abailardi marg. B.
( 32 )
33
Sr
(39 ) Papa secundus in urbe Roma et in ecclesia beati Petri incendio celebri con'l'I'US
_ apostolica auctoritate hereticum illum denuntians.
cremauit
Nam et ante plures annos uenerabilis qui~am Cardi?alis et. le?atw~ Romane
71 . CoNO ('o) nomine, regularis quondam canomcus eccleste sanctt Ntcolat de Aruaeccleste
..
. 'l'
.
. Th ologiam eius Suessione (41 ) Concllmm
ce l e b rans stmttter
concremauera t tpsum
sta,
e presentem anntens et conuictum de heretica prauitate condempnans.
petruro
o
Unde uestro si placuerit desiderio per libellum De uita sancti Bernardi et per eius
~;istolas ('2) missas ad Curiam satisfet.
73
Appendices
VIGII,IUS, Contra Arianos (II, 42) 31; 54; 74;
(II, 43) 54; (II, 46) 32; 54 Attributed to
ATHANASIUS and AUGUSTINE.
APPENDICES
II
I
34
BERNARD, Saint, 30; 34; 37; 70-75; So.
BERNARD, bishop of Valence 34
BERNARD, bishop of Saintes 34
CoNO, Card. of Palestrina Sr.
ENGEI,BAI.D. archb. of Tours 33
EUGENE III (pope) 30; 36; 70; 72; 76.
FOSSA :::fUOVA So.
BAI,DWIN OF CAESAREA 34
BARTHOI,OMEW, bishop of Chlons-s-~Iarne
6].
]I.