Académique Documents
Professionnel Documents
Culture Documents
of the
10th Annual
HISTORY
OF
MEDICINE DAYS
FACULTY OF MEDICINE
THE UNIVERSITY OF CALGARY
TA APXAIA
INA
EYTE
rd
TA
KAINA
th
Contents
Participating Students and their Universities ........................................................................... iv
Preceptors and their Universities ............................................................................................... vi
Preface and Acknowledgements ............................................................................................... viii
Presentations:
Ancient Egyptian Obstetrics & Gynecology ...........................Gregg S. Nelson ......................1
Pharmacologocal Practices of Ancient Egypt .........................Michael D. Parkins..................5
Sleep Apnea in the Ramayana.................................................Mala Hoghari ........................12
Jesus Christ, the Exemplar of Patient Centred Medicine ........Victoria Vogt ........................16
Emperor Marcus Aurelius and the
History of Opium Addiction....................................................Scott Ainslie..........................21
Paul of Aegina and Tracheostomy ..........................................Demitre Serletis ....................26
Lithotomy and Lithotripsy Through the Ages.........................Matei Andreoiu .....................30
The Evolution of Nasal Reconstruction:
The origins of Plastic Surgery .................................................Vickram Chahal ....................41
The Monstrous Birth: The Theory of Maternal
Impression and Congenital Malformations .............................Anna M. Mayer.....................49
Avicenna..................................................................................Farnaz Ammozegar...............55
Ibn Tufayl's Treatise on Asthma, Lost and Found ..................Yasmin Nasser ......................59
The School at Salerno: Origin of the European
Medical University ..................................................................Amber Stelmaschuk ..............68
Reform Without Change .........................................................Matthew Lilly........................75
Anatomy during the Italian Renaissance: A Brief History
of How Artists Influenced its Development............................Rory Sellmer .........................84
Shifting Bones .........................................................................Bruce Cload ..........................88
Proceedings of the 10th Annual History of Medicine Days
WA Whitelaw - March 2001
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Participating Students
& Their Academic Affiliation
Gregg S. Nelson ..............................................................................................University of Calgary
Michael D. Parkins..........................................................................................University of Calgary
Sheela Vijay ....................................................................................................University of Calgary
Mala Goghari ..................................................................................................University of Calgary
Victoria Vogt ........................................................................................University of Saskatchewan
Scott Ainslie....................................................................................................University of Calgary
Demitre Serletis ..............................................................................................University of Calgary
Matei Andreoiu .................................................................................University of Western Ontario
Vickram Chahal ................................................................................University of Western Ontario
Anna M. Mayer.................................................................................University of Western Ontario
Farnaz Amoozegar ..........................................................................................University of Calgary
Yasmin Nasser ................................................................................................University of Calgary
Amber Stelmaschuk ........................................................................................University of Calgary
Matthew Lilly......................................................................Memorial University of Newfoundland
Rory Sellmer ...................................................................................................University of Calgary
Bruce Cload ..................................................................................................... Univesity of Calgary
Wei-Shuen Tan ...............................................................................................University of Calgary
Teresa Killam..................................................................................................University of Calgary
Aditya Bharatha ............................................................................................. University of Toronto
Kendra Lamb ..................................................................................................University of Calgary
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Participating Preceptors
& Their Academic Affiliation
Dr. M. Beriault................................................................................................University of Calgary
Dr. M. Brain....................................................................................................University of Calgary
Dr. A. Bulloch.................................................................................................University of Calgary
Dr. E. Burgess .................................................................................................University of Calgary
Dr. I. Cameron ................................................................................................ Dalhousie University
Dr. T. Catto-Smith .......................................................................................... Melbourne, Australia
Dr. I. Clarke ....................................................................................................University of Calgary
Dr. L. Clein ...........................................................................................University of Saskatchewan
Dr. D. Colby......................................................................................University of Western Ontario
Dr. A. Coppes .................................................................................................University of Calgary
Dr. B. Corenblum............................................................................................University of Calgary
Dr. J. Crellin........................................................................Memorial University of Newfoundland
Dr. S. de la Ronde ...........................................................................................University of Calgary
Dr. J. Duffin ........................................................................................................Queen's University
Dr. J. Gill.........................................................................................................University of Calgary
Dr. D. Hogan...................................................................................................University of Calgary
Dr. S. Kuhn .....................................................................................................University of Calgary
Dr. R. Lampard ...............................................................................................University of Calgary
Dr. R. Lee........................................................................................................University of Calgary
Dr. K. Lukowiak .............................................................................................University of Calgary
Dr. J. R. Maltby...............................................................................................University of Calgary
Proceedings of the 10th Annual History of Medicine Days
WA Whitelaw - March 2001
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Notes
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~1~
The practice of medicine they split into separate parts, each doctor being responsible for
the treatment of only one disease. There are, in consequence, innumerable doctors, some
specializing in diseases of the eye, others of the head, others of the stomach, and so on;
while others, again, deal with the sort of troubles which cannot be exactly localized.2
This, however, does not seem to be the case for practitioners in the fields of obstetrics and
gynecology in ancient Egypt, as there are no known words for midwife, obstetrician or
gynecologist from this time period.3
Tests of Fertility and Pregnancy
Of particular interest to the Egyptians was whether or not a woman was capable of
becoming, or was indeed, pregnant. One of the more famous tests, taken from the Berlin medical
papyrus, is described as follows:
test to see if a woman will bear a child or if she will not bear a child. Emmer
and barley, the lady should moisten with her urine every day, like dates and like
sand in two bags. If they all grow, she will bear a child. If the barley grows, it
means a male. If the emmer grows, it means a female. If they do not grow, she
will not bear a child.3
In a modern botany laboratory in Cairo, Ghalioungui and his colleagues carried out a trial4
of this Egyptian test, which seems to be more of a test for pregnancy rather than fertility, and
determined that non-pregnancy urines and roughly half of the pregnancy urines arrested
germination. The researchers concluded that when growth occurs, the urine is presumably
that of a pregnant woman, but the reverse is not necessarily true.4 The ability of the test to
predict the newborns gender, however, was not so successful, with only 19 of 40 cases being
correct, a result which one might expect to have occurred due to chance alone.1
One method described that the likelihood of becoming pregnant was proportional to the
number of times the woman vomited while sitting on a floor covered in beer mash. That the
early stages of pregnancy are often accompanied by nausea and vomiting might lend some
degree of validity to this particular test.
Another method instructed the woman to place an onion bulb in her vagina overnight if
the odor of the onion could be smelled on the woman's breath by morning, then she was
considered fertile.5 Although the Egyptians were correct in thinking that obstruction of the uterus
would make it impossible for a woman to bear a child, the latter test reveals the erroneous
Egyptian view of anatomy at the time, that the cavity of the uterus was somehow connected to
the digestive tract.
Obstetrics
Although there is little mention of treatment for problems that might arise at the time of
delivery in the medical papyri of ancient Egypt, there is evidence to suggest that a group of
remedies were used to "release a child from the belly of a woman," and "to cause a woman to
~2~
give to the earth"3 statements presumably meaning to begin contraction of the uterus and
thereby hasten the birth process. The Ebers Papyrus suggests a number of remedies, including
ground corn, celery ground in cow's milk, and hemp ground in honey, all of which were inserted
into the vagina. Remedies that were taken orally included wine, date juice, and fresh salt of
Lower Egypt.
The swnw did not in fact attend to women giving birth, rather there were typically two to
three women who would assist during labour, particularly if the pregnant woman was of noble
lineage. Delivery usually occurred with the woman squatting on two large bricks or on a chair
from which the center had been removed the hieroglyph for birth aptly depicts the newborns
head emerging first with the woman seated in such fashion.6
Assessment of the neonate was, by todays standards, quite crude. The Ebers Papyrus7
states:
if, on the day the child is born, it says ny it will live and if it says mebi it
will die.
It was also thought that if the child moaned or turned its head downwards, it would also
surely die.
The Ebers Papyrus also provides instructions on what to do should injury to the perineum
occur during birth:
Instructions for a lady suffering in her pubic region, her vagina and the region of her
vagina which is between her buttocks. You shall say concerning her: Very swollen due to
giving birth. You should then prepare for her: oil to be soaked into her vagina.
In this particular situation, if the only concern was pain and swelling, then perhaps oil
applied to the region may have had some therapeutic effect. But had there been any trauma, such
as tearing, then surgery would have been the only effective treatment. As will be discussed
below, surgery was not known to be employed by the swnw of ancient Egypt.
Contraception
As in our society today, in ancient Egypt there too was an occasional desire to prevent
conception. The Kahun Gynecological Papyrus, the oldest surviving of the medical papyri,
provides instructions for preparing numerous contraceptives to be inserted into the vagina.
Pessaries made of sour milk, honey with a pinch of natron, and also of acacia gum were
commonly used. Acacia gum has been shown to have a spermicidal effect in the presence of
vaginal lactic acid.5 A most peculiar practice involved the use of crocodile dung contraception
in this case would have undoubtedly occurred by way of deterrence of the man!
~3~
Gynecology
Although surgery plays a predominant role in contemporary gynecology, surgical
intervention was not recommended in ancient Egypt, and the main treatment modalities provided
by the swnw that did exist would be deemed bizarre by today's standards.
Gynecological disorders such as uterine prolapse were treated with medications rather than
by manipulation. It was thought that if the patient stood over a burning fire of ingredients, her
uterus would be magically forced back into its normal position. Alternative methods included
drinking specially prepared remedies, and smearing oils and aromatic resins on the pubic region.3
Excessive bleeding, or menorrhagia, was treated by remedies designed to draw out the
blood of the woman7 the rationale being that if you were to draw the blood out, the bleeding
would stop.
The Kahun Gynecological Papyrus provides instructions for a victim of rape:
Instructions for a woman suffering in her vagina, and all her limbs likewise, having been
beaten. You shall say concerning her: This has loosened her uterus. You should then
prepare for her: oil to be eaten until she is well.3
References
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
Estes, J.W. The Medical Skills of Ancient Egypt, Science History Publications, Canton, 1989.
Herodotus, The Histories, Aubrey de Slincourt, trans., Baltimore, 1954.
Nunn, J.F. Ancient Egyptian Medicine, British Museum Press, London, 1996.
Ghalioungui, P., Khalil, S., and Ammar, A.R. On an ancient Egyptian method of diagnosing pregnancy
and determining foetal sex. Medical Historian 7:241-246.
Stevens, J.M. Gynaecology from ancient Egypt: the Papyrus Kahun: Translation of the oldest treatise on
gynaecology that has survived from the ancient world. Medical Journal of Australia 2:949-952, 1975.
Ghalioungui, P. The House of Life: Magic and Medical Science in Ancient Egypt, 2nd Ed, Amsterdam,
1973.
Ebers, G.M. Papyros Ebers, Englemann, Leipzig, 1875.
~4~
~5~
to be copies of much older texts. These scrolls contain the names of hundreds of medicines and
many pathological conditions. In particular, the Ebers Papyrus contains the most information
on drug remedies and names over 900 specific drugs. Many of these drugs have been identified
based on cross references with non-medical papyrus, drawings, analogy with function and in a
few cases based on identification of remnants in labelled jars. However, the bulk of drugs of
vegetable origin in particular remain to be identified. Further progress in these areas has been
impeded by the inability to identify certain pathological conditions that these remaining
unidentified drugs were used for treatment, and therefore correlation has been impossible.
Egyptian Model of Health and Disease
The physicians of ancient Egypt, the swnw, regarded air, water and nutrients as essential to
life. They believed that these materials were transported together through a series of afferent
ducts known as metu to the various organs and that this was essential for life. These metu were
thought to extend throughout the entire body and anastomose with each other. The importance
of the metu to Egyptians is indicated by greetings, where wishes of may his metu be
comfortable and may thy metu be sound were frequent. The swnw believed that imbalances
in air, water and blood within the metu were the cause of disease. The most important imbalance
of metu was due to whdw (pronounced weedoo) characterized as the rotten stuff par
excellence. Whdw was thought to originate in the faeces, due to undigested food, and in open
wounds. If the whdw accumulated to dangerous levels it was possible for it to overflow into
afferent metu and travel to the heart, the site of the soul. Egyptian therapies were therefore
directed at expelling the whdw from the body, and this was achieved by administering medicines
which would travel through the metu.
Administration of Drugs
There were five routes of drug administration; oral, rectal, vaginal, topical, and fumigation.
While over 70% of Egyptian treatments were administered topically, a tenth of these were
thought to exert their effects elsewhere. Here the Egyptian concept of metu can be observed
through the practices of the swnw. Treatments administered to one area were envisioned to be
transferred via these afferent ducts to their site of intended action. The greatest proportion of
oral medications were prescribed for disorders of the gastrointestinal tract.
Treatment Regimes
The bulk of ancient Egyptian therapeutic regimes involved polypharmacy. In the Ebers
Papyrus the average prescription contains 4.2 ingredients and, in one case of a treatment for
impotence, more then 37. Identifying the active component in each treatment is often very
difficult. The use of vehicles to transmit the treatment regime further compounds this difficulty.
Vehicles
Vehicles were commonly used in the administration of almost all medications. The most
common vehicles were water, honey, milk, oil, fat, wine and beer. The vehicles would produce a
pleasant effect on the concoction, sufficient to offset other disagreeable components.
~6~
Furthermore, the intoxication effects of wine and beer may have acted to ease the burden of
suffering. However, based on their properties many vehicles can be considered drugs in and of
themselves. Honey was the second most common ingredient (after water) found in Egyptian
medicines, and was used for topical, rectal and oral applications. Honey was particularly
effective in topical wound dressings. Though the Egyptians would not have known it, honey is
an effective antibacterial agent due to its extremely hyper-tonic nature, and several antimicrobial
agents contained within; hydrogen peroxide, gluconic acid, and proplis which was used up
until the mid 1900s as an antiseptic. Alcohol in the form of beer and wine were well known to
the Egyptians. The alcohol content of wine and beer would have made it possible to extract
active ingredients such as alkaloids from plants soaked overnight. The drugs were dispensed in a
multitude of forms; infusions, liquid mixtures, pills, lozenges, inhalations, fumigations, plugs,
suppositories, enemas, ointments and eye drops.
Dosing and Treatment Course
Most prescriptions did not specify total quantities, but rather were written indicating the
fraction of each component in the final concoction. There were, however, exceptions to this rule
which were almost exclusively observed with those medications taken orally. The Egyptians
knew both the healing and deadly effects of some drugs, particularly the analgesics. They
therefore weighed each component of many of the medicines to be taken orally, to ensure the
beneficial effects and avoid the perils. The swnw even realized the importance of the size and
age of the patient in therapeutic regimes. Rather than giving a child a full pill as they would an
adult, they would often crush the pill and mix it with milk, giving the child only a portion.
Finally, the duration of the treatment course was typically indicated by the papyrus for each
therapeutic regime. Treatments were typically administered for four consecutive days. In rare
instances, however, treatments were suggested to be used as frequently as required.
Drugs in the Ancient Egyptian Pharmacopoeia
The drugs in each of the medications were from animals, plants and even minerals. In a
few instances, in addition to administering the medications, the swnw would have to use a
magical spell for the treatment to work. It is not believed that these spells were performed based
on the belief that the diseases were demonic in origin, but rather for their moral support value
alone.
Drugs Derived from Animals
Components from animals appear in 42% of all prescriptions in the Ebers papyryus.
Approximately 1/3 of these are fat or grease, both of which were likely used as vehicles. Fat and
grease were often used in the formation of ointments for topical application. Approximately 1/3
of animal derived drugs were products of animal urine, eggs, faeces or milk. Finally, structural
components of animal carcasses such as blood, bone, meat and skin were used in 1/3 of
prescriptions. There is a wide range of animals from which animal constituents were obtained
including cow, goose, ass, man, cat, pig, mouse, goat, sheep, bat, hippopotamus, antelope, dog,
fish, insect, ostrich, pigeon, pelican, raven, frog, lizard, snake, tortoise and crocodile.
~7~
Animal products used in treatments were chosen because they were thought to possess the
same traits by which the animal was characterized, and could thus impart these qualities to the
patient. For example, crushed worms which are smooth and continuous were smeared on heads
to keep them bald. The saliva from a stallion was given to a woman to stimulate her libido when
her husband thought it necessary. The skin of an agile animal such as a deer was wrapped
around a stiff foot in order to make the patient more nimble. Finally, disagreeable substances
such as excrement and urine were used to repel evil spirits which were responsible for a patients
disease. Despite the magical basis for the use of faeces, empirical observations of effective
treatment were observed and this practice in particular continued, and will be discussed shortly.
Finally, transference was used in the opposite direction, in which fish heads were used to treat
migraines, and a hogs eye to cure blindness. In these situations it was believed that the evil
spirits were transferred from the patient to the object. One must conclude that the value of the
drugs derived from animals used in these remedies was more often based on magic and
superstition than rational physiologic reasoning following the metu model.
Drugs Derived from Plant Matter
The ancient Egyptian swnw made extensive use of herbs and plants. In addition to the flora
found in the lush native Egypt, they imported certain species from abroad. Unfortunately of the
160 plant products described in the medical Papyruses we have thus far been able to identify
only 20%. Prescriptions specified particular parts of the plants to be used, including seeds, roots,
leaves, flower petals, and crushed components suspended in wine. It thus appears that the swnw
recognized that the active components are often found concentrated in specific parts of a plant.
The class of drugs in which Egyptologists are most interested remain the analgesics. There
is some evidence that the ancient Egyptians were able to use morphine obtained from opiates. In
particular, shepen (believed to be the opium poppy) was given to children to stop their crying.
This practice has been continued through the ages and used as recently as the mid-nineteenth
century in England. The Egyptians used cannabis as a drug and for making hemp ropes.
Cannabis (shemshemet) was administered by mouth, rectum, vagina, topically, and fumigation,
however, there is no evidence that the Egyptians were aware of its psychotropic effects. The
mystical lotus flower (seshen), described in many papyris and depicted in many drawings is
believed to be Nymphaea spp.. The lotus flower was frequently soaked in beer or wine and the
extract drunk. This extract contains four powerful alcohol soluble alkaloids with significant
psychotropic effects.
Drugs of Mineral Origin
A wide range of minerals were employed in the pharmacopoeia, and in fact most of these
have been identified. The rationale behind the incorporation of these products into drugs is
unknown, and empirical observation should have revealed that the bulk of these have no
physiologic activity what so ever. Drugs such as sea salt (hemat), and natron (hesmen) would
have possessed topical antibacterial activity on the basis that these hyper-tonic compounds have
a powerful osmotic effect and would draw water out of the invading pathogen. However, many
of the compounds such as granite and ferric iron are insoluble and would have had no activity.
~8~
~9~
When you examine a man with an irregular wound and that wound in inflamed
(there is) a concentration of heat; it pours out of the opening of that wound against
your hand; the lips of the wound are reddened and that man is hot in consequence; then
you must say: a man with an irregular wound a sickness that I can treat. Then you
must make a cooling substances for him to draw the heat out leaves of the willow.
This information confirms that the ancient Egyptians recognize the cardinal signs of
infection and inflammation, and also that the bark and leaves of willow trees tended to reduce
infection. The antiseptic qualities of willow bark are well known to modern science.
Malachite (termed wedju), a green pigmented cupric carbonate/cupric hydroxide salt, was
used by the ancient Egyptians both cosmetically and medicinally. Worn as an eye shadow,
malachite would have protected against eye infections from organisms such as Pseudomonas
aeruginosa and Staphylococcus aureus, for which it has potent bactericidal effects. Furthermore,
it was probably the active ingredient in 39 drug mixtures described in the Ebers Papyrus, for
infections of the eye and open wounds.
Bread was a common food stuff in ancient Egypt. The Egyptian swnw recognized that
bread in rotten condition mouldy bread - was regarded as one of the best treatments for
intestinal ailments, diseases of the bladder and purulent wounds. Thus, it appeared that the swnw
recognized the benefits of antibiotics produced by the contaminating bread moulds without
understanding their mechanism of action.
Sewage pharmacology first began in ancient Egypt and was continued through the middle
ages. The Ebers Papyrus contains more than 50 prescriptions in which faeces are believed to be
active components, used for internal and external application. Furthermore, many of these
prescriptions are very specific in their recommendations of excrement from different animals.
The use of fecal matter in prescriptions was rationalized to repel the demons responsible for the
disease and cause their exit, as these substances were seen as unfavourable. To explain the effect
of these compounds by todays medical standards, we must recognize the importance of
secondary metabolites of bacterial and fungal origin found in fecal matter. In fact, feces have
been shown to be rich in antibiotic substances. Thus, the use of fecal matter was based on
magical assumptions, but was supported by empirical observations. It is further known that
every animal has different microflora, and correspondingly produces a different antibiotic
complement in their waste hence the use of fecal matter from a wide variety of organisms.
Gastrointestinal Ailments
About one quarter of all the prescriptions in the Ebers Papyrus were intended for ailments
of the gastrointestinal system. Treatment of intestinal ailments were modeled following the
Egyptian model of health and disease. For example, in order to expel the whdw, the toxin which
arose in the bowels and could spill over into the metu, purgatives were used. Approaching
Egyptian treatments from a modern medical standpoint it is difficult to comprehend how
laxatives were used to treat cases of both constipation and diarrhoea alike. However, following
the Egyptian metu model, the critical aspect in each case was a build up of whdw. By treating a
patient suffering from diarrhoea with laxatives, the swnw could increase the expulsion of the
~ 10 ~
whdw and hence stop the disease process. So intent were the Egyptians on maintaining a
balanced metu, that for three consecutive days every month the people would purge themselves
with emetics and laxatives, to maintain a healthy status. A number of agents were used in this
regard, including castor oil, figs, dates, carob, notched sycamore fig and cumin.
Conclusions
Our knowledge of the pharmacopoeia of ancient Egypt is clearly inadequate to support
many sweeping generalizations about the effectiveness of the drug therapy regimens. Making
actual conclusions on the efficacy of the pharmacological treatments of the swnw is difficult for a
number of reasons, including the incomplete pharmacopoeia translations, difficulty in defining
the conditions that treatments were suggested for and lack of information about how often a
therapy was used. Further compounding this is the lack of first hand accounts of the clinical
experiences and success of the swnw.
Egyptian drug therapy can be regarded as having evolved from a system rooted in magic, to
one of empiric observation. That is to say that drugs used in the specific therapies were first
chosen based on perceived magical potential, and those that were continued were chosen based
on empirical observation. The swnw lacked the information regarding internal disorders and
their causes that we posses today. Rather, their therapies were based on a misconstrued
physiologic theory and empirical observation. While the bulk of Egyptian remedies can now be
recognized as incapable of providing a cure, and in many circumstances even alleviation of
symptoms, owing to their lack of active ingredients, it would be inappropriate to label all of these
treatments as placebos. Of the 260 prescriptions in the Hearst Papyrus, 28 percent contain an
ingredient which can be perceived to have had activity towards the condition being treated.
Another third of these remedies supplied to any given disorder would produce a purgative effect
on the gastrointestinal system, so as to imply to the swnw that the whdw was being driven out.
References
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
Ghalioungui, P. Magic and medical science in ancient Egypt. (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1963)
Ghalioungui, P. The House of life : Per ankh. Magic and medical science in ancient Egypt. 2nd edition.
(Amsterdam, B. M. Israel, 1973).
Nunn, J.F. Ancient Egyptian medicine. (London: British Museum, 1996).
Smith, G.E. Papyrus Ebers. English translation. (Chicago: Ares Publishers, 1974)
Stetter, C. The secret medicine of the pharoahs : ancient Egyptian healing. (Chicago: Edition Q, 1993).
Worth, J.E. The medical skills of ancient Egypt. (Canton, Mass.: Science History Publications, 1989)
~ 11 ~