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Semiotics of culture: It should be obvious that the interpretive approach is based in the
interpretation of symbols. The semiotics of culture is the cornerstone of interpretive anthropology,
in fact. The symbols which are interpreted by anthropologists during investigation give insight into
the how societies function. Interpreting the symbolic meaning of a cultural practice of concept
provides the anthropologist with the opportunity to view people interacting through symbols which
is specific to their culture and therefore forms the culture itself.
Clusters of symbolic acts: These are clusters of actions which symbolise something within a culture
and together help the anthropologist to understand further the culture in question.
World views: the ways that an individual or group views the world due to their culture.
Historical context
Interpretive anthropology made its appearance after world war II, a time when there was much
funding about for anthropological research to be undertaken in order to better the state of the world.
As Geertz was the main founder of interpretive anthropology, and he has as background in the
humanities, when the interpretive approach appeared it was quite different to the more scientific
approaches to anthropology. It was opposed to the then popular approach of structuralism. While
both structuralism and interpretive anthropology conceived culture as language, it could be said that
they believed that different linguistic systems were where culture was to be found. Structuralism
believes that culture was the grammar of a language, the interpretive approach treats culture a the
lexis of a language. This demonstrates how interpretive anthropology diverted anthropology itself
from a strict system made of rules like most sciences post-world war II, a grammatical one; to being
an anthropology which focused on vocabulary as symbols which could be interpreted more freely,
outside the constraints of such strict scientific rules. It made new steps in the strict scientific
community at the time.
based on interpreting symbols as metaphorical texts which provide a window into cultures. Geertz
was raised in rural California and in 1943 entered the US navy. After world war II he attended
Antoch college and studied English and philosophy. In 1956 he earned a Ph.D. In anthropology at
Harvard university.
He was inspired by Wittgenstein's discussion of language which provided him with a tool to
observe how private language affects public spheres. Additionally, Geertz claimed that Max Weber
invented interpretive social science, that which Geertz himself used.
During his life Geertz published several texts including Notes on the Balinese cockfight (2005)
which is discussed below. Some more of his published works include the following:
Agricultural Involution, the Processes of Ecological Change in Indonesia,Berkeley: University of
California Press, 1963.
Peddlers and Princes, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1963.
Person, Time and Conduct in Bali: An Essay in Cultural Analysis, Yale Southeast Asia Program
Cultural Report Series, No. 14, 1966.
Islam Observed: Religious Development in Morocco and Indonesia, New Haven: Yale University
Press, 1968.
The Interpretation of Cultures: Selected Essays, New York: Basic Books,1973, 2000.
Negara: The Theatre State in Nineteenth Century Bali, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1980.
Local Knowledge: Further Essays in Interpretive Anthropology, New York: Basic Books, 1983,
2000.
After the Fact: Two Countries, Four Decades, One Anthropologist, Harvard University Press, 1995.
Available Light: Anthropological Reflections on Philosophical Topics, Princeton University Press,
2000.
2005, p. 83). Geertz also discusses how the interpretation of metaphor as symbolic meaning should
be further exploited (Geertz, 2005, p. 83).
After spending a prolonged period of time observing and participating in the culture of Balinese
cockfights in a Balinese village Geertz and his wife had come to various conclusions about the
practice. One of these, for example, is that the cockfights are in fact a practice which allows the
Balinese faux pas of violence to be let out into the open and to be embraced as a sort of venting
method for any accumulation of aggression that might normally be repressed by the society (Geertz,
2005, pp. 81, 84). Another example concluding from this field work is that the cock fight represents
every day happenings in an artistic form and thereby permits those who partake to observe life as
stronger-than-normal representations (Geertz, 200, p. 79). In sum, according to Geertz, cockfighting
communicates the thrill of risk, the despair of loss, the pleasure of triumph.