Positionally Defined Constraints versus Metrical Constraints in Determining

Syllable Weight
Naga Selvanathan

It has been argued before that in Tamil (Dravidian), a CVC syllable can show variable
weight depending on whether it is in a word-initial position (Christdas 1996, Gordon
2004) and thus attract primary stress. This is exemplified by the following paradigm.
1)

a.
b.
c.
d.
e.

/CVCV/
/CVCVC/
/CVCV:/
/CVCCV:/
/CVVCV/

[CV .CV] initial stress

[CV .CVC] initial stress
[CV.CV :] peninitial stress
[CV C.CV:] initial stress
[CV :.CV] initial stress

[n.ri] 'fox'
[v.jl] 'field'
[p.l:] 'jackfruit'
[vn.di:] 'car'
[p:.d] 'sing'

(1a) shows that when the word has two light syllables, the initial syllable is stressed.
However, the comparison between (1b) and (1c) tells us that the CVC syllable in (1a) is
not heavy. If it was, the CVC syllable would have attracted stress like in (1c) which has a
long vowel in the second syllable. However, the long vowel is unable to attract stress
away from the initial CVC syllable in (1d). (1e) shows that words with an initial longvowelled syllable also show initial stress. (1) thus illustrates that only a word initial CVC
syllable is heavy.
Gordon (2004: 696) captures this by proposing a position specific constraint WBYP/1
which requires an initial syllable coda to be moraic. However, it is possible to account for
the facts without such a specific positional constraint but rather the ranking shown below.
This ranking ensures that stress falls on the first or second
syllable because all words only have one foot, which is
left aligned to the word edge, due to ALLFT-L dominating
PARSE. When the first two syllables are light, TROCHEE
>> IAMB ensures that the foot is a trochee. When the
initial syllable is light and the peninitial has a long vowel,
ID-WT(VOWEL), ALLFT-L >> WSP >> TROCHEE causes a
L-H iambic foot to be formed. An input with an initial
long vowel forms a left-aligned monosyllabic foot, which
satisfies IAMB at the expense of ALLFT-R and PARSE.
When a CVC syllable is initial in an input such as
/CVCCV/, the main competition is between [(CV C).CV]
and [(CV C.CV)]. The preference to parse a left-aligned monosyllabic foot over a trochaic
foot ensures that the initial coda is moraic given that *MORACONS is dominated by IAMB.
However, when the CVC syllable is pen-initial as in an input /CVCVC/, the main
competition is between [(CV .CVC)] and [(CV.CV C)]. The highest constraint that
distinguishes between these two is TROCHEE which prefers the former to the latter and as
such the coda remains non-moraic. Variable CVC weight in Tamil can thus be derived
using standard metrical constraints rather than a position specific constraint like
WBYP/1 thus calling into question the status of such constraints within CON.

Note: The argument presented above is taken from my first Qualifying Paper. Alan was
the chair of the committee and I learnt a lot about how to structure a linguistic argument
from him. I only hope that the above argumentation in its severely abridged form shows
some semblance of this. On a personal note, I would also like to thank Alan for his sharp
wit and genuine warmth that were evident in all my interactions with him. He will be
missed in the department.