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14,
2,
175-203
ABSTRACT
The Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) was developed to provide
a causal theory of the policy process which would serve as one of
several alternatives to the familiar stages heuristic, with its recognized
limitations. This paper first summarizes the central features of the
ACF, including a set of underlying assumptions and specific
hypotheses. We next review the implications for the framework of six
case studies by various authors dealing with Canadian education and
water,
telecommunications,
transportation,
with
American
environmental, and energy policy. While generally supportive of the
ACF, the case studies also suggest several revisions.
176
periods of time within that broader process (Sabatier, I988; JenkinsSmith, I988). The focus of this article is on the results of recent
research that critically applied the ACF to cases of policy change
over several decades in Canadian education, the regulation and
deregulation of commercial airlines in the US., the controversy over
additional water projects in California, the development of television
design standards by the Federal Communications Commission, the
regulation of petroleum leasing on the Outer Continental Shelf (OCS),
and the regulation of land use and water quality in the Lake Tahoe
Basin (Sabatier and Jenkins-Smith, I993). The intent has been to test
some of the principal hypotheses and assumptions of the ACF over
a diverse set of cases.
What have we learned? After briefly reviewing the limits of the
textbook approach, we provide an overview of the ACF, including
explicit hypotheses drawn from elements of the framework. The second
part assesses the strengths and weaknesses of the ACF in light of the
case studies. While the results generally support the ACF, they also
suggest several important revisions and additions.
L Background
A. Limitationsof the Stages Heuristic
Beginning in the late I96os and early I970s, many policy scholars
adopted a stages heuristicto public policy derived from the work of
Harold Lasswell, David Easton and others. Briefly, it breaks the policy
process into functionally and temporally distinct sub-processes. Among
the most authoritative statements of the textbook model are Jones'
to the Study of Public Policy, Anderson's (I979)
(I977) An Introduction
Public Polic-Making, and Peter's (I986) AmericanPublic Policy. These
works all distinguish the stages of problem identification/agenda setting, policy formulation and adoption, policy implementation, and
policy evaluation and reformulation. All place these stages within a
broader political environment of federalism, political institutions,
public opinion, political culture, and other constraints.
Scholars working within the stages heuristic have certainly made
important contributions over the past two decades. The concept of a
processof policymaking operating across the various institutions of
government has provided an alternative to the institutional approach
of traditional political science. By shifting attention to the process
stream the stages model has encouraged analysis of phenomena that
transcend any given institution. In addition, the stages heuristic has
permitted useful analysis of questions that were less readily perceived
EvaluatingtheAdvocacyCoalitionFramework
177
More importantly, the stages heuristic suffers from a built-in legalistic, top-downfocus. It draws attention to a specific cycle of problem
identification, policy decision, and implementation that focuses on the
intentions of legislators and the fate of a particular policy initiative.
Such a top-down view results in a tendency to neglect other important
players (e.g., street-level bureaucrats), restricts the view of 'policy' to
a specific piece of legislation, and may be entirely inapplicable when
'policy' stems from a multitude of overlapping directives and actors,
none dominant (Sabatier, I986). Furthermore, focus on the policy
cycle as the temporal unit of analysis is often inappropriate. Policy
178
These and other problems with the stages heuristic have encouraged
the development of other conceptualizations of the policy process
(Sabatier, i99i;
I).
Two
1984;
Ostrom, I990;
EvaluatingtheAdvocacyCoalitionFramework
179
i99i).
I80
EvaluatingtheAdvocagyCoalitionFramework
i 8i
I: RevisedDiagram of the AdvocacyCoalitionFramework
FIGURE
I
Basic attributes
1)
I
12) Basic distribution
resources
of natural
values
POLICYSUBSYSTEM
j Coalition
Resources
I--- >1
Subsystem
Actors
conditions
I
|
Policy
Brokers
Strategy Al
re guidance
I
i
>1.1
Coalition
a) Policy betiefs
b) Resources
(SYSTEM)EVENTS
and inpacts
| b) Resources
_____________________
J a) Policy beliefs
'I
of
Constraints
I1
and
1) Changes in socio-economic
(rutes)
I__________________________________________
EmXBL
and sociat
-'
structure
I iI
Strategy
R1
re uidance
instruments
instruIments
|1
Decisions by SovereigrR
Regarding Institutlonal
Rules,
Rudgats, and Parsonnel
coatition
.
from other
SCoversnantal
Program
*---
-----
Poticy
Outputs
Policy
Ilacts
........>
------->
182
EvaluatingtheAdvocacyCoalitionFramework
183
Changes in relevant socio-economic conditions and system-wide governing coalitions, such as the 1973 Arab oil boycott or the 1979
election of Margaret Thatcher, can dramatically alter the composition
and the resources of various coalitions and, in turn, public policy,
within the subsystem. Turnover in personnel constitutes a second
non-cognitive source of change which can substantially alter the political resources of various coalitions.
The basic argument of the ACF is that while policy-oriented learning
is an important aspect of policy change, and can often alter secondary
aspects of a coalition's belief system, changes in the policy core aspects
of a governmental program are usually the results of perturbations in
non-cognitive factors external to the subsystem, such as macroeconomic conditions or the rise of a new systemic governing coalition.
(I974;
1978)
based coalitions and in its conception of the dynamics of policyoriented learning. It can also be clearly distinguished from analyses
which view formal organizations as the basic actors, or those which
focus on individuals seeking to attain their self-interest through the
formation of short-term minimum winning coalitions (Riker, I962).
Table I lists a set of hypotheses drawn from the ACF regarding
advocacy coalitions, policy change, and policy learning (Sabatier,
I988). The three hypotheses concerning coalitions are all based on
the premise that the principal glue holding a coalition together is
agreement over policy core beliefs. Since these are very resistant to
change, the lineup of allies and opponents within a subsystem will
remain stable over periods of a decade or more (Hypotheses i).
Hypotheses 2 and 3 are essentially a restatement of the underlying
premise. Given the arguments concerning the stability of a coalition's
policy core beliefs and its desire to translate those beliefs into governmental programs, Hypothesis 4 contends that the policy core attributes
of such programs will not change as long as the dominant coalition
which instituted that policy remains in power although the secondary
aspects of those programs may well change. Given the logic thus far,
it follows that the only way to change the policy core attributes of
governmental policy is through some shock originating outside the
subsystem which fundamentally alters the distribution of political
resources among coalitions within the subsystem (Hypothesis 5). The
last four hypotheses deal with the conditions conducive to policyoriented learning acrossbelief systems, i.e. between coalitions. These
are based upon the premise that coalitions resist changing their policy
core beliefs or important secondary aspects of their belief systems,
and thus only very, very solid empirical evidence is likely to lead
them to do so. It is hypothesized that such evidence is most likely
i84
TABLE
EvaluatingtheAdvocacyCoalitionFramework
185
i 86
EvaluatingtheAdvocacyCoalitionFramework
187
i88
EvaluatingtheAdvocacyCoalitionFramework
189
Igo
(i) They supported the use of federal and state funds to help sewer the
Basin in the I96os.
(2) When land use issues becamecritical, they supportedthe creationof the
bistate Tahoe Regional PlanningAgency (TRPA) in I967-70.
(3) When the TRPA approvedseveralmajorcasinos, they first sued in both
federal and state courts and then promoted the interventionof California
land use, water quality, and air quality agencies in the Basin in an effort
to slow development.
(4) In order to put pressureon Nevada to renegotiatethe TRPA Compact
in the late 1970s, they convinced a sympatheticCongressmanto sponsor
legislation establishinga National Scenic Area in the Basin.
(5) When stringent environmentalcontrols were put into place starting in
I980, the environmentalcoalition has sponsoredbuyout programsby both
federal and state agencies in order to ease the burden on propertyowners.
EvaluatingtheAdvocacyCoalitionFramework
9I
192
and fare restrictions set by the CAB. In Brown and Stewart's view,
however, the economists' evidence was not sufficient to produce a
change in the policy core from entry/fare regulation to deregulation.
Consistent with Hypothesis 5, major policy revision also required
several changes exogenous to the subsystem, including public concern
with inflation and the inefficiencies of regulation in general. These
were trumpeted by Presidents Ford and Carter, who in turn appointed
proponents of deregulation, notably Alfred Kahn, to the CAB. Kahn
then used ambiguities in the CAB's existing statutory mandate to
push deregulation wherever possible. This change so destabilized
major carriers such as United Airlines that they agreed to changes
in the law. Passage of the Airline Deregulation Act of 1978, a clear
change in the policy core, was also facilitated by political compromises
mitigating its adverse impacts on employee unions.
The Tahoe case likewise provides evidence of the use of technical
information, consistent with Hypothesis 3 of the ACF. The accumulation of scientific evidence indicating that erosion from development
had adverse effects on water quality was readily accepted by environmental groups and state/federal pollution control agencies but not by
most business owners, property rights advocates, and local government
officials. The most plausible interpretation is that these findings were
consistent with the policy core of the former coalition but threatened
the latter's adherence to economic development and property rights
(Sabatier and Brasher, 1993). In a high conflict situation such as
Tahoe, combatants tend to assume a siege mentality in which all
evidence put forth by opponents is highly suspect (Sabatier et al,
1987; Jenkins-Smith, I990).
On the other hand, the CAB case and the analysis of OCS leasing
by Jenkins-Smith and St. Clair suggest a new hypothesis concerning
policy-oriented learning:
Hypothesis il: Even when the accumulationof technical informationdoes
not change the views of the opposing coalition, it can have important impacts
EvaluatingtheAdvocacyCoalitionFramework
on policy, at least in the short term, by alteringthe views of policy brokers
or other importantgovernmentalofficials.
In the case of OCS leasing, millions of dollars spent on environmental
impact studies during the I970S had little effect on the beliefs of
either oil companies or environmental groups (similar conclusions
were reached by Heintz, I988). But these studies apparently helped
convince Cecil Andrus, Secretary of the Interior under the Carter
Administration, that improvements in drilling techniques meant that
drilling posed far fewer environmental risks than he had previously
believed. Combined with the exogeneous shock from the 1979 oil
crisis, this led him to propose a greatly accelerated OCS leasing
program in I980. In general, when the policy dispute is characterized
by high technical complexity and intense political conflict, senior
agency officials, and legislative committee staff, can play a critical
role (Gormley, I987). Any learning they do may well have a significant
impact on public policy within the subsystem, even if the same
information is rejected by one of the competing coalitions. On the
other hand, learning by such critical individuals will have a lasting
impact on policy only if they are able to implement their views in
time.
194
EvaluatingtheAdvocacyCoalitionFramework
On the other hand, elections which change critical actors, but not an
entire systemwide governing coalition, can still inaugurate important
changes in subsystem policies and, if combined with other factors,
even changes in the policy core of governmental programs. This is
particularly true of elections involving a chief executive with substantial appointment powers (Wood and Waterman, i99i). While most
political appointees probably raise barely a ripple within a subsystem
(Heclo, 1977), those who combine extensive knowledge of a subsystem
with technical and political skill can produce waves of some magnitude. Examples from the cases summarized here include President
Carter's appointments of Alfred Kahn as CAB Chair (airline
deregulation) and Cecil Andrus as Secretary of Interior (OCS leasing
policy), as well as Governor Brown's appointment of Ron Robie as
Director of the California Department of Water Resources (California
water policy). Kahn helped facilitate a change in the policy core of
airline regulation, while Andrus and Robie helped make less important, but still very significant, changes within their respective subsystems. Similarly, legislative elections which lead to changes in the
chairs of critical congressional committees can have very important
impacts on a subsystem even if there is no realigning election. For
example, the series of legislative elections in the early i960s which
resulted in the appointment of Sen. Edmund Muskie as chair of the
U.S. Senate Subcommittee on Air and Water Pollution led over the
next decade - in conjunction with the general growth of the environmental movement - to changes in the policy cores of federal air and
I 96
EvaluatingtheAdvocacyCoalitionFramework
I 97
Weyent, I988; Lester and Hamilton, I988; Davis and Davis, I988;
Jenkins-Smith, I990; I99I; Stewart, I99I; Asmerom et al, I992; van
Muijen, I993) indicate that the ACF can usefully be applied to a
wide variety of policy domains and political systems. All except perand van Nuijen (1993) have found the evidence
haps Stewart (i99i)
to be generally supportive of the framework.
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NOTES
I.
2.
With the exception of the co-authors (Anne Brasher and Gil St. Clair) of our two chapters,
none of the chapter authors are our graduate students or otherwise indebted to us. All of
the chapters contain both praise and criticisms of the ACF, and have resulted in several
revisions of the framework.
Neutrality here does not refer to the absence of political party affiliation but rather to the
absence of substantive policy preferences in the agency's public domain. The traditional
wisdom views Britain as the paradigm of a neutral civil service. But the script from a i992
BBC episode of 'Yes, Minister', entitled 'The Bed of Nails', reveals a deft skepticism regarding
that portrait:
Minister: All these cabinet undersecretaries, they're civil servants. They're supposedly part
of the Government, but they behave like counsel, briefed by various transport interests, to
defeat the Government.
Civil Servant: That's how the civil service works in practice. Each department is controlled
by the people it's supposed to be controlling. . . Energy lobbies for the oil companies, Defense
lobbies for the aerospace industry, the Home Office lobbies for the police...
Granted, this is satire, but there are obviously people in Britain who do not accept the
image of neutral civil servants. Our experience with English countryside planners indicates
that they have a very coherent ideology and are, in fact, far less policy-neutral than their
French counterparts (Sabatier and Wertheimer, 1993).
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