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families. This caused not only an increase in mobility and independence for the women, but also
put them in danger and made them more vulnerable as they were no longer seen as pure
women. In addition to the likelihood of being convicted being drastically low, this made them a
prime target for acts of domestic violence and homicides. After all, with no legal or social
punishments, why not beat or kill the girls?
During this rapid period of industrialization, the informal economy became intertwined
with the formal economy, making drugs, human trafficking, and other organized crime a major
part of the Mexican and world - economy. In 2008, more than 200 people were apprehended
in the United States and Italy, after links were established between Mexicos Zetas and the Italian
Ndrangheta mafia organization a 55 billion dollar per year criminal enterprise (49). In total,
at the time this book was written, The rise of Mexican cartels worldwide involves 38 nations in
Europe, Africa, and the Middle East (48). Mexico is only the handler, though. Most drugs
originate in Venezuela, Brazil, the Caribbean, Costa Rica, Panama, and Mexico, making this a
truly international affair as the drug rings are a part of the economy being a basis for the
femicides.
When the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights found Mexico negligent of
protecting its citizens in 2009, the Mexican government did not respond in the time frame given,
making the victims invisible. They were deprived of their human rights just as they were
previously deprived of their public, political, and civil rights. In crisis, the State withdraws,
erasing the crimes from memory. The femicide machines supremacy imposes itself (85).
Mexico clearly does not care about its citizens, at least the female ones, but what about the
nations involved in this crime, even if indirectly? Surely something must be done to stop the
crimes of the killing of innocent women, even if Mexico is not willing to stop it itself.