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240
B. LEWIS-
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241
made peace with them through his uncle Mahmud ibn Takash and marched
with his troops to Egypt .. .' One of the terms of the truce was the release
of the brothers Ibn ad-Daya, who joined Saladin.1
Two questions arise from these events: why did Sinan suddenly take the
offensive against Saladin in 570/1174-5, and what were the circumstances and
the terms of the truce signed between them in 572/1176. Most of the sources,
as we have seen, attribute Sinan's first attack to the instigation and bribery
of Gumushtakin. That Sinan acted in concert with Gumushtakin, or received
help from him against an enemy that threatened both of them, is by no means
unlikely. But the inducements of Gumushtaldn can hardly have been the
primary motive of Sinan, who was the leader, not of a mere band of cut-throats,
but of a religious order with far-reaching objectives of its own.2 A more direct
reason for Sinan's action may possibly be found in a story told by Sibt ibn
al-Jawzl, though not, oddly enough, by the contemporary chroniclers. In
570/1174-5, according to Sibt, 10,000 horsemen of the anti-Shi'ite Nubuwiya
order of Futuwwa 3 from Iraq raided the Isma'fll centres in Bab and Buza'a,
where they slaughtered 13,000 Isma'ilis 4 and carried off much booty and many
captives. Profiting from the confusion of the Isma'ilis, Saladin sent his army
against them, raiding Sarmin, Ma'arrat Masrin, and Jabal as-Summaq, and
killing most of their inhabitants.5 The raid of the Nubuwiya is also mentioned
independently by Ibn Jubair,6 Ibn Shaddad,7 and the Isma'il writer Abu
Firas,8 though none of these makes any reference to Saladin's attack. Sibt
unfortunately does not say in what month these events took place-the position
in which he places his narrative, shortly after the attempt at Aleppo, is of course
no guide to the real sequence of events. There is therefore nothing to show
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8 Guyard 97 and 149. In this version the Isma'ilis are of course victorious.
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242
B. LEWIS-
whether Saladin's raid on the Assassins took place before or after their attempt
to murder him at Aleppo. There is little to choose as regards probability. The
attempt took place in Jumada II, half-way through the Muslim year 570,
leaving about as much time before as after. It is possible that Saladin sent
his raiders while his army was marching northwards towards Aleppo-it is
equally likely that he sent them down from Aleppo, to give encouragement and
booty to his troops.
Whether or not the first act of aggression came from Saladin, his activities
and policies generally made him a potentially dangerous enemy to the Isma'ilis,
and would be sufficient to explain their attack on him, even if immediate
provocation was lacking.
In 567/1171 Saladin had suppressed the last remnant of the Fatimid
Caliphate in Cairo, and restored the suzerainty of the Abbasid Caliph.
The suppression in itself was of no consequence to the Nizari Isma'ilis, to whom
Sinan and his followers belonged. After the murder of Nizar, Musta'li and
his successors were regarded as usurpers by the Nizaris; the last four Fatimid
Caliphs in Cairo were not accepted as Imams by any part of the Isma'lli sect.
But the circumstances of Saladin's abolition of the Fatimid Caliphate cannot
have failed to mark him down as an enemy of the whole Isma'ili, indeed the
whole Shi'ite cause. The suppression of Isma'ilism in Egypt; the destruction
of the great Fatimid libraries of Isma'ili works-many of them common to all
branches of the sect; above all, the restoration, after two centuries, of the
Khutba in the name of the hated Abbasids, all showed that a new power had
arisen who was no longer content to play the political game of his predecessors,
but was determined to restore the unity and orthodoxy of Islam, and re-establish
the supremacy of the Sunni Caliph in Baghdad as head of the Islamic world.1
In 569/1174 pro-Fatimid elements in Egypt, led by the Yemenite poet
'Umara and some others, organized a conspiracy to overthrow Saladin and
restore Fatimid rule, and, for this purpose, sought the help of the Crusaders.
In a letter to Nur ad-Din, drafted by the Qadi al-Fadil, Saladin reported on
this conspiracy and its suppression,and stated that the conspiratorshad written
to Sinan, arguing that their doctrines were basically the same and their
differences trivial, and urging him to attack Saladin.2 Sinan owed no allegiance
to the Cairo Fatimids, but an appeal to him on their behalf is by no means
unlikely. Some half a century previously the Fatimid Caliph Amir had
attempted without success to persuade the Syrian Isma'ilis to accept his leadership, and had entered into arguments with them to that end.3 That Sinan,
for reasons of his own, agreed to collaborate with the Egyptian conspirators is
not impossible, though it is unlikely that he would have continued to act in
their interest after the definitive crushing of the plot in Egypt. But the
1 H. A. R. Gibb, ' The Achievement of Saladin', Bulletin of the John Rylands Library, vol. 35,
1952, 44-60. On the humiliation of the Isma'ilis at this time see Abu Shama, i, 197.
2 Abi
Shama, i, 221.
3 Cf. S. M. Stern, 'The
Epistle of the Fatimid Caliph al-Amir'. JRAS., 1950, 20-31.
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243
VOL. XV.
PART 2.
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20
244
B. LEWIS-
for the next seventeen years, until the death of both Sinan and Saladin, neither
of them took any hostile action against the other,' and Saladin was left unimpeded to overwhelm first his Muslim and then his Christian enemies. Sinan
and his followers still make a few appearances in the general histories, which
record the suppression by Sinan of a group of his own extremists in 572/1176,2
the murder of Ibn al-'Ajami in Aleppo in 573/1177,3 Assassin incendiarism in
Aleppo in 575/1179-80, as a reprisal for the seizure of Hajira by al-Malik
as-Salih,4 and, most striking of all, the murder of the crusading chief Conrad
de Montferrat in Tyre in 588/1192.5 Only the last of these is attributed to
the instigation of Saladin, and then only by Ibn al-Athir and Abu Firas, both
suspect for different reasons; while 'Imad ad-Din, on the other hand, points
out that Conrad's death came at an inopportune moment for Saladin. But
none of these actions was contrary to his ultimate interests, and the first,
carried out immediately after the truce, may well have been a direct consequence of it. Four months after the murder of Conrad a truce was signed
between Richard Coeur de Lion and Saladin in which, at Saladin's request,
the Assassin territories were included.6
References are given to the following editions and manuscripts :Abui Firas, Mandqib al-Mawl& Rdshid al-Din, in Stanislas Guyard, Un grand maitre des
assassins au temps de Saladin, Paris, 1877 (reprinted from J.A. 7th series, ix, 324-489).
Abfu Shama, Kitab ar-Rawdatain ft Akhbdr ad-Dawlatain, 2 vols., Cairo, 1287-8. Abridged
German translation by E. P. Goergens, Zur GeschichteSalahaddins, Berlin, 1879. Several of the
relevant passages were published and translated in Silvestre de Sacy, ' M6moire sur la dynastie
des assassins et sur l'6tymologie de leur nom ', Memoiresd'histoire et de litteratureorientale, Paris,
1818, 322-403.
Baha' ad-Din, Sirat Salda ad-Din, Recueil H. Or. iii.
Bar-Hebraeus, Chronography,translated by E. A. W. Budge, Oxford, 1932.
Busttn in C. Cahen, 'Une chronique syrienne du VIe/XIIe siecle: le Bustdn al-Jami"',
Bull. d'Et. Or. de l'nst. fr. de Damas, vii-viii, 113-158.
Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kdmil f't-Ta'rikh, ed. J. C. Tornberg, Leiden-Upsala, 1851-1876. Extracts
with French translation in Recueil des historiens des croisades. Historiens orientaux, i, Paris,
1872-1906.
Ibn Jubair, The Travels, ed. W. Wright, rev. M. J. de Goeje, Leiden-London, 1907. English
translation by R. J. C. Broadhurst, London, 1952.
Ibn Shaddid, Al-A'ldq al-Khatira fi dhikr Umard'ash-Shdmwa'l-Jazira, MS. Istanbul, Revan
Kosk 1564.
Ibn Waiil, Mufarrij al-Kuritb fi Akhbar bani Ayyaib, MS. Cambridge 1079.
'Imad ad-Din, Al-Fath al-Qussi ft'l-Fat4 al-Qudsi, ed. C. Landberg, Leiden, 1888.
Kamal ad-Din, (a) Zubdat al-Halab fi Ta'rikh Halab, MS. Paris, 1666; extracts translated
into French by Blochet in Revue de l'orient latin, iii and iv, 1895-6; (b) Bughyat at-Talab fi
1 A source quoted by Kamal ad-Din in the Bughya (Lewis,' Three Biographies', 343) mentions
a third attempt on Saladin, in Damascus. But this does not appear to be mentioned by the other
authorities.
2 Kamal ad-Din, MS. fol. 193b if. (= Blochet, iv, 147-8); cf. Lewis, 'Three Biographies',
338; Quatremere, 354-5; Defr6mery, 8-9.
3 Abu Shima, i, 274-5; Ibn al-Athir, xi, 294-5; Kamal ad-Din, MS. fol. 193b ff. (= Blochet,
iv, 148-9); Bustan, 142; Sibt, 219; Ibn Wasil, 200-1, Ibn Shaddad, fol. 128b; cf. Quatremere,
355-6; Defr6mery, 20-23.
4 Kamal ad-Din, MS., fol. 196; AbuiShima, ii, 16 (= Goergens, 22); cf. Quatrembre, 356-7,
Defr6mery, 24-5.
5 Baha' ad-Din 165; Abu Shama ii, 196 (= Goergens, 185-6); Ibn al-Athir, xii, 51 (= Recueil
ii, 58-9); Bar-Hebraeus, 339; 'Imad ad-Din, Fat4) 420-2; Sibt, 269; Ibn W&ail, 396-7;
Quatremere, 357; Defr6mery, 25-30; Lewis, 'Sources', 487-8.
6 AbuiShma, ii, 203;
Defr6mery, 29.
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245
Ta'rikh Halab, extracts in B. Lewis, 'Three Biographies from Kamal al-Din', Mielanges Fuad
KopriliU, Ankara, 1953, 325-344.
Michael the Syrian, Chronique,translated into French by J. B. Chabot, 4 vols. Paris, 18991910.
Sibt ibn al-Jawzi, Mir'dt az-Zamdn, ed. J. R. Jewett, Chicago, 1907, and MS. Istanbul
Saray 2907c xiii.
C. Defr6mery, 'Nouvelles recherches sur les ismaeliens ou bathiniens de Syrie', J.A. 5th
series, v, 1855, 5-76.
B. Lewis, 'The Sources for the History of the Syrian Assassins', Speculum, xxvii, 1952,
475-489.
E. Quatremere, 'Notice historique sur les isma6liens', Fundgruben des Orients, iv, Vienna,
1814, 339-376.
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