Higher Education in Communist Hungary 1948-1956

Higher Education in Communist Hungary 1948-1956
Author(s): Elinor Murray

Source: American Slavic and East European Review, Vol. 19, No. 3 (Oct., 1960), pp. 395-413
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HIGHER
EDUCATION IN COMMUNIST
HUNGARY 1948-1956
ELINOR
MURRAY
THE HUNGARIAN COMMUNISTS placed
great importance
on higher
education, especially in the years between 1948 and 1954.1 It was in

the universities and other institutionsof higher education that they
hoped to traina new Communist intelligentsiaand a body of technical
experts. This group was to replace the old intelligentsia and play
a keyrole in the building of socialism. Yet the universitystudentstook
up arms against the regime in 1956. Does this imply a direct failure in
Communist indoctrination or is it a more complex phenomenon?
Hungary has undergone a revolution in education in the past eleven
years. After the nationalization of schools in 1948 and Communist
control over the key universityposts in the same year,the educa tional
systembecame the servant of the state, or, more exactly,of the Communist Party. By 1951 the Hungarian educational system,which had
formerlybeen based on the intellectual traditions of the West, had
undergone a metamorphosisand was similar in content and emphasis
to that of the Soviet Union. Humanistic education was pushed to
one side by specialization and technological training. Hungarian
historybecame the historyof peasant rebellions, feudal and capitalist
exploitation, revolutions and social reform.Intellectual contact with
the West was severed and the Soviet Union became the intellectual
mentor.
It was at the universitylevel that the "unreliable" elements were
weeded out. The Communists controlled the selection of studentsfor
all institutionsof higher education, the number of students in each
fieldof study,the curriculum and futureemploymentof the graduate.
Through this control over education the Communists hoped to create
a new typeof man. This man must be freeof the taintsof capitalist or
anti-Communistthinking.He must be well acquainted with the works
of Marx, Lenin, Stalin and their annotators. He must possess the
"Communist morality" which implies a deep and constant loyalty to
1This article is a condensationof a much more detailed studywrittenfor the Special
Seminar on The Problem of Hungary (Government362A) of Columbia Universityin
1958. Those who took part in this seminar were the firstto go through the completed
mass of interviewmaterial accumulated after the Hungarian revolution of 1956 by the
Research Programon Hungary of Columbia University.All statisticsincluded below are
based upon myresearchin this material.Each interviewwill be cited by number,when it
is used as a specificreference.
396
AmericanSlavic and East European Review
the party line and the ability to adapt to changes in the prevailing
orthodoxy.2
The Communists used education as a tool in their struggleto found
the Communist state on a permanent basis. They did not look to the
older generation forcontinued and reliable leadership, for this group
was still saturatedwith the values of the previous society.They looked
instead to the youth of Hungary as a still unformedand uncommitted
segmentof societywhich could be molded into the desired patternand
fromwhom would come the new intelligentsia.When the Communists
speak of the intelligentsia theymean not only those who are involved
in intellectual work but also persons who are high up in the Government administration,industryor the Communist Party.3
Another goal of Communist education is the trainingof specialists.
Technical experts are especially important in a countrywhich is in
the processof industrialization.The emphasis theyplaced on technical
education becomes quite evident when we examine the new institutions of higher education. In addition to the sixteen universitiesand
academies which existed before World War II, Hungary now has
Agricultural Academies in Budapest, Godello, Keszthelyand Magyarovar. There is a new Academy of Heavy Industry in Miskolc, an
Academy of Industrial Chemistryin Veszprem,a Universityof Mining
and Forestryin Sopron and Academies of Transportation in Szolnok
and Szeged. In Budapest there is a new Academy of Domestic Trade, a
Bookkeeping School, an Academy of Foreign Languages, a University
of Economics and the Lenin Institute.4Although the last three institutions are not geared to the training of industrial technicians they
graduate interpreters,teachers of Russian and ideology and Marxist
economists,persons who could be called ideological technicians.
At firstglance the emphasis the Communists put on technical education may seem only the reflectionof the needs of an industrialized
society.Yet a student who is trained primarilyin a technical subject
may not easily be subject to doubt and skepticism as one trained in
the humanities or social sciences. He must memorize certain factsand
theories.He deals with the material world. If superimposed upon this
is intensivetrainingin Marxism-Leninism,a theoreticalsystemwhich
purportsto give the answersto manyof the questions which mightarise
2
George S. Counts, The Challenge of Soviet Education (New York: McGraw Hill Book
Company, 1957),pp. 45-47.
3Hugh Seton-Watson, The East European Revolution (New York: Frederick A.
Praeger, 1956),p. 282.
4William
Juhasz, "Education", Hungary, Ernest Helmreich ed. Published for the
Mid-European Studies Center (New York: FrederickA. Praeger, 1957), pp. 193-94.
Hungarian Higher Education
397
in themindof a student,it is possiblethattheemphasison technical

educationmayalso be a meansofcontrol.
Afterthe Communistsestablishedcontrol over the educational
systemin 1948-49all mattersrelatingto educationweresupervisedby
the Ministryof Education. One of the firstthingsthe Communists
did awaywithwas thetraditionalautonomyoftheHungarianuniverhad been a self-governing
unit whichelectedits
sity.Each university
ownadministrative
administrative
and disciplinary
officials,
regulated
controlled
and
the
of
its
matters,
faculty determinedthe
appointment
curriculumand qualifications
fordegrees.5By 1950thisautonomyhad
vanished.The top administrative
were no longerelectedby
officials
theircolleaguesbut appointedeitherbytheMinistryof Educationor
the CommunistParty.The powersof the Rector and Deans were
greatlyincreased.6
At thesametimetheCommunistsintroducednewcentersofcontrol
withintheuniversities
and academies.In 1948theDivisionof Studies
was establishedand thissoon becameone ofthemostfearedcentersof
Communistcontrol.It washerethatthekadersheetwaskept,a record
of the social originand politicalactivityof each individual.It containedinformation
about hisfamily,
relativesabroad,reportsfromhis
and
schools
information
submitted
previous
byvariousinformers.7
Other centersof Communistcontrolwere the Committeeof the
Teachers Union, the UniversityPersonnelDepartment,the D.I.S.Z.
and theCommunistPartyOrganization.The Teacher's Union supervised the faculty.The UniversityPersonnelDepartmentdetermined
the salariesof the facultymembersand distributedfellowshipsand
The CommunistYouth Organization,D.I.S.Z., kept
scholarships.8
closewatchon theactivitiesof thestudentsand tookpartin disciplinaryaction.9There wasa Partyorganizationforeveryclass,everyfaculty
and forthe entireuniversity.The PartySecretariesof the various
facultiesformedtheCouncil of theFaculty.10
In ordertomeettheincreasednumberofstudentsattendinguniver5 Joseph Somogyi,L'Instruction Publique en Hongrie (Geneve: Bureau International
d'Education, 1944),pp. 82-83.
6William
Juhasz,Blueprint for a Red Generation (New York: Mid-European Studies
Center, 1952),p. 56.
7 Interview #
610, p. 2.
8 Interview # 601,
pp. 3-10. See also # 505, p. 10.
The responsibilityfor action in disciplinarymatterswas shared by a student board,
controlledby the DISZ, and the Dean. Neal Buhler and StanleyZuchowski,Discrimination
in Education in the People's Democracies (New York: Mid-European Studies Center,
1955), p. 39.
0
Special interviewmade by E. Murray with Student A on July 21, 1958, p. 5 (in
private files).
398
AmericanSlavicand East European Review
sitiesand to replacetheprofessors
who had been dismissedbecauseof
theirclass originor politicalviews,the Communistsbroughtmany
teachersup fromsecondaryschools.At the same time Communist
facultymemberswerequite rapidlypromoted.A greatnumberof the
olderprofessors
wereretainedin theirpostsbutwerecarefully
watched.
members
the
some
conviction,
Many faculty
through
joined
Party,
othersto hold theirposts and othersdue to the pleading of their
students."In some departmentsthe percentageof facultymembers
who joined thePartyis estimatedas highas 70%, althoughfewwere
activemembers.12
The facultymembersseemgenerallyto have feltinsecurein their
who had been activemempositions,especiallythe non-Communists
bersof the "old intelligentsia"and who held theirjobs on thesufferance of theParty,knowingthatnew people werebeing trainedto replace them.However,thiswas also feltbymanyofthenew appointees
whosepromotions
restedon thefavoroftheParty.They wouldusually
followPartydictatesbut as one professor
said:
... The Party Members were often worried about the consequences of
theiractions... manyof thenon-members

werefrequently
willingto do
more
than
would
do. Muchof
radical
for
the
members
the
things
regime
theParty's
powerwasbuilton thesemen.13
Faculty memberswere expected to watch each other. Often a
would receivea letterfromthe Dean of his Facultyasking
professor
him to attendand reporton a lectureof one of his colleagues.There
werealso confidential
observersattendingthevariouslectures.Sometimestheywereoutsiders,but moreoftentheobserverswerestudents
or departmental
assistants.14
All factual and interpretativematerial was controlled by the
of a certaindisciplinefromall
Ministryof Education.The professors
over Hungarywould meetonce a yearfora conference.There they
of the Ministryof Education and the
discussed,withrepresentatives
CommunistParty,the outline of coursesto be given the next year.
This plan would thenbe workedout in detailin thevariousuniversitiesor academiesand sentto theMinistryof Educationforapproval.15
This programofstudiesstatedwhatwasto be lecturedon eachweek.
The professors
deliveredthe lecturesand the studentshad mimeographedlecturenotesagainstwhichthe contentof the lecturecould
be checked.By 1956theprofessor
wasnotexpectedtocovereverything
Interview # 412, p. 6.
18Interview # 412, 13.
p.
5 Ibid., pp. 3-4.
U
12
Interview# 107, p. 23.

pp. 5-7.
14 Interview # 601,
399
Each
in thesyllabusbut "patrioticmaterial"couldnotbe eliminated.16
The
and
seminar
classwas dividedintolecture
departmental
periods.
assistants
conductedtheseminars.The seminarmaterialwasevenmore
carefullyworkedout and came under the supervisionof the Dean.17
Higher education in Hungaryunder the Communistregimeexperienceda rapid expansion.In the 1948-49academicyeartherewere
of highereducation.By the beginning
22,700studentsin institutions
This
of1954-55thisfigurehad morethandoubled to 48,500students.18
rise does not seen to be relatedto an increasein the university-age
population. In fact this group actually was smaller in 1955 in 1949.19
The Communistsdid offermore opportunitiesto receive a higher

education,but these opportunitieswere not the same for all the
talentedyouth.
One of the mostimportantcontrolsexercisedby the Communist
regimeovereducationwas theirabilityto siftout thosetheydid not
wantto have educatedin universities
and academies.The admissions
of
and
academies
was determinedby the Adthe
universities
policy
missionsDivision of the Ministryof Education.The decisionsof the
AdmissionsDivisionwerebased upon estimatessubmittedto themby
in whichtheministries
thevariousministries
statedhowmanyexperts
in
withwhichtheydealt.
needed
to
have
trained
the
field
they
specific
From these estimatesthe AdmissionsDivision set the maximum
numberof studentswho wereto be admittedto each faculty.20
This figurewas brokendown even furtherintoclassorigingroups.
The AdmissionsDivisionsetthepercentageofthevariousclassorigin
groups who were to be admittedto each class.The studentswere
dividedintothefollowingclasses:worker,peasant,middleclassintelligentsia,kulakand "X" group.The definitionof kulakvariedbut it
usuallymeant a peasantwho differedfromthe "workingpeasants"
The "X"
throughgreaterwealthor byexploitingthelaborofothers.21
"bad
children
who
also
those
were
the
were
known
as
Kader,"
group,
of titleor wealth,ofpre-Communist
oftheformeraristocracy
government officialsand armyofficers,
people who had been part of the
"formerexploitingclasses." Young people of peasant and worker
originweregivenpreferenceand from1949-50on theymade up approximately66% of the total studentbody of the universitiesor
17 Ibid., p. 8.
Juhasz,"Education", op. cit.,p. 204.
19 In 1948 therewere 1,555,770men and women betweenthe ages of twentyand twentynine whereas in 1955 there were only 1,528,629,a differenceof 27,141 people. United
Nations, Demographic Yearbook-1956(New York: United Nations StatisticalOffice,1956),
20Interview# 608, p. 39.
p. 160.
1Seton-Watson,op. cit.,p. 273.
6lIbid.
18
400
academies.This was a greatchange forin 1930-31only 11% of the

total universitypopulation were childrenof workers,peasants or
personsin the lower middle class.22
passed
Anybodywho had finishedsecondaryschooland successfully
thematura,a comprehensive
examinationtakenat theend of secondaryschool,was permittedto applyforadmissionto an institutionof
highereducation.A studentwho was not of workeror peasantorigin
had lessofa chanceofgainingadmission,forthequota ofstudentsof
his classorigingroupwas muchsmaller,and ifhe wereof "X" group
or kulak originhe had littlehope. Such a studentcould be refused
admision in severalways. He mightreceive a failingmark at the
entranceexaminationor he mightpassit onlyto be toldthattherewas
no moreroomin thatfacultythatyear.However,therewerevarious
waysof gettingaround thisadmissionspolicy.A studentmightbe
admittedif his familyhad powerfulfriends.He mightfalsifyhis
and entered
origin.Some studentsworkedfora yearor so in industry
theuniversity
as workers.23
Anothermethodwhichwas used to assurethe two-thirds
majority
of peasantsand workerswas expulsion.Between 1948 and 1951 the
and academieswere"cleansed"ofmanystudentsofmiddle
universities
kulak or "X" group origin.Althoughsuch exclass,intelligentsia,
continued
pulsions
up until 1956 the cases after1951 were more
isolated.24
The ResearchProject on Hungaryinterviewedeighty-one

young
age. Of theseseventy-two
people who wereofuniversity
expressedthe
desireto receivea highereducation.Only twenty-six
of thesestudents
or 36% experiencedno difficulty
at all in continuingtheireducation
or 60% wereallowed
beyondsecondaryschool.In all onlyforty-three
to attenduniversitiesor academies.In Table I, I have divided these
eighty-one
youngpeople intogroupsbased upon classoriginand this
is shownin relationto theirexperiencein receivinga highereducation.This sampleis heavilyloaded withstudentsof non-worker
and
There
were
middle
class
students
of
twenty-eight
peasant origin.
fivekulak,eightpeasant,elevenworker
origin,twelveintelligentsia,
and seventeenofthe"X" group.
22L'OfficeCentral R.H. de
Statistique,Statistique des Etudiants des Ecoles Superieures
Hongoises en 1930-31 (Budapest: Stephaneum Nyomda R.T., 1932),p. 43.

23See Interview# 457, p. 11 and #509, p. 3.
24Of the seventeen students in our interviewswho had been expelled from an institutionof highereducation forpolitical reasons or by fact of class origin,thirteenwere
expelled between 1949 and 1951.
401
TABLE I
ExperienceofClass OriginGroupsin Receivinga HigherEducation
MiddleClass
Intelligentsia
Kulak
25 %
20%
12%
50 %
40%
29%
8.3%
18%
8.3%
40%
53%
8.3%
No troubleat all.
57%
Some delaybut finallyallowedtostudy. 14%
Unable to attendfor
financial reasons
Not admittedor expelled and not readmitted.
Not interestedin a
higher education. 11%
TOTAL
100100% 100
00
100%
"X" Group Peasant
6%
100
100%
Worker
25 %
18%
62.5%
55%
12.5%
27%
100
100
100%
None of the peasants and workers fall into the second and fourth
groups but more than half of these groups had to discontinue their
studies forfinancialreasons. Some of themwere the only workingmembers of a familyor had to continue working in order to contribute to
family income. Others would have had to support two households.
Although scholarships were available and peasants and workers received especially large ones between 1949 and 1952, in some cases they
were not adequate.25
The middle class seems the next favored group after the peasants
and workers. The intelligentsia seems to have received worse treatment; however, we must not forgetthat this refersprimarilyto children of the pre-Communistintelligentsia.The kulaks and "X" group,
as expected, had the hardest time continuing their education.
Class origin and chance often determined what discipline the student was allowed to study. Peasants and workers were more often
allowed to enter the field of their choice.26A student who was denied
admission to the facultyof his firstchoice would apply at other faculties until he found one that would accept him. Of the thirty-five
students in our sample who attended universitiesand academies only
fifteenwere in the field of their firstchoice. In some cases the second
or third choice was not so far removed fromthe first,as in the case of
a young man who wanted to be a translatorand became a Russian
teacher. Other times the gap was quite wide as in the case of a student
p.
26Interview # 115,p. 22 and # 214, p. 32.
402
who wantedto become a veterinarianbut was acceptedonly by the

facultyof law.
While policiesofadmissionand expulsionmightcreatea two-thirds
one of themajor
majorityofpeasantsand workersat theuniversities,
in
the
field
of
education
which
faced
the
Communist
problems
regime
in 1948-49was how to findenough properlyqualified studentsof
workerand peasant origin. It had not been economicallyfeasible
under the previousregimeformanystudentsof workerand peasant
and forthisreasonfewhad preparedfor
originto attendtheuniversity
it. As an emergencymeasureto meet thisproblemHungaryunderin highereducationfrom1948wenta period of proletarianization
similar
This
was
to
in
49 to 1953-54.
theperiodof proletarianization
in
I
the
term
Russia the 1920's.27 use
to mean the
proletarianization
temporary
adaptationof the universityto the needs of peasantsand
workerswhowereadmittedwithouttheproperacademicbackground.
For thisreasonthe Communistsintroducedthe "expressmatura."
Under thisplan anyyoungpersonwho had not completedsecondary
school,but was of university
age, could enrollin a concentratedonecourse.
At
the
end of thisyearhe would receivea
yearpreparatory
him
allowed
which
to enteran institutionof higher
certificate
special
educationwithoutthe admissionsexamination.It was almostsolely
workersand peasantswho attendedthesecourses.
The "expressmatura"studentsfloodedthe universitiesand academies in 1949-50and 1950-51.During theseyearstheyreceivednot
only tuitionand maintenancescholarshipsbut oftenalso had allotmentsfor clothingand textbooks.In manycases the total income
receivedby a workerif he studiedat the university
was greaterthan
and
his factory
were
workers
wages.28Many peasants
temptedto continuetheireducations.Yet somecould notmeettheacademicrequirements.At the Budapest Technical Universityin 1949-50approximately35-45% of the "expressmatura"studentsfailed theircourse
work.By 1953in thesameUniversity
thesituationwas so bad thatthe
studentsweretold thattheywould have to pay back theirtuitionand
maintenancescholarshipiftheyflunkedout.29It was in thesameyear
thatthe scholarshipsawardedto peasantsand workerswere cut and
made moreequal to thegrantsawardedto the othergroups.30
At thesametimethefacultymemberswerecautionedto handlethe
soonlearned
"expressmatura"studentswithspecialcare.Theprofessors
to juggle theirstatisticsand pass the necessaryminimumnumber
of "expressmatura"students.Anotherwaythisproblemwas metwas
27See Counts,
op. cit.,pp. 144-46.
29Ibid.,
p. 7.
28Interview # 561, p. 5.
p. 18.
80Ibid.,
403
through the organization of twenty or thirtystudents into a study

group. This was also a means of control forthe studentswere carefully
watched for any deviation from the accepted political views. Often
a peasant or worker student who was having trouble with his course
work would be assigned to a good student of less reliable origin to be
tutored. The tutor was held responsible if the student failed.31
The standards of some of the universities,especially the technical
schools, seem to have been lowered during this period. Yet it should
not be assumed that all of the "express matura" studentshad difficulty
with the work. Many became good students. While admission was
based on class origin, intelligence,fortunately,was not.
By the summer of 1953 the Communists had begun to turn their
attention from the accelerated expansion in higher education to the
establishment of a network of good Communist schools from the
nursery to the university. In 1954 Matyas Rakosi said in a speech
before the Third Party Congress:
A fewyearsago the twomostimportanttasksin thesphereof secondary
and highereducationwerethesecuringof a majorityof studentsof worker
and peasantoriginand thequick and intensivetrainingof experts.We can
considerthistaskas havingbeen essentiallysolved.
In registrationfor universitystudy,besides social origin,the requirementsof talentand outstandingmarksmustincreasinglycome to the forefront.Our countryin the building of socialismneeds not only trainedbut
excellentlytrainedexperts.. .32
Therefore by 1954 the period of proletarianizationwas almost over. A
new group of peasant and workeryouthhad completed theirsecondary
school training and were ready to enter the universityin the usual
way. Correspondence and Night Schools were established to carryon
the training of those who had not finishedsecondaryschool as well as
offeringpart time university study.33Many talented students who
might have been rejected in the earlier period because of class origin
were allowed to enter institutionsof higher education.
1Ibid., p. 7.
33"Speech by Matyas Rakosi to the Third Congressof the Hungarian WorkingPeople's
Party,"New Hungary,Vol. 4 (June-July,1954), p. 71.
33It is interesting,however,that the Attila JoszefUniversitywhich was established as
a Night School in 1954 with the primarypurpose of providing workerswith the possibilities for furthereducation, had in its firstyear enrollmentof 4,300 students only
500 workers.Juhasz,"Education," op. cit., p. 200.
It is possible that the Part Time Universitiesand CorrespondenceCourses serve as the
catch-all for those who are unable to continue their education elsewhere and have an
overproportionof those refused admission to the universitiesfor political reasons or
class origin.
404
The Communists had hoped to train a loyal intelligentsiaby choosing to educate a majority of students who were of peasant and
worker origin. They seemed to assume that, by training the youth
who had been underprivilegedunder the formerregime,thesestudents
would take on the cause of the People's Democracy. It mighthave been
possible if the students of worker and peasant origin had been sure
that conditions really were better. There were many aspects of life
which might lead them to doubt Communist promises.
One of the major changes noted by a student of architecture in
1953, during the period of the "New Course" when therewas a marked
relaxation of the most rigid of the Stalinist controls, was that the
peasant-origin students in his university began to complain quite
openly that theirparents were being exploited by the regime. He goes
on to say thatit was the studentsof workerand peasant origin who were
most critical of the regime in the heated debates of the Marxist-Leninist seminars of 1955-56.34
The statementsconcerning the peasants and workersat the universityof the following two studentspresent an interestingcontrast.The
firststudent is describing the situation at his universityin 1949-50,
while the other is speaking of the situation after1953-54:
(1949-50):The averageHungarian studentcame fromthe slumsof the
workingpopulation or fromthesmall hamletsof thepoor peasants.He arin his pristineignorance,enrapturedby thehumanirivedat theuniversity
tarianand greatideals of Communism.. .35
(1953-65):The studentswere... to a greatextentof peasant and worker
origin.Through theirnatural logic and fromhome theybroughtto the
universitya rejection of the regime.They came to the universitywith
disillusionmentand pain. By the thirdyear of theiruniversitycareer...
theyrealizedthattheirtroubleswere not accidentalbut stemmedlogically
fromthe nature of the regime.36
The studentsgive conflictingpicturesof life at the university.Almost
all comment on the increased informality.In many cases students of
the same origin or similar background tended to form friendship
groups.37Others insist that groups were formed by interestalone and
cut across class boundaries.38It is revealing, however, that the descriptions of class origin differencesat the universitywere completely void
of any referenceto class conflictalong Marxist lines.
Interview #501, pp. 26-30.
3 Interview # 505, p. 11.
38 Interview # 226,
p. 59.
34

37
Interview # 213, p. 65.
405
Only 25% of the studentsinterviewedby the ResearchProjecton

Hungarywere of peasantor workerorigin.While the Projectmade
a consciouseffort
to get a representative
sample,thesestudentswere
If
hard
our
is
to
find.
very
experience typicalit would indicatethat
mostofthestudentsofworkeror peasantoriginremainedin Hungary.
Is it possiblethattheyhad lessknowledgeof the West and could not
fromtheland theyknew?Is it possible
thinkof uprootingthemselves
thattheydid notwantto leave becausetheywould have a favoredrole
undertheregime?Perhapstheyfelttheywould be rejectingresponsibilityfortheirpeople iftheyleft.Whateverthecase mayhave been,it
seems that a great number stayedin Hungary.Yet these students
gatheredfrom
participatedin the Revolutionand frominformation
the studentswho emigrated,a greatpartof thisnew Communistintelligentsiais neitherloyal nor reliable in the sense that the Communistswanted.
Anotherimportantphase of Communistcontrolover the students
in theprinciplesof
wasthegreatemphasisplaced upon indoctrination
was set up
A departmentof Marxism-Leninism
Marxism-Leninism.
in each faculty.Everystudenthad fromfourto six hoursof MarxismLeninismper week.39In thefirsttwoyearsthestudentwould learnof
the historyof the BolshevikParty.In the thirdyearhe would study
Political Economyand in the fourthyear he would be trainedin
DialecticalMaterialism.
Aside fromthe formalideological trainingall other susceptible
materialwas presentedthroughthe lens of Marxism-Leninism.
Only
and pure sciencewere excepted.It was not only in the
mathematics
schoolsthattheyouthweretaughtthe theories,slogansand promises
ofCommunism.The samewordsstaredoutat themfromposters.They
in thetheatresand movies
wererepeatedovertheradio,in newspapers,
and in the new literature.
seemsto have
One of the mostirritatingaspectsof indoctrination
whichreacheditspeak about 1951
been theprogramof Russification
and graduallysubsidedafter1953. Hungarianstudentsbecamefamiliar with Russian literature,Russian history,scienceand geography.
Even thelecturesat themedicalschoolhad to be filledwithreferences
to Russianmedicalprogress.40
89Most
universitystudentshad only fourhours of Marxism-Leninisma week but those
in the Economics Universityand Lenin Institutehad six hours per week.
40 Even in 1955 a
professorreportsthat it was the visitingRussian agriculturalexpert
who had the last word to say on the value of a new Hungarian invention,a weeding
machine. The Russian was heard to say, "We no longer have weeds in the Soviet Union
and in three or four years time you will not have in Hungary either. Therefore the
machineryis superfluous."Interview # 412, p. 16.
406
Everystudentfromthe upper gradesof General School,the eight

grammarschool,to thelastyearofuniversity
yearcompulsory
training
wasforcedtostudytheRussianlanguage.Russiahad been a traditional
enemyof Hungaryafter1848,or at least was not a special friend.41
been regardedas a place ofbackwardness
and
Russiahad traditionally
lackofintellectualculture.Suddenlyafter1948she becamethemodel
afterwhichHungaryshouldpatternherself.This wasresentedbymost
studentsand as a reactionfew learned Russian well. The teachers
would let thempass the courseswith verylittlework and in some
casesthe teachersthemselves
werebadlyprepared.42
At the same time therewas littleopportunityto studyany other
foreignlanguage.It was onlyafter1953 thatinstructionin a second
This instruction
foreignlanguagewas offeredin secondaryschools.43
and in some cases the classesmet after
was not offeredeverywhere
schoolhours,althoughtheywere a regularpartof the curriculum.44
This lackoflinguistictrainingwasseriousfortheHungarianstudents,
forHungarianis a non-Indo-European
languageand connotbe used as
a steppingstonelanguageto anyofthemajorEuropeantongues.This
necessarilylimitedstudentsto the use of Hungarian,Russian, and
possibly,otherSlavic materials.
In manycasesthestresson indoctrination
and isolationwithinthe
Soviet orbit led not to acceptancebut irritation.It seems to have
awakenedin the youngergenerationan intensecuriosityabout the
whichwastheresultofmany
West.This doesnotseemtobe a curiosity
and
the
of
of
the
West
common
traditionof culture,
years beingpart
but morean interestin whatwas forbiddenand unknown.Although
some studentswere quite interestedin Westernliteratureand ideas,
the Westernpopular culture,movies,fashions,jazz and fadsseem to
have had wideraudiences.45
was directedat the studentfromall conAlthoughindoctrination
trollablemedia,theregimecould notkeep him isolatedfromtherest
ofsociety.The oldergenerationcould rememberthetimesbeforethe
War and painted themoftenas a "golden" period. In some homes
therewas formalcounter-indoctrination
wheretheparentsattempted
to breakdowntheattitudesbuiltup in school.46
Althoughmanybooks
wereoutofcirculationand "forbidden"47
someofthesecould be found
42 Student A, op. cit., p. 2.
Juhasz,Blueprint,p. 16.
48Interviewmade
by E. Murray with Dr. William Juhasz on May 3, 1957. In Elinor
Murray, "The Student in Communist Hungary" (Term Paper for Government 162,
Columbia University,1957), p. 46 (unpublished).
45 Interview # 218, p. 18.
48Murray,op. cit.,pp. 16-18.
7 In 1952 and 1953 the
Ministryof Education published lists of over 700 pages of
"antiquated books" which were not to be circulated in Hungary. One student who was
41
407
in theprivatelibrariesoffriendsor colleagues.Suchbookswerepassed
fromhand to hand.48A teachercould also influencea studentby the
inflection
ofa sentenceor a mockingtone,eventhoughhe repeatedthe
wordsof the text.49
The studentwas also facedwiththerealityof everyday existence.
If he lived in a crowdedstudentdormitory
and ate thefoodservedat
thestudentcafetaria,he knewthathis livingstandardwas not rising.
If he lived at homehe saw hiswifeor motherspendinglong hoursin
line for food and othernecessities.His familyprobablylived in a
crowdedapartmentwithotherfamilies.He possiblyknewpeople who
had been arrestedby thesecretpolice. It was commonknowledgeat
theuniversity
thattherewereinformers
scatteredthroughthestudent
bodyand therewere informersin the streets,the apartmenthouses
and otherplaces.A studentlearnedto protecthimself.He knewwhen
to talkand whento keepsilent.He did notnecessarily
learnto believe
in theslogansor trustthepromisesof theregime.He was intelligent
enoughto be able to contrastthetheoryhe learnedwiththerealityin
whichhe lived.
Until 1953-54verylittletimeseemsto havebeen spentin discussing
currentaffairsin the Marxist-Leninist
seminars.Most of the work
seemsto have been the laborioustakingof notes fromthe Marxistof theories.50
Leninistclassicsand memorization
After1953-54discusa
sion of contemporary
became
usual
problems
part of the seminar
workand in 1955-56one whole semesterwas devoted to studyand
discussionof the TwentiethPartyCongress.61
By 1955-56questionswere being asked in the Marxist-Leninist
seminarswhichresultedin arrestsin formeryears.They askedabout
Stalin,Tito, the livingstandardsin Hungary,the problemsof the
peasantand while theywere not yetdirectingattacksat the regime
theyaskedquestionswhichshowedup someof theblind spotsof the
would have to consult
ideologicalsystem.In somecasestheinstructor
withhisPartysuperiorsbeforehe answereda question.52
These debates
had a cumulativeeffect:
Attheuniversity
in theMarxist-Leninist
seminardebatesone couldtell
withabsolutecertainty
whowas Marxistand whowasnot-at leastuntil
well acquainted with the town librarian reportsthat the librarian estimatedthat in that
libraryonly 1/3 of the books were allowed to circulate. The other 2/3 were forbidden.
Ibid., pp. 27, 61.
48 Interviewwith Student F, ibid.,
p. 52.
49 Interviewwith Student G, ibid., p. 54.
2Ibid.
408
the ideologicalchaos began. Then one brickwas pulled out and thewhole
buildingcollapsed.Finallyeveryoneasked questionsand it was impossible
to knowwhethera persondidn't know the answer... or merelyasked the
question as provocation.53
By the beginning of the 1956-57 academic year the atmosphere at the
universities was one of intellectual ferment.It was only five weeks
afterthe beginning of the firstsemesterthat the Revolution broke out.
Does the 1956 Revolution indicate that indoctrination failed? It is
still much too early to be able to measure the effectivenessof Communist indoctrination in Hungary. The generation who were attending the universityin 1956 had only experienced eight years of Communist indoctrination. The long-range effectof this training can
only be measured afterfifteenor twentyyears,if the Communists are
still in power, when the studentswho leave the institutionsof higher
education and take up posts of leadership in their society have received their entire education in Communist schools.
The students interviewed by the Research Project were asked to
comment on the effectivenessof Marxist-Leninist indoctrination on
the basis of theirown experience:
TABLE II
The Effectiveness
Indoctrinationas
ofMarxist-Leninist
seen by Thirty-Eight
Hungarian Students
Effect
A. Marxism-Leninism
did have an effect
but one
opposite to that intended. It gave the students
tools with which to criticizethe faults of the
regime.
B. There was some effectin the teaching of
Marxism-Leninism.Students accepted certain
partsof the ideologyand became more aware of
social issues.
C. The actionof thestudentsin theRevolution
shows the effect.
D. Communisteducation led to a strugglebetweenthehomeand theschool.
E. The standards of higher education were
lowered by the introductionof Marxist-Leninist
indoctrination.
F. There was no effectat all.
Number of Students
TOTAL
p.
10
9
4
4
2
9
38
409
Those givinganswerE, that the standardsof highereducationhad

lowered,had spentonlyan averageof 1.5 yearsin Communistschools
and thiswasduringtheproletarianization
period.The highestaverage
numberofyearsspentin Communistschoolswas foundin thegroup
ingivinganswer D. This group which felt that Marxist-Leninist
doctrinationled to a strugglebetweenhome and schoolhad spentan
averageof 7.0 yearsin Communistsecondaryschoolsand universities.
This groupmayhave feltthesetensionsmorefortheywereprobably
onlyenteringsecondaryschoolor, perhaps,even in theupper grades
ofGeneralSchoolin 1948and theywereat an agewherethefamilyhad
moreinfluenceoverthem.Studentswhowerealreadyin theuniversity
in 1948mighttendto statetheproblemin a moretheoreticalfashion.
GroupsA, B, C and F average5.6, 4.9, 4.6 and 4.6 yearsrespectively.
Those givinganswerF feltlittleneed to qualifytheiranswers,they
an
merelystatedthattheyhadn'tbeen influencedby indoctrination,
hard
but
to
measure.
statement
interesting
A closerexaminationofanswersA and B mayhelp to indicatesome
oftheideologicalproblemsfacingtheHungarianstudents:
but one oppositeto that
did have an effect,
(A) Marxism-Leninism
intended.It gave thestudentstoolswithwhichtheycould criticizethe
faultsoftheregime.
The constantrepetitionof Marxisttheoriesand promisesservedonly
to keep certainquestionsalive in the mindsof the studentsand remindthemof thecontrastbetweentheoryand reality.It was not too
to turnthe conceptsof feudaland capitalistexploitationto
difficult
fitwhathe thoughthe saw in his own societyand speakabout "ComThe increasedawarenessof social and ecomunistexploitation."54
nomic problems,which was stimulatedby the studyof MarxismLeninism,in manycases,only made the studentmore aware of the
economicand socialproblemsofhis owncountry.55
Perhaps the most eloquent statementof this problemwas made
by a youngman of peasantorigin.This studentshould have been a
bygraceofhis classoriginand
loyalmemberofthenew intelligentsia
Insteadhe reported:
educationalopportunities.
at least
wasan unknownideologyin our country,
In 1945Communism
it was unknown to the youth. The Communistsachieved only relative

successin teachingit to us. We learnedabout itsoriginsand principles,but
4 Interview
# 112,p. 51 and #213, p. 46.
65See Interview # 107, p. 31.
410
AmericanSlavicand East European Review
saw that in real life it consistedof lies... They achieved the opposite:
gettingtheyouthto hate Comunism.56
Those who responded with answer B give a much differentpoint
ofview:
(B) There was some effectin the teaching of Marxism-Leninism.
Studentsacceptedcertainpartsof the ideologyand became more aware of
social issues.
It is revealing to see what parts theydid accept and what theyrejected:
... manystudentswereof theopinion thatCommunismwas a good idea
but not a practicableone. What we thoughtgood in Communismwere the
ideas of equality,generalwelfare,freedomforall... What the regimedid
was exactlytheopposite.. .7
or:
It gave manyanswersto youngpeople who were searchingfortruth.It
also helpedus to realizehowmuchinjusticetherewas in humansociety.We
no doubtliked theidea ofequality.We could notunderstandwhya regime
whichcalls itselfsuperiormustrelyon terror.58
These commentsindicate the effectof intellectual isolation within the
Communist world. The students quoted above did not seem aware
that the same ideals were shared by other ideological systems.
Any young person who is curious and eager to use ideas will, most
probably, begin his search and questioning within the ideological
systemin which he has been trained. If he is not exposed to any conflictingideology he may be forced to do all of his intellectual work
within this system.This does not necessarilymean that he accepts the
ideological systemin its entirety.It may only indicate that he knows
no other way of expressinghimself:
Communismand itswordsand expressionscreepinto yourmind. When
you are outside a Communistsocietyit is almost like learning a new
language... Not thatyou believe themeaningsof thesewordsbut because
you are accustomedto them.59
These statementsshow the dilemma in which a Communist student
may find himself. He may disagree with the practicalityof Marxist66Interview # 226, 45.
p.
p. 6.
59Interviewwith Student F, Murray,op. cit.,p. 50.
67Interview # 106,
411
Leninist theory,but he knows no other. It is extremely difficultto

measure the amount of what may be called superficialindoctrination,
words and intellectual constructswhich are used by habit and can be
replaced, and the amount of deeper indoctrination which may determine the attitudes and actions of the individual throughout his life.
Some studentsbecame devout Marxistsand/or Leninists. To certain
of these young people the Revolution of 1956 occurred within a
Marxist framework.They believe that training in the principles of
Marxism-Leninism made the students see the need for a Revolution
and prepared them for their role in it.60
In the spring of 1956 a series of articles appeared in a Hungarian
journal which accused the youth of being cynical. The younger
generation, it said, was lacking in ideals and patriotism.61That sum,
mer in one of the Petofi Circle debates Gyorgy Lukacs, a leading
Marxist philosopher, said the youth were cynical but throughno fault
of their own. They could easily see the discrepancy between theory
and reality.62This period of criticismwas accompanied by discussions
of the need foreducational reform.
Many of the studentsinterviewedby theResearch Project mentioned
this cynicism.This was not in answer to a specificquestion but came
out in the course of the interview.63The youth lacked firmbeliefs,
they said, and rejected responsibility:
Hungary'syouth is cynical. It is not Communist.It is nothing.The
young people are exposed to constantpressure,opposition between the
familyand school. They have a don't care attitude... theyrarelyhave
views nor showed them. They are... ready to accept the good and the
beautifulin theirweakermoments.64
Life was hard forthe student in Hungary. It was not safe forhim to
express his views openly and it was probably better to appear as if he
had no strongbeliefs at all. He had to learn to protecthimselfand one
of the most effectivedevices was learning how to tell a convincing lie:
One of the effectsCommunismhad on youthwas that it taughtthem
how to lie. They had to lie in school. They had to mouth the Communist
sloganstheydidn't believein....
naturaleveryday act. It was quite laughable at
Lyingbecame a perfectly
the universitythat when studentsdiscussedthe "low" Westerntechnical
'o Interview # 508, 5.
p.
62Interview# 408, 8.
'6 Interview # 206, 4.
p.
p.
63 Eighteen of the thirty-eight
universitystudentswho were interviewedby the Research
Project mentioned this.
4 Interview# 101,
p. 12.
412
AmericanSlavic and East European Reviewz
standardswith great enthusiasm,theywere congratulatedlater by their

fellowstudentsfortheirclevernessin lying....65
Yet many of the statementsof the students point to the conclusion
that this cynicism was not all-embracing. It is interestingthat while
church-goingwas frowned upon by the Communists, many of the
studentsattended church. Some young people looked to religion as a
way of life to counterbalance Communism.66Others attended church
as a protest67while still others went for solace.68Most studentswould
say that youth did not attend church for this was often something
not even told to friends. It could be dangerous for a student if the
authorities discovered that he attended church. For that reason they
went to churches in parts of town where they were not known. Only
fourofthe thirty-eight
studentsansweringthisquestion in the interview
stated that they never went to church. Almost all of the students,as
well, mentioned one or two close friends to whom they could talk
freelyand without fear.69
The cynicismof which the studentstalk seems most directlyrelated
to disillusionment with Marxist-Leninist ideology:
Communismis an attractivetheory.It is logical and intelligent,yet its
basic assumptionsare wrong.... The theorybecomesblurredand distorted
whenit is applied to human society.Yet afteryou have knownit,it means,
in a certain sense that you are no longer naive. I don't believe in the
theoriesof the idealists and dreamers,in the "great men".... I do not
trustidealists.70
There is a wide distance between distrustof idealists and theories
and distrustof everyone,an attitude of complete cynicism.The Hungarian students do not seem to have lost faith in the possibilities of
sincerityand truston an individual basis. That the Hungarian universitystudentscared about the futureof theircountrycan be seen in the
demands for reform which they drew up during the Revolution.
Perhaps some of the studentscould be called cynical but the action of
those who participated in the Revolution makes one doubt that all
fall into the same category.An individual does not give up his life for
65 Interview
# 213, pp. 45, 47.
66Interview# 217, 39.
p.
67Interview # 229,
p. 35.
68 Interview # 228, p. 42.
60Of the twenty-sevenstudents who were asked about friendshippatterns,fourteen
mentioned close friendswho theyhad known before enteringthe university,eleven had
establishedclose friendshipswhile at the universityand two had no close friends.
70 Interviewwith Student
F, Murray,op. cit.,p. 50.
413
somethingin which he does not believe. The Hungarian students

were,forthe most part,disillusionedwith Marxist-Leninist
theory
and lived fromday to day under a systemtheyseemedpowerlessto
change.When the possibilityforchangecame,throughviolenceand
massaction,the studentsrose.

Higher Education in Communist Hungary 1948-1956

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Higher Education in Communist Hungary 1948-1956

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Higher Education in Communist Hungary 1948-1956

Author(s): Elinor Murray

THE HUNGARIAN COMMUNISTS placed

education, especially in the years between 1948 and 1954.1 It was in

AmericanSlavic and East European Review

Hungarian Higher Education

in themindof a student,it is possiblethattheemphasison technical

AmericanSlavicand East European Review

theiractions... manyof thenon-members

Interview# 107, p. 23.

Hungarian Higher Education

The Communistsdid offermore opportunitiesto receive a higher

AmericanSlavic and East European Review

academies.This was a greatchange forin 1930-31only 11% of the

The ResearchProject on Hungaryinterviewedeighty-one

Hongoises en 1930-31 (Budapest: Stephaneum Nyomda R.T., 1932),p. 43.

Hungarian Higher Education

Not admittedor expelled and not readmitted.

"X" Group Peasant

26Interview # 115,p. 22 and # 214, p. 32.

AmericanSlavic and East European Review

who wantedto become a veterinarianbut was acceptedonly by the

Hungarian Higher Education

through the organization of twenty or thirtystudents into a study

AmericanSlavic and East European Review

85Interview# 561, p. 17.

Hungarian Higher Education

Only 25% of the studentsinterviewedby the ResearchProjecton

AmericanSlavic and East European Review

Everystudentfromthe upper gradesof General School,the eight

Hungarian Higher Education

AmericanSlavic and East European Review

Hungarian Higher Education

Those givinganswerE, that the standardsof highereducationhad

it was unknown to the youth. The Communistsachieved only relative

# 112,p. 51 and #213, p. 46.

65See Interview # 107, p. 31.

AmericanSlavicand East European Review

Hungarian Higher Education

Leninist theory,but he knows no other. It is extremely difficultto

AmericanSlavic and East European Reviewz

standardswith great enthusiasm,theywere congratulatedlater by their

Hungarian Higher Education

somethingin which he does not believe. The Hungarian students

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