Académique Documents
Professionnel Documents
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whether the structure of the game can be described by the logic of simulation, or the logic of narration, or both.
(3) Finally, I would like to discuss how the attraction and fun of
this game can be contextualized in relation to Buddhist practice. Should
we conclude that this game primarily functions as a pedagogical means
to visualize the different paths and their inner temporalitybeing nothing more than an illustration? The simulation approach may point to
another aspect: Given that (a) the game induces that its Buddhist players
(at least to a certain degree) identify themselves with their individual way
through the game (with the workings of karma?), and that (b) the karma
in this game is determined by throwing a cubic die (so, by mere chanceat
least from an etic perspective), one may ask if this game modifies or even
subversively undermines a certain conception of karma. If this holds true,
we may conclude that this game simulates contingent workings of karma
(traditionally, the wholesome or negative qualities of actions performed
with the mind, mouth, or body), but, by simulating it incompletely, opens
up the possibility of a less causal interpretation of karma. Finally, the
apparent religious nature of the game can be taken as a hermeneutic tool
for a broader perspective, namely, the possible analysis of the religious
ludology of other well-known non-religious board games.
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Although the simile of the perfect throw might eventually derive from
non-Buddhist literature, it is used here to visualize the workings of karma.
The simile compares the incalculable contingency of a throw arriving at
a definite state with the (allegedly incalculable) failure of unwholesome
human behavior resulting likewise in a definite staterebirth in hell. Understanding karma and rebirth in terms of the good fortune or bad
luck of dice throws seem, therefore, not to be an extraordinary or distorted interpretation. In the later developments of the Buddhist traditions,
which I will not be able to outline here, playing and entertainment with
games (but not: gambling) seem to have gained a positive rehabilitation.10
I will now proceed with a methodological remark; after that I will turn to
a description of the family of games of snake and ladders, to which the
Tibetan board game belongs.
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theory, therefore, the major interest of the observer pertains to the rules
and the internal design of the game, not on the representational elements.
The latter can be changed easily and are, therefore, quite often only incidental. Digital games, however, may offer some kind of reaction by
simulating different scenarios which lead the player in different worlds.
In my view, those two approaches are not contradictory but highlight
different dimensions of certain games. As I will try to show in the subsequent analysis, a combination of the two approaches makes sense, at least
for the Game of Liberation.
The difference of analyzing games in terms of narratology or ludology is
mirrored in different procedures in developing a game. There are authors
of game narrations, but designers of game rules.13 By adapting a certain
framework of rules for the liberation game, the designer displayed his
beliefs of the probability and rank of certain eventse.g., how likely
it will be for adherents of the Mahayana paths to reach final liberation
(in terms of necessary moves). This assumption about the probability of
certain events in the game is well hidden inside the model not as a piece
of information but as a rule.14
The hermeneutical model of simulation allows a more accurate analysis of the specific structure of digital games which are (1) not bound to a
fixed serial sequence of events; (2) players, therefore, could go through
several different versions and iterations of the story; (3) players are often enabled by the game rules to decide where to interrupt, depart, or
restart the game (to name just some specifics). Certainly, these elements
of modern digital games are not to be found in the Buddhist board game.
From Frascas perspective, all traditional board games might be described
as representational, since they do not have the specific input-outputloop of computer games. Yet, one may stick to the creative moment of
representation as mentioned by Parlett: How representational a game
13 Examples of the adaptability of game narratives could be given by various
attempts of game designers to subvert the free-market ideology of games such
as Monopoly simply by changing the designation of certain squares, but not
the internal structure of the game. A well-known example for such an attempt
to use an existent game for a new ideological purpose is the French revolution
game (Jeu de la Rvolution Franaise) that used goose games (Jeux de lOie) as
prototype model (compare Leith 1996: La Pdagogie travers les jeux; Mohn
2004: Kunst als Medium der Zeit).
14 Frasca 2003: 228.
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is depends on the level at which it is being played and the extent of the
players imagination.15
In the special case of the Tibetan board game, the players simulate
(according to the definition above) the workings of good and bad karma,
i.e., the cycle of rebirth and final liberation. The first move of the players
entering the game is, no doubt, an act of simulated reincarnation: The
players piece is born into the six realms. However, not every square is
reached through reincarnation. Some moves seem to be more appropriately
described as self-transformative training (such as the uppermost row,
consisting of life events of the historical Buddha). Nevertheless, a certain
combination of rebirths leads to the final liberation, which makes the name
game of liberation plausible.
Most forms of the game consist of 72 squares (e.g., the Tibetan Buddhist
block-print variant), some have 84 (Jain) or even more (104, or up to 360
15 Parlett 1999: Board Games, 6.
16 Topsfield 1985: The Indian Game of Snakes, 203.
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Deepak Shimkada argued that the origin of the game may be Buddhist,
because the number of 72 squares fits well with its cosmological and
17 A lively impression of the Jain version of the game can be found at the digitalized
version of the Victoria and Albert Museum: http://www.vam.ac.uk/vastatic/
microsites/1414_jain/snakesandladders/ (25.10. 2010).
18 Finkel 1995: Notes on two Tibetan Dice Games, 34 (and further references).
19 Topsfield 1985: 212.
20 Topsfield 1985: 212213.
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The goal of the game is to leave the suffering of samsara, which is to reach
final nirvana, depicted in the game as square No. 104 (in the upper left
corner). Conversely, the most horrific square is No. 1 (baseline row, in the
right corner). This, the Vajra hell, is indeed a trap, because to leave this hell
one has to repeat all numbers of the cube according to its value, i.e., three
times three, six times six, etc. A player with bad luck may indeed stay for
the whole game in this hell.32
The game starts with square No. 24, the great heavenly road (lhai lam
chen). In the case of the square No. 24 the possible destinations of the next
rebirth are: 1. the Realm of the four celestial kings (27); 2. = the Southern
Continent (17); 3. = become an Asura (15); 4. = become an Animal (11); 5. =
become a Hungry Ghost (10); 6. = go to the Reviving Hell (6). A player able
to roll ten times the 2 will proceed via the Tantric path to the Dharmakya
(square No. 92); with 19 throws, talented lucky ones can enter final nirvana.
However, playing this game usually takes a long time; some players spend
hours in a round trip through a variety of hells.
More or less consistent, the game board follows the logic of the three different realms (of sensual desire, of pure form, and formlessness). The four
lowermost rows are devoted to the six karmic destinations (kmadhtu):
first, eight hells; in the second row, asuras, animals, hungry ghosts etc.; in
the third, the four continents and other areas of human existence (including the non-Buddhist religions); and in the fourth row, gods and heavenly
spheres.
The fifth row consists of squares with states of the path of the hearers,
the ravakayna, but, to the right, one can enter already the more advanced
Tantric paths (the small path of accumulation). Further rows on the right
side show the higher steps of the Tantric paths, whereas on the left side
the Mahayana path (the Sutra-path) is depicted.33 Some further squares
in the middle show the highest states of Hinayana paths, and mythical or
heavenly topoi such as ambhala, the Potala, or Buddha-fields.
events, virtues etc. can be found in the French Revolution Game (compare
Reichardt 1989: Das Revolutionsspiel).
32 The possibly long duration of the game is confirmed by the description in
Norbu/H
arrer 1960: 95.
33 This three-partite model of Buddhist traditions can be found in various doxographical texts, not to mention the systematization of the Tibetan Buddhist
canon collection of the word (bka gyur) with its three major divisions Vinaya (dul ba), Stra (mdo) and Tantra (rgyud).
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Beginning with row 10, some squares eliminate the risk to fall back in
lower states. At these places only one value of the die is given, and if this
number occurs, the player moves to the next higher square. In row 12,
the peak states of the Bodhisattva- and the Tantra-paths are located, and
aspects of Buddhahood, such as the Dharmakya. Row 13, finally, comprises
some important topoi of the hagiography of Buddha kyamuni (to enter
a physical form, sprul sku; the great leave; extreme asceticism; defeating
Mra; awakening; turning the wheel of the law; to work wonders, and
finally, entering nirvana). In this row, the player has to move one-by-one
through every square. Since the narrated events are taken from Gautama
Siddhrthas hagiography, one may interpret this whole row as consisting
of one single life. Entering nirvana is only possible for those who took the
physical form of a Buddha and went through the significant steps of his
hagiography.
6. Simulating Liberation
In accordance with Mahayana Buddhist philosophy, the game illustrates to
its players that final liberation is just a matter of time. Therefore, from a
point of view of absolute truth or definite meaning, the cycle of rebirth
simulated in the game is to be characterized as emptiness; or, to put it
in other words, every player may be able to experience liberation right
from the start of the game.34
The wit of the game is simulated karma, that is, simulation of the
soteriological future. The attractiveness of this simulation could lie, more
precisely, in its contrast to the convictions shared by the players about
each others karmic qualities. Quite often, I assume, the game may send
the good guy in hell and the bad guy in heaven. The wit of the game,
therefore, seems to depend on the interaction among the players. Absorbed
in their pleasure and thrill, they get (without reserve) involved in the
pedagogical purpose of the liberation gameto allude to the Buddhist
concept: a well-composed skill in means.35
34 If the world is characterized as a cosmic play (as in certain Hindu traditions),
the game of liberation might well represent a play of a play, a simulation of
a simulation.
35 Many games have their roots in educational technologies, and their pedagogical
value was only recently emphasized, for example in Miller 2008: Games. Purpose
and Potential in Education, 512.
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Looking at the two winning Buddhist paths more thoroughly, one can
detect highly interesting features.
Figure 3 Important rule structures in a Tibetan Game of Liberation
Very clearly the path of the Tantra vehicle is faster than the Sutra vehicle;
it allows for large jumps on the board (e.g., one may get from square No.
25 directly to square No. 72, knowledge holder of the eight siddhis). In
the words of Sa skya paita: The seeds planted through the Mantra system ripen to harvest within a single day.36 At the same time it is more
dangerous, because if at the square No. 33 (Small Path of accumulation,
sngags tsogs lam chung ba) a players die shows a 6, he will descend to the
vajra hell (No. 1, rdo dmyal pa [sic]). Symbolized by this downfall are the
consequences of breaking Tantric vows. Again Sa skya paita, citing the
Mahmudrtilakatantra: Whosoever, out of pride, explains tantras and
precepts to the uninitiated/c auses both master and pupil to be reborn in
hell immediately upon their deaths.37 A very interesting detail of the game
design, however, is hidden in the following rule structure:
(1) If someone descends to the Vajra-hell, which is only possible from
square No. 33, one must first execute the full number of throws as
described above, but after that one is able to proceed to square No.
9 (Yama, lord of Death). From there one gets with a chance of 50%
directly back to a higher square within the Tantric path (No. 42);
however, one may have to divert to square No. 34, Mahkla, and
from there on via a Buddha field (No. 70) to the Sutra Path (e.g., No.
71). And, again from square No. 33, a second possible downfall leads
to Rudra (16); a square from where a departure is only possible with
a 2, but yet again this leads with a high probability back to the
Tantric path (via Mahkla, No. 34). On the whole, this rule structure
follows the idea once a Tantric practitioner(nearly) for ever a
Tantric practitioner.
(2) The point of no return, where it is no longer possible to leave the
Tantric path, is reached by entering No. 66 (the first Tantra level,
sngags sa dang po). This square signifies the reception of an initiation
36 Sakya Paita 2002: 111 (from verse 121).
37 Sakya Paita 2002: 100 (from verses 3940).
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necessary for progressing on the Tantric path as a teacher (and concomitantly to leave the status as a novice). By this ruleattributing no return to this squarethe importance of this initiation is
stressed, too.
The 14 usual Tantric vows (Skt. samaya, Tib. dam tshig) require receiving
empowerment from a Tantric masterand to hold the guru in highest
esteem. The Tantric master guides his students through difficult practices;
however, if a practitioner is not able to hold or fulfill a vow, a breach of the
vow in question is implied, which is reflected in every field by the downfall to another field.38 Tantric practice is indeed understood as dangerous.
Consequently, the downfalls are deeper: Breaking tantric samaya is
more harmful than breaking other vows. It is like falling from an airplane
compared to falling from a horse.39 According to Buddhist historiography,
Sa skya paita admonished his contemporaries to act according to the
vows. This impetus can be seen in his work A Clear Differentiation of the
Three Codes (sdom gsum rab gye) as well: it explains in detail the different
vows of the individual path of the Vinaya, the Bodhisattva and the Vajra
vows.40 Roughly speaking, the individual path consists of Vinaya vows or
traditional monastic morality, its ideal of individual liberation leading to
a certain state of perfection; the Bodhisattva or Mahyna path consists
of vows which emphasize the cultivation of boddhicitta, or the compassionate thought of bringing happiness and enlightenment to all sentient
beings. Compared to the Tantric path, the ordinary Mahyna Buddhist
Path depicted on the upper left side of the game board is indeed slower, yet
more secure, because it does not imply the possible downfall in traps.
38 Compare Sakya Paita 2002; Sparham 2000: Fulfillment of All Hopes. Guru Devotion
in Tibetan Buddhism; Sparham (trans.) 2005: Tso-kha pa (esp. 4562 [the vows];
79113 [the downfalls]). The 14 vows are usually: (1) disparaging ones guru(s);
(2) intentionally breaking a promise related to the Prtimoka, Mahayana, or
Tantric ethics; (3) to hate a spiritual friend or vajra brother/sister as adepts
of the same guru; (4) abandoning love for sentient beings; (5) give up bodhicitta;
(6) cynical or ironical attitudes toward the spiritual doctrine; (7) indiscretion
about secrets; (8) to despise the five aggregates; (9) disbelief in the central
importance of emptiness; (10) not to use violence if required to have sympathy
for malicious persons; (11) to give up the belief in emptiness; (12) to cause
regret in the minds of beings who have faith; (13) not to rely on samaya; (14) to
disrespect women.
39 Thondup 1996: Preface, x.
40 Compare Sakya Paita 2002: 95.
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Moreover, only the 9th and 10th square of the Mahyna-path (Nos 94 and
95) allow to move to square No. 84, which implies in the next step to realize
the dharmakya body of the Buddhas, whereas this can be reached from
four squares of the Tantric path.
The point of no return of the Mahyna Paths is reached by entering
the first Stra level (mdo sa dang po), which is in fact the first level of the
Bodhisattva path (bodhisattvabhmi). This level, called great pleasure,
is intended for the practitioner to train the perfection of giving (dnapramit). It is, however, not exclusively leading to a Bodhisattva career:
From this first Sutra level, one may depart with a 3 to the third Tantric
level (No. 74).
Nevertheless, if two players enter simultaneously the two different
paths, for the reasons that we have seen, the adepts of the Tantric path
will definitely be faster.
On the lower levels of the Mahayana depicted in the game, i.e., the entrance to the Mahayana in square No. 51, there are even more diversions
to lower squares.
7. Conclusion
As could be seen, players of the game will experience by their individual
progression through the game an asynchronous soteriological time
schedule. By its rules determining the plausibilities of progression and
downfalls, the game carries out certain inter- and inner-religious discourses
on the efficacy, dangers and goals of liberation paths. According to the
narrative approach of describing games, one could interpret the players
individual liberation pathsformed by playing the gameas hypothetic
spiritual biographies. Moreover, every square could be interpreted as triggering (in religious specialists) certain narratives (e.g., what does it mean
to achieve an Arhat status?).
Yet does this narrative description alone suffice? An important factor
is the interpretation of the individual paths as an outcome of personal
karma. This interpretation transforms the several rebirth-movements
in the game to some kind of conditioned fate experienced by the piece
of the player.41
41 One is tempted to call the pieces, which simulate the fate of persons, avatarsyet not as the manifestation of a deity, but like in digital games, as a
users symbolic representation in a digital world.
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According to my interpretation, the structure of the game is pre-determined by its rules which are governed by pure chance. From an emic
understanding (and the respective verses of Sa skya paita can be taken as
a clue here), the outcome of dicing could be seen by at least some players as
actively influenced by the players own karma. One of the poems ascribed
to the Sixth Dalai Lama summarizes this interpretation of karma nicely:
Good and bad deeds seeds/ even though they are sown secretly/ it is not
possible to conceal the ripened fruit of each single [deed].42 Yet: Can this
karmic interpretation of the game claim plausibility? On the one hand,
dicing as a means of divination was a common practice in pre-modern Tibet.
An attitude toward the game that combines the fate of the pieces with the
players own karma would therefore not be too extraordinary. On the other
hand, Buddhist philosophers emphasized that the karmic influence on the
future cannot be figured out; even to know ones current total amount of
positive or negative karma is not possible for ordinary beings. Moreover,
throwing dice by itself should, according to the theoretical descriptions
of karma (as a quality of certain deeds; Tibetan las rgyu bras, fruits of action), be more or less neutralan exception could be a combination with
intense negative feelings.
Another argument against the view that the individual paths through
the game could be interpreted as determined by karma can be seen in the
fact that it is possible to repeat the game immediatelywith, we assume,
a different result. Although this seems plausible, we have to characterize
this as a hypothetical assumption, as we are not informed about which
unwritten rules were in use in pre-modern times. In practice, it could
be the case that rules did not allow the immediate repetition. However, I
would follow Tatz and Kent in maintaining that this game was rarely used
for predictive divination in pre-Modern Tibet or Nepal.43
So if the personal way through the game is not (generally) seen as determined by personal karma at work in a stricter sense, how do players
deal with this simulation of karma? Did players on winning pathsafter
passing the point of no returnfeel obliged to dedicate their merit (according to the Bodhisattva ideal) to those takers experiencing rebirths
in the lower realms of the game? Or, do they see every single match as a
42 Tibetan text (poem 86 of the larger collection) in Srensen 1990: Divinity Secularized, 295: [86] dkar nag las kyi sa bon/ de lta lkog tub tab kyang/ bras bus bas
pas mi thub/ rang rang so sor smin gis.
43 Tatz/K
ent 1978: 16, against Waddell (cited there).
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specific setting of the karma of the whole group? This approach, again,
would imply that workings of karma can be experienced in the game.
If we use simulation as an interpretive tool, we may assume that the
game by itself discloses a situation where the takers are able to discuss the
difference (or matching) of each players individual (assumed) karma and
his success in the game. This, in a way, may indeed undermine a certain
belief in karma; namely, the causal interpretation of immediate and
transparent retribution of those actions which are believed to have a strong
karmic quality. Interestingly, a critique of this causal understanding of
karma can be found in Sa skya paitas Three Vows, where he states:44
That teaching called the inevitable effectiveness of light and dark deeds
is widely hailed as a great wonder.
Yet it simply mistakes an interpretable sense for one that is definite.
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game Patchisi/P
accsi and its several Western versions, such as Ludo,
Parcheesi, Jeu des Petits Chevaux, Mensch rgere Dich nicht!, Eile
mit Weile)?47 Is this secure place represented somewhere on the game
board (as in Chutes and Ladders, or the Patchisi games), or do the pieces
leave the game board (as in Backgammon)? Interpreted soteriologically,
the retraction of all pieces or pawns from the board to a secure place outside of the game(-world) would imply a stricter division between an inner
worldly/immanent and a transcendent sphere.
Or, (b2) does a definite end always imply that the end will happen without entering a secure haven in the game? To take an example from the
early days of computer games, the famous single player game Pakkuman/
Pac-man: The game cannot be won; it is a constant struggle in an ever more
turbulent and continuously accelerated haunting; the restless moves of the
players PacMan end up always with the final extermination of PacMan
by one of the four life-consuming ghosts (since this game was invented in
Japan, it would be very tempting to analyze its mythological background,
its portrayal of an endless samsara, more deeply).
(c) How do games allow a player to identify with his piece(s) on the
board, e.g., by placing personal belongings as ones avatar in the gameor
do they encourage a more distant view?
There are, of course, games which seem to resist such an interpretation from a soteriological point of view. For example, chess seems to be
a more or less secular game.48
Even if certain of our results pertaining to the Tibetan Buddhist game
are conjecturesthere is always a difference between the games internal
structure and the ad-hoc, or home rules of the playersI do hope that
some ethnographic account of the recent use of the game in Nepal or
the Tibetan community will shed further light on the attitudes toward a
simulated soteriology.
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Video Game
Pakkuman/P
ac-man (Namco, Japan 1980)