GENDER, KASTOM &

DOMESTIC VIOLENCE
A research on the historical trend, extent and impact
of domestic violence in Vanuatu

Department of Womens Affairs

By Roselyn TOR & Anthea TOKA August 2004

Funded by Vanuatu Government & CUSO Vanuatu

Acknowledgements
The Gender, Kastom & Domestic Violence Research was co-funded by the
Vanuatu Government through the Department of Womens Affairs and CUSO
Vanuatu.
We thank the former Director of Womens Affairs, Mrs. Hilda Taleo who
entrusted us with the project and Mr. Morris Kaloran who took over after her
and Ms. Catherine Sparks, Country Director of CUSO Vanuatu for giving us
the opportunity to carry out this research, and their continued support and
patience to its completion.
We thank the Vanuatu National Council of Women (VNCW) and Vanuatu
Womens Centers (VWC) provincial fieldworkers who have accommodated us
in our provincial visits to TORBA, PENAMA, SANMA and MALAMPA, and
have helped with our survey forms.
The projects would not have been possible if people were not willing to talk to
us and tell us their stories. To our many interviewees, the Chiefs, Church
leaders, police officers, men and women and the business houses and
Government offices in Vila who allowed us to carry out the surveys with their
staff, a sincere thank you.
Finally, a special thank you to Ms. Excellent Toka who undertook the tiring
task of transcribing our interviews for us and didnt mind doing it for free!

Regards,

Anthea Toka

Roselyn Tor

Table of Contents
Acknowledgements........................................................................................................................2

I: COUNTRY BACKGROUND.........................................................................................................5
THE REPUBLIC OF VANUATU ....................................................................................................5
GEOGRAPHY:...............................................................................................................................5
DEMOGRAPHY:............................................................................................................................5
LAND:.............................................................................................................................................5
LANGUAGE: ..................................................................................................................................6

II: RESEARCH METHODOLOGY..................................................................................................7

CONSULTATION AREA:...............................................................................................................8
THE QUALITATIVE STUDY:.........................................................................................................8
THE SURVEY: ...............................................................................................................................8

III: BACKGROUND OF RESEARCH..........................................................................................11

IV:

LITERARY REVIEW...........................................................................................................13

WHAT ARE WOMEN? .....................................................................................................................15

1. THE SOCIAL STRUCTURE ......................................................................................................16
Values & Respect ........................................................................................................................16
Evolution of Contemporary Vanuatu Society ..............................................................................17
The Status of Women ..................................................................................................................18
Women and Property...................................................................................................................19
Definition of custom .....................................................................................................................20
Gender .........................................................................................................................................21

2. RELIGION ........................................................................................................................................23
3. EDUCATION ...................................................................................................................................24
4. LEADERSHIP.................................................................................................................................26
Women and Leadership ..............................................................................................................27

5. MARRIAGE......................................................................................................................................30
Traditional Marriage Arrangements.............................................................................................31
Shefa Province ............................................................................................................................33
Malampa Province .......................................................................................................................34
Torba Province ............................................................................................................................34
Tafea Province.............................................................................................................................35

DOMESTIC VIOLENCE...................................................................................................................36
Causes of Domestic Violence......................................................................................................36
The Different Perspectives ..........................................................................................................39
Domestic Violence in Vanuatu ....................................................................................................43
Types of Violence ........................................................................................................................44

7. INTERNATIONAL & NATIONAL ...........................................................................................54

MECHANISMS ....................................................................................................................................54
The International Level ................................................................................................................54
Regional Level .............................................................................................................................57
National Mechanisms ..................................................................................................................57
Government Development Plans ................................................................................................58
The Legal System........................................................................................................................59
Vanuatu Womens Organisations................................................................................................60
Advocacy .....................................................................................................................................61

8. CONCLUSIONS & RECOMMENDATIONS.......................................................................62

BIBLIOGRAPHY.................................................................................................................................64

Tables
Table 1:
Table 2:
Table 3:
Table 4:
Table 5:
Table 6:
Table 7:
Table 8:
Table 9:
Table 10:
Table 11:
Table 12:
Table 13:
Table 14:
Table 15:
Table 16:

Population Distribution
Consultation Areas
Informants Interviewed
Total number of survey forms
Respondent per Province
Age Groups of Respondents
Members of Parliament by Sex
Womens Participation in 1980 1998
Domestic Violence Cases seen by VWC 1993 2000
Crimes in Vanuatu 1998 2002
Comparison of Critical Areas of Concern Women
8 Millennium Goals
CRP 9 Gender Benchmarks
Annual Statistics from VWC 19920-2002
Domestic Violence Protection Order Cases in Court
Comparing Contemporary Customs & Reality

6
8
9
9
9
9
28
28
41
44
55
56
58
60
61
62

Graphs
Graph 1:
Graph 2:
Graph 3:
Graph 4:
Graph 5:
Graph 6:
Graph 7:

Respondents per province

Marital Status of Respondents
Comparing Male & Females admitting to Physical Violence
Comparing Male & Female Victims of Physical Violence
Comparing Perpetrators of Verbal Violence
Comparing Victims of Verbal Violence
Comparing Perpetrators of Sexual Violence

10
10
45
46
48
49
51

Figures
Figure 1:
Figure 2:
Figure 3:

Traditional Gender Roles

Contemporary Gender Roles
Types of Domestic Violence

21
22
36

I: COUNTRY BACKGROUND
THE REPUBLIC OF VANUATU
Vanuatu was formerly known as the New Hebrides. The first European who came to
the islands was a Spanish explorer called de Quiros who visited one of the northern
islands in 1606. He named it Australis Del Espiritu Santos (now commonly known as
Santo). A Frenchman, Louis Antoine de Bouganville sailed through the islands in
1768. In 1774, Captain James Cook came to the islands and named them the New
Hebrides, because the islands reminded him of the Hebrides of Scotland.
In July 1848, Reverend Geddie, and his wife arrived on Aneitym in the south of
Vanuatu and later on other missionaries and Europeans arrived. Missionaries were
striving to convert the natives to Christianity, traders were selling alcohol, tobacco,
knives and axes, and black-birders, recruiting and forcing the natives to go to work in
the cotton and sugar cane plantations of Queensland, Fiji and Hawaii. (VKS: 2). In
1906, Britain and France agreed to jointly govern the country. The Condominium
government at the time generally protected the rights of their nationals rather than
those of the ni-Vanuatu people.
There was duplication of all social services resulting in constant competition between
the two powers. The indigenous population remained stateless until the country
gained its independence on 30th July 1980, when it was renamed Vanuatu, literally
country that stands up or independent country.

GEOGRAPHY:
Vanuatu is located in the Southwest Pacific with over 80 islands and islets, extending
on a north-south axis between 10 and 22 degrees latitude and 165 and 171 degrees
longitude. Only 68 of its islands of various sizes are inhabited. The land area is
12,900 km2 with an Exclusive Economic Zone of 680,000 km2.
For administrative purposes, the Vanuatu is divided into six provinces by the
Decentralization Act of 1994 as follows: TORBA, SANMA, PENAMA, MALAMPA,
SHEFA and TAFEA.

DEMOGRAPHY:
As of November 1999, the enumerated population of Vanuatu was 186,678 persons
of which 95,682 were males and 90,996 were females. (Vanuatu National Statistics
Office 2000:16). The population per province shown in Table 1.
There are a higher proportion of men than women in all the provinces.
The growth rates between 1989 and 1999 gave a rate of 2.6% per annum. The
growth rate for urban areas is 4.6% and rural area is 2.2%. Figures show that 43%
of the population is below the age of 15 (1999 National Statistics Report)

LAND:
Land is very important to a Ni-Vanuatu. Land is the crucial resource for all
production without it no food could be produced, whether it is crops, pigs or wild
food resources, or cash crops. Land is thought to be the precondition of human

culture; indeed the human inhabitants merge with the earth in some sense. Thus,
like children, land is not so much owned as part of ones human substance (Jolly,
1994:59; cf. Lane, 1971:249; Rodman 1984:69; Lamour 1984:1-2). Land is vital for
the existence all human beings, animals and birds in sustaining their livelihood. The
Honorable Sethy Regenvanu, the first Minister of Lands stated:
Land to a Ni-Vanuatu is what a mother is to a baby. It is with land that he defines his
identity and it is with land that he maintains his spiritual strength. (Van.Gov.2004: 8)

Province / Municipality:
Port Vila
Luganville
SHEFA (Rural only)
SANMA (Rural only)
TORBA
PENAMA
MALAMPA
TAFEA
Total:

Males:
15,189
5,537
12,930
13,139
3,937
13,724
16,653
14,573
95,682

Females:
14,167
5,201
12,153
12,207
3,820
12,922
16,052
14,474
90,996

Total:
29,356
10,738
25,083
25,346
7,757
26,646
32,705
29,047
186,678

Table 1: Population distribution

Most of the islands of Vanuatu are patrilineal though some are a matrilineal society.
Because of these, there are two kinds of claims to land. The primary right is derived
from an agnatic relationship with the founding ancestor, and the secondary right
which accrues because of matrilineal and marital connections. In matrilineal
societies, land ownership and land inheritance is through women. Women in the
patrilineal societies may not own land but they never relinquish the rights to their
natal land. Women could have gardens in both their fathers land and their husbands
land. However they cannot pass the land to their children (Jolly 1994:60).

LANGUAGE:
With a population of less than 200,000, Vanuatu had 113 languages spoken in the
country (Tryon 1996:171), excluding dialects. In 2004, there are less than 100 of
these languages remaining. In addition, because of thee countrys colonial history,
the English and French languages have been adopted as the official language of
education. The national language is Bislama, the lingua franca, that has evolved
from broken English and French and the traditional languages. The creation of the
Bislama resolved the communication barrier that existed in the country. The
Government recognizes Bislama as a national language; it is widely used throughout
the country in spoken and written form.

II: RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

Gender, Kastom and Domestic Violence researches the historical trend, extent and
impact of domestic violence in Vanuatu. It looks at the factors within the kastoms and
culture of Vanuatu, the influences of religion, education and modernization that
perpetuate domestic violence. The research is the joint initiative of the Department of
Womens Affairs (DWA) and CUSO Vanuatu, (a Canadian Voluntary Organization
based in Vanuatu) based on the Department of Womens Affairs Violence against
Women in Vanuatu policy paper (Appendix 1) and CUSO Vanuatus concept paper
(Appendix 2) concerning the relationship between kastom, gender and violence. The
objectives were to:

Broad Objective;
To conduct a research into the historical trends, extent and impacts of
domestic violence to be used to facilitate discussion with government and
community leaders on current policies regarding domestic violence.
Specific Objectives;
o To identify the gender roles of males and females in traditional Vanuatu
society compared to the current day roles and identify the changes.
o To assess the impact of attitudes of kastom on domestic violence;
o To provide some information/statistics on the prevalence of the different
types of domestic violence affecting families.

The purpose of the research was to explore the role of both kastom and outside
contact on the marginalization of women and the relationship to violence and abuse
of women in Vanuatu society in order to understand the situation. The research also
considers the marginalization of women and the relationship to violence and abuse
against women in Vanuatu society.
The research was a qualitative study, interviewing 101 community leaders (Chiefs,
Pastors, Elders, Women Leaders, police officers, health workers) youth and
individuals. It explored the attitudes of kastom and its relation to domestic violence.
A questionnaire-based survey of 743 people in the rural and urban areas was
conducted to identify the prevalence and extent of domestic violence and the
preferred method of support system. The methodology, questionnaire and interview
guide were developed by the two local researchers.
The long term overall objective of the Vanuatu research, in the larger context, the
research was aimed:

Increasing the understanding of influence of custom and outside contact on

women and their roles in a Melanesian society;
Increase knowledge of gender equity in the Vanuatu society.

The research focused on a participatory process. Two ni-Vanuatu women visited

and talked with Chiefs, Pastors, elders, traditional historians, women leaders and
community leaders in five out of the six provinces and the two municipalities in
Vanuatu. Data was collected through an interactive interview process emphasizing
on story-telling and oral history. A questionnaire-based survey was carried out to
quantify some of the various types of violence and abuses that women faced. The
data collected was analyzed and presented in the report.

CONSULTATION AREA:
Vanuatu is divided into six provinces, TORBA, PENAMA, SANMA, MALAMPA,
SHEFA and TAFEA. For the purposes of the research, it was decided that due to
financial constraints, only the 5 main islands are visited for consultation. TAFEA
province was not visited, but 100 questionnaire forms were given to women leaders
to circulate, complete and return to Port Vila and representatives of TAFEA
communities in Vila were consulted. The areas and nearby villages of the provinces
visited were as follows:

Table 2: Consultation Areas

Province:
TORBA
PENAMA
SANMA

Island:
Vanualava; Motalava
(Banks Group)
Ambae
Santo

MALAMPA
SHEFA

Malekula
Efate

TAFEA

(Not visited)

Villages:
Sola, Sisihol, Mosina, Vetiboso, Singerlap, Ra
Nduindui, Apopo, Vuinangwangwe, Vatuanga
Luganville
(Met with people from Tutuba, Malo, South Santo, East Santo, Big
Bay, Sanma Council of Women, Youth Group, Sanma counseling
Center, Flower Association)
Norsup, Lakatoro, Wowo, Laravat, Lambubu, Uripiv
Port Vila
(Met with people from Epi, North Efate, Mele, Pango, Nguna, Emae)
Met with representatives from Tanna, Futuna and Aneitym who are
living in Vila

THE QUALITATIVE STUDY:

To explore the traditional gender roles of men and women, and the changes that
have occurred, the chiefs and community leaders and elders were approached with
the aim to talking to at least four per village visited. Key informants, nurses, health
workers, teachers and police officers were also approached. Each consultation visit
lasted two weeks.
The total number of people interviewed was 101.

Table 3: Informants interviewed

Informants:
Chiefs
Church Leaders
Community Leaders
Women Leaders
Key Informants
Total:

Vila
9
5
3
15
5
37

Malekula
4
6
1
4
2
17

Ambae
3
1
0
2
1
7

Banks
1
1
2
6
1
11

Santo
4
7
11
5
2
29

THE SURVEY:
The UN Declaration on the Elimination of Violence Against Women in 1993 defines
violence against women as any act of gender-based violence that results in physical,
sexual or psychological harm or suffering to women including threats or such acts as
coercion or arbitrary deprivation of liberty whether occurring in public or private life
Following this, a questionnaire was designed which aimed at identifying the extent of
each of the types of violence and the frequency of occurrence. (Appendix 3)

Sampling procedure:
It was decided that due to financial constraints, only the main islands of a province
will be visited, namely: Vanualava (TORBA), Ambae (PENAMA), Santo (SANMA),
Malekula (MALAMPA) and Efate (SHEFA). It was calculated that, we would only
manage to see 5% of the 15yrs+ population of that island, thus calculated the
number of forms accordingly:

Table 4: Total Number of Survey Forms

Province:

Island:

Total Population:

MALAMPA
Malekula
PENAMA
Ambae
SHEFA
Efate
TORBA
Vanualava
SANMA
Santo
TAFEA*
Tanna
Total forms:
Total forms returned :
Total forms rejected:
Total forms left:
Total forms not returned:

Population
15yrs+:

18984
9418
12772
1933
20162
25840

5% of 15+
population:
10832
5347
7939
1026
11492
14066

542
267
400
51
547
703
2510
722
15
180
1593

* not visited but the forms were sent to Tanna

Target population:
It was decided that the forms would be filled out by both men and women of 15yrs of
age and above, single, de-facto, married, separated, divorced or widowed. A total of
722 (428 females & 294 males) forms were returned.

Table 5: Respondents per province:

Province:
MALAMPA
PENAMA
SHEFA
TORBA
SANMA
TAFEA
Total:

Urban*:

Rural:
86
91
119
18
31
50
395

115
67
32
87
22
4
327

* People from the different provinces living in Port Vila/Luganville

Table 6: Age groups of respondents:

Province
(Urban & Rural)
MALAMPA
PENAMA
SANMA
SHEFA
TORBA
TAFEA
TOTAL

Age Groups:
15-24
57
27
4
32
25
6
151

25-34
59
54
15
42
29
23
222

35-44
49
39
23
41
27
19
198

45-54
27
23
9
22
15
6
102

TOTAL
55-64
7
12
2
10
8
0
39

65+
2
1
0
4
1
0
8

No
ansa
0
2
0
0
0
0
2

201
158
53
151
105
54
722

Graph 1: Respondents per province

Respondents per sex and province

number

150
100
50
0
Females
Males

MALA PENA SHEF TAFE TORB SANM

129

102

66

27

66

38

72

56

85

27

39

15

province

Graph 2: Pie Chart showing Marital Status of Respondents:

Marital Status of respondants

40 10 18 7

112
121

414

Single

De-facto

Married

Divorced

Widowed

No answer

Separated

10

III: BACKGROUND OF RESEARCH

Currently in Vanuatu, there is a significant marginalization of women from pertinent
discussions and decisions on areas of social and economic development,
governance and human rights at community and national levels. It is not uncommon
to observe at public discussions focused on these issues the under-representation of
women and the effective silencing of womens inputs and opinions. The
marginalization appears to have been accompanied by an increase in social
problems that directly impact on women. Violence and abuse of women are one of
the significant social problems encountered in Vanuatu. A number of organizations
in Vanuatu have recognized and subsequently taken on the addressing of these
issues. The move to ensure a quick and effective response from institutions such as
the police to domestic violence complaints, the chiefs, the Churches, for instance is
still unsatisfactory. There is a necessity for the formulation and implementation of a
much needed policy to not only protect women, but to ensure their increased
participation in decision making in provincial, national and international levels.
When issues of gender and the problems faced by women are raised in public
debate in Vanuatu, the usual response is that womens role is based on kastom. In
other words, that is the way it is, that kastom has dictated that men are the decision
makers and women play a supportive or submissive role. This is often cited as the
reason why women are not only involved in decision-making but also not have a
significant voice in the governance of their society. Because there is no mechanism
to voice out womens concerns, particularly domestic violence against women, it is at
times excused or hidden behind the cloak of kastom.
However, questions have been raised about this rationale. As traditional practices in
Vanuatu society are further acknowledged and explored, there are a number of
apparent inconsistencies highlighted, for example; traditionally, in most islands of
Vanuatu, women, like men had their own ranking systems that gave them status.
Womens opinion and views influenced and shaped decisions in the community and
domestic responsibilities were shared. In traditional society, the roles of men and
women were complimentary. Between those practices and the current situation, there
have been a lot of changes, therefore, it is important to critically examine the
traditional Vanuatu Kastom and Cultures versus the contemporary Vanuatu kastom
and cultures and reflect on certain issues regarding current day womens lives.
Some factors discovered question the male dominance in the society and that
adversely reflect womens traditional roles include:
Vanuatu is a communal society in which family members, villages and
communities work together to achieve individual and communal goals.
Consensus, rather than confrontation, is the preferred method of resolution of
conflict.
Social and cultural practices are ruled by custom and the extended family
forms the basic social unit. All members of the family are expected to assist
one another and to provide their own social security net.
Motherhood is held in high regard and children of high value. They are
expected to provide security to their parents in old age and fulfill community
obligations through marriage and transfer of land from one generation to
another.
Women are considered the backbone of Vanuatu society as they perform the
roles of child-bearing, teaching and providing care for the children; gardening,
gathering and preparing food; sewing, weaving, washing clothes and
household items; caring for the sick and elderly; and other tasks required by
the family and the community.

11

In considering the important roles of women in rural community life, it is vital to

understand that violence against women is an act that is not integral to traditional
Vanuatu culture.
Though some men claimed that wife beating is kastom, the
research found no evidence to support this theory. Rather what was discovered was
that kastom abhors violence, and that culprits are severely punished.
Thus, questions about the origin and/or acceptance of violence are continually
raised. Increasingly, womens organizations and social historians interested in the
roles of women in traditional Vanuatu have begun studies and researches into this
issue. Questions and arguments are raised to discover the trends and impact of first
contact, colonization and of modernity on the social-economic structures, roles and
responsibilities of the Vanuatu traditional and contemporary society. With the vast
amount of outside influence on Vanuatu in a relatively short period in its history, and
the subsequent shift from a subsistence lifestyle, communal land ownership, formal
education and governance, creates a further adverse impact the marginalization and
mistreatment of women.
The researchers examined a variety of cultural and social research that have
explored and analyzed role of custom and gender. It was discovered that a systemic
research project across Vanuatu that would explore the influence of foreign contact,
influence and modernity on violence and discrimination against women had not been
conducted. Thus through collaboration with of DWA and CUSO, the work began and
a research methodology was developed by the two Ni-Vanuatu women, to explore
the following focal points:

What are the traditional gender roles of men and women in

Vanuatu compared with current day practices?
What are the trends?
What is the extent?
What are the changes?
What factors affect the changes and
What are the impacts?

12

IV: LITERARY REVIEW

The government of Vanuatu through its involvement in the World Conferences on
Women (Mexico City 1975; Copenhagen; Nairobi; Beijing 1995) recognizes the
importance of addressing womens issues. In 1995 it ratified the Convention on the
Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW). In keeping with
the states obligation to address womens issues, the Department of Womens Affairs
drafted a Violence Against Women in Vanuatu Policy Paper in 2002. The purpose of
the policy was to reduce and eventually eliminate violence against women, to protect
women who have experience violence and to ensure that perpetrators of violence are
held accountable (DWA VAW Policy Paper 2002; 2). The NGO sector, particularly
the Vanuatu Womens Center (VWC) has done extensive work over its ten years of
existence to raise awareness on womens issues, provide services for victims of
domestic violence and advocacy.
However, when both government and NGO bring issues of gender into public debate,
the response is often that womens role and place in society is defined by kastom.
This has become the explanation and reason for current day marginalization of
women. This was seen in a news article carried by the Daily Post of 23rd April 2004
where the former Head of State commented that according to Vanuatu custom,
women were not to enter into politics or decision making bodies. Quoting the bible,
he said that these were places reserved only for men. Contrary to that, Chief Bong
from North Ambrym , after attending a training workshop with VWC commented in
the VWC newsletter of June 2004 that fasin blong vaelens o faetem woman mo
repem woman hemi no fasin blong kastom. Ol man we oli usum toktok ia se hemi
kastom, hemi no tru (violence, fighting a woman or raping a woman is not kastom.
This claim is not true; VWC June 2004).
In her book Unfolding the Moon, Lissant Bolton described an incident where Aviu
Koli, a male field worker, had challenged the late Grace Molisa arguing that women
have no right to go into dancing grounds or mens houses and that therefore women
should not be involved in kastom. He assumed that if women are to become involved
in kastom, then they must enter these male public spaces, and he argued that this
would be inappropriate. She went on to say that Koli later approached Molisa
privately to say that he had made the protest only to represent the standard male
viewpoint on the issue, that in fact he himself did not accept that argument (Molisa
pers. Comm. 1992 quoted in Unfolding the Moon, p64). These mixed views have
raised questions into what is true kastom and what does it really say about women
and their place in Vanuatu.
The Melanesian Trust produced a short paper in 1999 titled Women & Men which
questioned if men were different to women. It seemed that many Melanesian men
think that men are better than women. The paper concluded that men and women
were in fact the same. Both can feel the emotions of sadness and jealousy, pain and
fatigue. The only difference they identified was men had greater strength to fight and
protect themselves and their families, and the power to control and beat up their
wives. They argued that in traditional Melanesian society, women were not looked
down on or treated with so little respect like they are today. In custom times men had
their own houses and gardens; women too had their own houses and gardens. The
men looked after the boys and the women looked after the girls. It was further
argued that it was the white-man came to Melanesia with their education, religion,
employment and ideologies that changed the cultures of Melanesia. They took away
the traditional work of men and women, labeling the women beasts of burden and
tried to make the men believe that they were better than women. The power of

13

Melanesians comes from their strong communities. If the men put themselves above
women and above other men in the community, the community will breakdown.
Other ethnological literature has been written of Vanuatu cultures, notably several
papers by Margaret Jolly, Michael Allen, Lissant Bolton and William and Margaret
Rodman. Although these were studies of particular aspects of the Vanuatu society
like grade taking ceremonies or language or textiles, they have equally talked of the
men and women having important roles. However, there has not really been a study
into the impact of the changes of Vanuatu society and particularly how these may
lead to domestic violence. This research will hopefully be a start to that kind of
analysis.

14

WHAT ARE WOMEN?

By Queenie Kenneth

Women are not slaves

Women are not sexual objects
Women are not inferior
No segregation of women
No discrimination of women
No intimidation of women
Women, mothers of past, present, future
Love, affection, humbleness, respect, soft heart
Are womens characters
Women as beautiful partners of men
Are to be treated with love, care and respect.

(Who will carry the Bag: 30)

15

1. THE SOCIAL STRUCTURE

Before the islands became collectively known as New Hebrides (later Vanuatu), the
people of Vanuatu identified themselves to their particular island or area eg. Man
Tanna, man Santo etc. Furthermore, communities recognized themselves as
belonging to a nasara, the basic socio-political unit. This unit is governed by men
who have acquired their ranks either through the inherited chiefly system or the
grading ceremonies. Social relationships are formed that links everyone together and
each member knows their role.
The different roles and responsibilities are taught to the members of the community
when they are young. Again this is a communal effort. The boys are taught by the
men of the nasara and the girls by the women. These separate roles are best
compared to the structure of a house. The men are the framework, the structure the
defines what the house will look like, and the strength that holds it up, and defend it
from the elements, while the womens role explained like the furnishings, the meat
of the structure that define its function. Both, although different, are complimentary
and equally important. This connotation is reflected in all aspects of community life,
both domestic and public.
Vanuatu being a communal society, all the members are expected to work together
to achieve communal and individual goals (VG/Unicef 1998:4). This is achieved
through an exchange system where if you have given something to someone, they
feel obligated to give something back. They will either give you more or less, so there
is a bit of debt. These exchanges happen throughout the life events of the community
members, at a wedding, the birth of the first child, when a female child starting her
monthly periods, when the boys get circumcised, when they first shave or cut their
hair, in the event of a funeral or in grade taking ceremonies. This is important
because these exchanges form a complex network that holds the community
together.

Values & Respect

A very important concept of Vanuatu culture is Respect. Lissant Bolton1, in a
presentation on Gender Development (Tues 23rd March, 12.00pm, VKS Conference
room), reported that when she did a survey with fieldworkers of about 46 languages,
she found that in every one of them, there is at least two words for respect. She
stated that each different word did not have the same meaning and there are several
meanings for different kinds of respect. Some of them mean to show respect, some
mean something more like love, and some describe the action that demonstrates
respect. All these concepts of respect are important. There is some form of respect
shown to practically everybody in different ways, according to who they are, what
their status is, and what their relationship is to that kin.
In the small scale societies of Vanuatu, as in any other indigenous culture,
everybody is basically related to one another. A woman walking down the road and
meets a man, he is never just a man. Hes is a father, a grandfather, an uncle, a
cousin, a son, and there are strict prescribed forms of behaviour for each of those
relationships. These vary from place to place. A West Ambae example is if youre a
woman and you meet a man down the road, if he is your grandfather, then you share
1

Lissant Bolton, an anthropologist who had done a lot of work in Vanuatus northern island of
Ambae, and with the Vanuatu Cultural Centre.

16

a joking relationship with him, if he is your brother, then you, out of respect, will stay
away from his path and not look directly at him or talk to him. (Bolton Gender
Development Presentation 23rd Mar. 2004, VKS).
In traditional society, women were highly regarded, and treated with respect. In most
islands of Vanuatu, women had their own grade taking ceremonies that gave them
status and recognition. They could organize parts of an event or ceremony in the
community, as a chief would. In places like North Ambrym and East Ambae, a man
cannot advance in his grade taking unless his wife also rises in her ranks. Women
had their work and men had theirs, women had their properties and possessions and
men had theirs. In traditional societies, men and women were relatively equal.

Evolution of Contemporary Vanuatu Society

The coming of traders and missionaries in the 18th century brought the islands into a
whole new era. Men were recruited or taken by force to work in the plantations in
Fiji, Australia (VKS 1996: 1) and later on, on Efate. New materials and equipment
were introduced, different foods, different clothes, different religious beliefs and
practices, different values and attitudes. There began the evolution of traditional and
cultural norms and values. Men were introduced to a different way of life, thus they
begin to migrate, leaving their wives, islands, and their traditional roles of provider
and protector was increasingly shifted to their wives. Gradually, women took over
some of the traditional mens roles of bush-clearing, yam planting and meeting family
obligations in the community. Women who were widowed, or whose husbands had
left them for one reason or another, had to work doubly hard to provide the basic
needs of their family.
Contemporary custom emerged and the role of women evolved. Other duties were
added onto womens work. In pre-colonial days, food was cooked and eaten on
leaves that were then thrown away. Mats and grass-skits did not need daily
laundering, water was only required for drinking. Women now have added duties
such as cleaning pots, plates, washing clothes and ironing, cleaning windows &
louvers, mopping floors, attending school and church activities and so forth. With all
these extra responsibilities, minimal support from their male partners, from the
modern Vanuatu women are practically enslaved, just as the men had been enslaved
by planters and black-birders in the 18th century. Contemporary custom has not
been favorable to the women of Vanuatu. It is rather more restrictive, coloured by
modes of contemporary and foreign culture, and Christian phenomena and serve to
downgrade womens role in the community, and ultimately in the nation.
The introduction of Christian religions, western norms, beliefs and standards has
slowly merged into the cultural and traditional systems of Vanuatu. It had, in some
respects brought a social revolution to the role of the chiefs (VAWG, 2001:2). When
Reverend Inglis was on Anietyum in 1852, he found the island operated on a
decentralized form of government which he described as an organized state with a
separate Chief for each district but with no paramount chief (Kaloran: 42). The
missionaries were averse to decentralized system of governance as they were
accustomed to a centralized government in their own home countries. Subtly and
indirectly, the missionaries redirected the form of government to a centralized
system. Though most customary practices are retained, not all kastoms are fully
intact. There appear to be a number of new and improvised customs and introduced
culture (Patterson 2001) that is practiced in the country.

17

Some good kastoms relating to and recognizing women are no longer practiced, e.g.
the ranking systems. Other customs have emerged in the social and political arena
relating to men that serve to promote and enhance mens status. For example, in
politics a man would perform a kastom ceremony of pig, kava and mat to switch
alliance in government, to obtain a ministerial portfolio, with the ruling party. During
his ministerial term, he may be given a chiefly title, when he visits a village/island
even if he is not a descendant of a chiefly clan, or follow in the graded chiefly rank
system. Having achieved the title, he would retain the chiefly rank for the rest of his
life, even when he is no longer in Parliament.

The Status of Women

In determining the status of women in Vanuatu cultural society, one would need to
consider each Province, and to some extent, some island separately. Though we
have heard often enough about kastom blong Vanuatu (Vanuatus custom) as
explained previously, no such thing exists in Vanuatu because of the diverse cultural
norms.
Vanuatu has a population of some 186,678 and over 100 languages, (excluding
dialects) many ethnic groups and hundreds of diverse traditional, customary and
cultural practices. Women go through the grading ceremonies in their own right in
some provinces such as the Shefa and Penama but not in others. In places such as
Malo, Paama, Ambrym, Malekula, Tanna, and Erromanga women may attain ranks
to correspond with their husbands graded ranks. (VKS 1998: 5-11) This practice is
no longer applied.
Though these women were not classified as chiefs, they were respected according to
their respective ranks, and these womens participatory role in community issues was
based on their rank. These traditional practices ceased to be practiced due to the
influence of male cognates and the learned conditioning from missionaries and other
foreign influences. Thus, it influences the status of contemporary custom pushing
women further away from the main decision-making bodies in the provincial and
national levels.
Although it is commonly stated that the man or father is the ultimate decision maker,
women did have an important role to play in the past which no longer exists. Some
people argue that the man is not the head of the household per se or the sole
decision-maker. The chief, they say, is the head of the clan and therefore the
ultimate decision maker. A man, his wife and children were under the authority of the
chief. According to Chiefs from Shefa, Sanma and Penama, immediate family
decisions in the past were shared and agreed on by both spouses, prior to
approaching the chief.
A wife had more flexibility, was more independent and lived a life that was not
entangled by her husband. This meant that she was at liberty to visit her maternal
families, go to the reef with friends without having to ask permission from the
husband each time she ventured out of the house. The responsibilities in the home
and village were more evenly shared than today. Therefore if the husband returned
and the wife was out, he would cook the dinner, rather than wait.
Many a wife in contemporary Vanuatu is treated as inferior and accountable to the
husband (SPC, 1988:4) in all spheres of life. Her kastom rights and Constitutional
rights under Art.5 are not usually recognized. The husband and community at large
compel her to live a stereo type existence, which is solely for the benefit and the
procreation of the tribe. In her writings the late Grace Molisa summarized womens
lives as such:

18

In traditional society women carry the world on their shoulders

Mothers, teachers, growers, breeders, gathers, weavers, they
Carry out 1001 onerous tasks which facilitates the functioning of
A social system. Expected to be industrious, obedient, loyal,
Submissive, their investment in life and the future is having children
Raising a family, and striving to give them a reasonable standard
Of welfare and prosperity. Constantly burdened, each women hopes
To create the best that is possible for her own social unit.

(G. Molisa, 1980, quoted in Van.Gov, 2004:14)

Molisa expressed her opinion on what she termed traditional Vanuatu society,
where women took on the whole burden of the family and the society. The onus of a
good and prosperous family tended to rest heavily on the female. Molisa claimed
domestic chores and raising of children was the role of women in traditional society,
and decision making was a mans job. However, it was found through this research
that this was rather different. What Molisa described was modern Vanuatu practices.
Chiefs maintained there is greater equity in gender roles and responsibilities in the
olden days. Christian philosophy and teaching coupled with other foreign ideologies
have influenced the community in a way that kastom relating to women achieving
status changed. Some form of restructuring was undergone following the new
religious norms where only men could be pastors, priests, elders. The kastoms that
were usually performed for women to achieve status and recognition were
abandoned.

Women and Property

Prior to the coming of Europeans and introduction of Christianity, most women of
Vanuatu had their own possessions. Women in matrilineal Vanuatu societies owned
land, which they inherited from their mothers and they in turn would pass on to their
daughters.
Women in patrilineal societies did not own land; as land was passed on to the male
heir. However, women had access to fathers land for the rest of their lives, where
they could grow food crops. Hence these women were rich in food crops and other
commodities. Women grew pandanus for weaving mats and baskets, made grassskirts, beads, raised pigs and chickens. These crops, animals and other womens
wealth were essential ingredients for the mens Hungwe and Namagi grading
ceremonies.
In some parts of Sanma, a wife was entitled to a house of her own, apart from the
marital home. She was at liberty to store her treasures where she had access to
them.
With the arrival of missionaries, these practices were abandoned. The women were
no longer at liberty to work in their gardens, feed the animals, weave, pursued other
interests such as tattooing, and go fishing any time they wished. They had to
observe the Sabbath or Sunday. The missionaries and other foreigners did not
consider it as appropriate for women to do certain things that women of their
countries did not do. For example, going fishing and building house with the men.
Slowly but surely, gender roles began to change and women stay home while men
go out to work to earn money.
A married woman in contemporary Vanuatu cannot accumulate personal wealth
because it is considered that anything she has is to be jointly owned with her
husband. In fact, what she owned prior to marriage is taken over by the husband

19

upon marriage and he is in charge of all their properties. Women lose the traditional
right to own personal wealth because it is considered un-Christian. Some had lost
the right to the use of their fathers land too, in some areas, because of the economy
aspect of land and bride price.
In the Matrimonial Causes Act CAP 192, there is provision for divorce but no
provision was made for the distribution of property if a couple decides to end the
marriage.
If and when there is a divorce and matrimonial property requires
distribution, Vanuatu would resort to Common Law that is not always be satisfactory
to the women because the judges are always men. In some cases, women leave the
marital home empty handed. They lose access to the husbands land and use of
their paternal family land. Because of lack of confidence, finance and general
ignorance of the law, women do not fight for their rights. But an interesting episode
was in the case of Crero Toto and his siblings and the Champagne Beach in Sanma.
The sister and her son wanted a share of the money gained from the Champagne
Beach, a tourist resort. The brother argued his rights as per Article 73 of the
Constitution which states: All land in the Republic of Vanuatu belongs to the
indigenous custom owners and their descendants. Article 74 continued to say that
the rules of custom shall form the basis of ownership and use of land. Being a
patrilineal society, it meant that the land belonged to the male descendant and his
sons. Toto maintained also that his sister was already married and was part of her
husbands clan. Therefore, according to Toto, his sister had no further claim on
fathers land which was also contrary to kastom. The sister took the case to court
and won through Article 1 of the CEDAW on the basis of discrimination. This was a
unique case in the history of Vanuatu where a female took a case on land through
the legal system (CEDAW) and succeeded.

Definition of custom
It is important to consider the word custom before continuing further and attempt to
differentiate between traditional kastom and contemporary custom in Vanuatu.
Missionaries used the word custom sometimes in the late sixties to early seventies
in reference to traditional cultures as a contrast to the new introduced culture.
(Hence the word custom is used to mean a habit, a way of life and secondly kastom
to mean traditional practices such as dances and rituals.) (VCCM)
Bolton stated that custom or kastom is a cognate term for culture in Bislama,
Vanuatus lingua franca (Bolton 93:6) and is a word that comes from outside of
Vanuatu (Bolton: 159). Kastom is used to refer to the ways of life, the knowledge
and practice that NI-Vanuatu understand to be authentically their own, deriving from
their pre-colonial past and from their place (Bolton 93: 6). Culture is not static. It
is forever evolving and what was acceptable a hundred years ago may not be so
today and neither will it be a hundred years from now. There are things associated
with rituals practiced today that are said to be custom but yet do not belong to the
particular place or island. For instance, in a circumcision ceremony for two boys in
2003 in Shefa, their maternal uncle demanded custom from the boys father. He
asked for kava, whiskey and rice on circumcision day, plus food and kava every day
during the time the boys were in his care. Lastly, he requested rice, a bullock, cash
and kava when they came out of his care. None of the articles requested were
traditionally from Paama, such as rice, bullock and even kava. The concept of
kastom was distorted and mixed with foreign articles to fit the circumstances.

20

Gender
Whenever people in Vanuatu encounter the word gender, they automatically
associate it with women. Gender is not exclusively women or about women.
Gender refers to womens and mens roles and responsibilities in a society that are
socially determined and constructed. Gender is the socially constructed roles
between men and women. It is the characteristics of femininity and masculinity.
(RRRT: 17.) Gender is learned behavior about what is right, normal and proper for
women and men and may differ between cultures and within cultures.
In the past it was said that what individuals are not born with is changeable. In this
country today, the society demands certain types of behaviour and respect from
women from a pre-contact perspective. However, what had been the usual learned
gender attitude and behaviour of the eighteenth century is no longer fully applicable.
Men today are wearing earrings, plait their hair, paint their nails, and care for the
children while the wife goes to work. Some women are masculine and some men
are feminine. Whether they are brought up or taught differently by society has yet to
be defined.
Gender is related to how we are perceived and expected to think and act as women
and men because of the way our particular society is organized, not because of our
biological differences. Gender relations in any society are always changing. Gender
roles are dynamic. It is up to women and men together to make changes for the
better, so that women and men enjoy their full human rights, (RRRT, 2004).
Sex, however, refers to the biological differences between male and female. For
example, only men can supply sperms, and only women give birth to children. These
are biological roles so therefore cannot be changed.
Figure 1: Traditional Gender Roles

Female sex roles:

Child bearing
Breastfeeding
Menstruation

Gender roles:
Child rearing
Cooking
Sweeping,
washing &
cleaning
Gardening &
Fishing
Decision making

Male sex roles:

Grow beards
Produce sperm
Greater physical
strength

21

Figure 2: Contemporary Gender Roles

Female sex roles:

Child bearing
Breastfeeding
Menstruation

Gender roles:
Child rearing
Cooking
Sweeping,
washing &
cleaning
Gardening &
Fishing
Decision making

Male sex roles:

Grow beards
Produce sperm
Greater physical
strength

The gender roles of men, women and children have undergone a tremendous
change from what it was in the past to what it is today. What used to be shared roles
and responsibilities of both men and women have become the role of women alone.
This has become the grounds for violence against women in Vanuatu.

22

2. Religion
Traditionally, religion played a very essential role in the life of a community, before
the introduction of Christianity and various islands and provinces had their own
pagan gods. For example, there was Quat in Torba province, Takaro in Penama
province, Tokotaitai on Malo, Majikjiki on Futuna, Karis in the Shepherds and Tavir in
Malekula. These gods were believed to bring blessings and good fortune to the
people and of course were the keys to heaven, the everlasting home. There were
demigods and sorcerers that bring sickness and misfortune, but these could be
appeased and conquered by good deeds and forms of sacrifices to the good gods.
Though missionaries have done their best to convert the natives from these beliefs,
nevertheless some aspects of these conventional beliefs still remain.
In the 1800s missionaries started arriving and preaching about Christianity. One of
the first known missionaries to Vanuatu was Reverend John Geddie who was
resident on Aneityum from 1848 to 1872 (Jolly 30). The aim of the missionaries in
those early days was converting indigenous people to Christianity (Kaloran: 42).
Rev. Geddie stated that the chiefs were opposed to Christianity, because a chief had
to renounce his claims to other supernatural powers should he embraced
Christianity, as well as diminished his influence over the people. With the significant
influence of missionaries over the past 200 years, Vanuatu has become
predominantly a Christian country; with 91 percent of the population practicing
Christianity and The rest is under John Frum, a cargo cult originating in the early
1940s, Kastom (those remaining with their pagan gods) Muslim or other. Some of
the teachings of the missionaries brought about positive results such as an end to
cannibalism, and tribal wars. However, historical evidence suggests a gradual
tendency among Christian institutions over time to establish practices and support
attitudes that impeded the development of womens potential. (Bahai International
Community 1995 in Vanuatu government 2004:8).
In the process of the missionaries introducing and teaching about Christianity and
westernized cultural system and beliefs, they were eradicating Vanuatu culture.
(Pastor Rakau, PCV, on RTBV: 10/04/04). This has succeeded to some extent in
some areas of the country where indigenous customs and Vanuatus traditional
heritage have almost been eradicated.
The conventional sharing of responsibility was diminishing but now there were mens
and womens work and division of labour was immerging. For example, missionarys
wives taught only women and girls to cook sew and do other domestic chores. The
men were taught reading and interpreting the holy book, carpentry and so forth. The
women no longer took part, for example, in building a house, the men started moving
away from food preparation and cooking, caring for the children and other shared
duties. The attitudes of the men who were professed Christians towards their wives,
the chiefs and their traditional beliefs were distorted.

23

3. EDUCATION
As far as I am aware, Vanuatus communities lack a definition for the word
education. This may be due to the lack of distinction that our communities make
between educating and life to us, life is education. This is because the learning that
takes place in our traditional Vanuatu communities is appropriate for survival in those
communities (Rethinking Vanuatu Education Together, Ministry of Education
2004;26)
In traditional Vanuatu society, the community established the process of educating its
young people. Each member of society had specific tasks to perform to prepare the
young for the life they would live. The older members taught the young the
relationships between members of the community, how to address each one, the
respect due to them and how to show this and the use and management of the
environment.
The first few years of education of children were a mothers responsibility. In the
latter years, the community takes over this role. The boys education is taken by the
father, uncle, grandfather and the men and the girls, by the women.
The men taught the boy mens arts and crafts, fishing, hunting, canoe making, house
building, songs and dances, traditional music, protection of the tribe, tribal warfare
tactics. The boy was taught how to plant crops, his duties in the vale (meeting
house at the nasara) and his responsibilities as a member of the community. The
grandfather and maternal uncle taught him his roles as a husband, father, and
medicinal herbs for curing different forms of ailments. He was also instructed on how
to address various members of the extended family and his obligations to his sisters
and their children.
The women teach the girls the arts of weaving, dying, tattooing, gardening, cooking,
songs, dances, grooming and cleanliness. Girls learned how to care for babies at a
very young age when they helped their mothers look after their siblings. A mother
and newborn child were normally housed in a separate dwelling with other women to
take care of her and her child for about three months before the woman would return
to her own house and her husband. Young girls also helped in this work with
fetching water, cleaning round the compound and cooking. In their participation in
these duties, the girls were taught their roles and responsibilities and what is
expected of them as women. In the home, children were groomed on village ethics,
their roles and responsibilities in the community. The childrens whole sphere of
education is kastom
Formal education was introduced by the missionaries in the 1800s. The men were
taught to read the bible and write, the aim being for the men to help the missionaries
to spread the gospel. After this, the more structured systems were set by up the
French and British Governments.
With the introduction of skul, or formal education, children spend the whole day in
the classroom and no longer take part in the day to day activities of village and
communal life. Children enter the formal education system at age 6. They are taken
away from their communities and are taught in a foreign language, learning subjects
that are mostly not appropriate for the rural communities. Children are also taught to
read a write, which is foreign to their oral teachings of the past.

24

In a book produced by the Ministry of Education called Rethinking Education in

Vanuatu (2004), John Niroa presents his own analysis of education in Vanuatu that
the schooling system detaches the ni-Vanuatu from their own training that prepares
them for life. It has diverted the perspectives of ni-Vanuatu from their core values,
attitudes, knowledge, and wisdom and marginalizing the local forms of education.
The focus has become the individual achievements. At the end, as well as having
those that have succeeded, it also produces a lot of failures and drop-outs, which is
a concept that was not in the traditional education pattern. There is now a big move
within the Ministry of Education in the country to re-look the education to become
more holistic.

25

4. LEADERSHIP
Traditionally, there are two main systems of acquiring a high rank or status. Firstly
there is the hereditary chiefly system. In the pre-European era, traditional hereditary
chiefs only existed in Big Nambas, Malekula, Emae and Efate in Shefa, and
Erromanga in Tafea (VCCM). The hereditary system meant that only the first-born
son of a chief would become a chief.
The second way to achieving a high rank or status for men is through personal
achievements by influencing the social and economic structures of the community. A
mans rank was not determined by hereditary succession, but by virtue of the
resources and influence at his disposal. (Allen 1969: 89) For instance, the hungwe
system in Ambae requires a man to go through 10 different stages in pig killing to
achieve a high rank. It is based on personal achievements and accumulated
wealth. (PW: 80) When he reached the 10th stage of Hakwa Vira, this title enables
him to be known as a big man, or a hungwe in the Ambae context. He would be
given a name, at the various levels on his way up, but the most important would be
the final one. However, this would only be a personal achievement and would not
grant him automatic rights over the people of the village or their lands.
A hereditary chief and a big man in a hierarchical society do not necessarily
command the same authority. The chief receives his authority through hereditary
chiefly principles and the big man must earn it through the grading rites, good deeds
and good leadership in the community. The differentiation of their status was based
on the fact that the chief had control of the tribal land and people and the big man
(hungwe) had uplifted his status in the community, a personal achievement. The
hungwe earned his right to sit in the vale with other high-ranking men but he had no
authority over the villagers tribal land or the village as a whole. However, he may
be elected as the chief, if he proved himself in to be a good and just leader.
The chiefly systems faced great evolution and challenges in the mid sixties during the
Condominium era. After the Advisory Councils were introduced, some chiefs were
appointed by the Condominium Administration to carry out specific duties for the
Advisory Council. Some of these chiefs would not have had this opportunity in the
normal ordination of a chief. However, they obtain the rank of chief through the
condominium administrative system. Hence, presently in Vanuatu there are many
appointed chiefs that would not have been eligible to be chiefs in the actual Vanuatu
traditional chiefly system of either the North or South. According to a Malampa
source, there are many alterations to these chiefly systems today. Many chiefs are
being appointed or elected either through the government administration, the political
parties, and the church, are all foreign concepts. He stated that in the pre-colonial
era, the concept of a Centralized chiefly organization such as the Malvatumauri did
not exist. Every village or area in the country had its own chief. This concept of
decentralized governance was found on Aneityum by Rev. Inglis in the 1800s.
Consequently, many new customs have been invented and introduced into the
existing systems. A Shefa chief observed that generally, chiefs who are not the
blood-line of chiefs could be easily identified through their lack of knowledge of
cultural issues because they were not brought up in the real traditional cultures. At
times there is confusion and conflict in the community and the nation, because of
these practices. The chief cited the examples of the conflict in Erakors and Erataps
chiefly titles that had to be taken to Court to decide.

26

In Vanuatu today, almost every village has its own chief. The chief has overall
authority of the social and political affairs of the village. Under the chief, there would
be a pastor or elder, responsible for religious issues, teachers, women and youth
leaders. The villagers are expected to assist the chief in his garden and other tasks
he may require them to do. The villagers are also expected to give some assistance
to the church leader and the teachers. In retrospect, people would go to the chief for
advice and assistance on problems they may have, or the pastor for spiritual
guidance.

Women and Leadership

In the past, people all over the Vanuatu lived according to their own traditional and
cultural beliefs created and passed on through the generations by word of mouth and
action. Women participated in the socio-economic and political development of the
community in their capacity as women, whether they were leaders or housewives.
There were women chiefs in Nguna (Facey E.1988 sighted in DP#1151:5) Lelepa, in
Shefa, Futuna in Tafea and Penama. There are no female chiefs in Shefa and
Futuna today, but in Penama, there is Hilda Lini whose chiefly title is Motarilavua.
Just as men go through various ceremonies to obtain status/rank, women in precolonial Vanuatu had their own ranking system also, exercised by women only. In
some islands such as Ambae and Ambrym a man could not succeed through all the
various grading ceremonies without wife attaining an equivalent rank. (Bolton, RTBV,
22/05/04). These kastoms had to be abandoned after the arrival of missionaries as
they were considered un-christian by the missionaries.
Economically, women accumulated their own wealth with which they could barter for
their own needs. These were in the form of necklaces, beads, shells, bracelets,
grass-skirts, mats, baskets, wigs, and dyes. Husbands in their quest for prestige and
power used their wives wealth. In this setting, women in traditional Vanuatu have an
important part to play. In most islands of Vanuatu, especially in northern and central
islands, women fieldworkers from the Vanuatu Cultural Center described the ranking
systems of women in their respective islands (Wokshop blong ol Woman Filwoka
RANK; 1997). These were descriptions of practices in some islands of Vanuatu that
gave status to women. Women who achieve these ranks gained respect form both
the men and the women in the community, as described by Danny Freza of Uripiv
Island in Malekula, taem wan women i kasem rank blong leleg (the final grade), ol
man oli rispektem hem from hem i wan hae women. Hemi kat raet blong oganaesen
eni samtiing wetem evri woman. Sipos i kat wan seremoni, hemi save lukluk long ol
woman ia blong givhan long olgeta taem oli sot long wan santing. I semak tu long
wan Jif. Taem wan man i wantem mekem seremoni, afta hemi sot long wan samting,
oli go luk hem blong hemi i givim long olgeta. Woman ia i save oganaesem wan
miting olsem we Jif i stap oganaesem.(when a woman reaches the rank of leleg,
people respect her because she is a high woman. She has the right to organize
anything with the women. if there is a ceremony, she will see to it that the women are
not in short supply of anything. Thats the same as the Chief. When people want to
make a ceremony and they are short of something, they will go and see the chief,
and he will get it for them. She can also organize a meeting like the chief.
Despite the fact that in the past, women can gain status and become leaders, women
today continue to struggle to enter into any leadership position. It was only in recent
years that men began recognize womens contribution to the socio-economic
development process of Vanuatu and attempted to incorporate women issues and
concerns into the governments corporate plans. The Vanuatu National Council of
women was established in 1980 and the Vanuatu Womens Center in 1992. The

27

CEDAW was ratified focusing on womens human rights. Through these

mechanisms, women began to be visible again.
In 24 years of independence (1980-2004), only four (4) women managed to secure a
seat in parliament. Mrs. Maria Crowby was the first female MP in the Government of
National Unity, under the banner of the Union of Moderate Party. Her term was very
brief and she did not secure a ministerial portfolio. In 1992, Vanuatu made history in
appointing the first female MP, Hilda Lini, as Minister for Health. She was ousted
from the post after only three months in post. Although Hilda Lini served two terms
in parliament, she was allocated a ministerial portfolio only once. It was difficult for
women to break through the invisible barrier that disbarred women from the
mainstream decision making bodies. After the 1998 elections where six women
contested and none was elected, two women, one each from Shefa and Penama
established their own political parties in their own provinces. Isabel Donald was
elected in May 2002, under the Vanua-aku Party banner and served 2 years before
Parliament was dissolved in May 2004. She was not allocated a ministerial post. On
6th July 2004, Isabel Donald contested again under the Vanua-aku Party and
regained her seat. Leinavao Tasso also contested as an independent candidate in
the same constituency and was elected. It was a great achievement for Vanuatu, not
only having two female MPs for the first time in 24 years, but for two women
contesting in the same constituency and beating all the men. It proves that men are
recognizing and electing women into decision making bodies. Below is a brief history
of womens participation in decision making bodies in Vanuatu:

Table 7: Members of Parliament by Sex

Years
1980-1984
1985-1987
1988-1991
1992*1995*1998
*2002
*2004

Male
46
46
45
45

Female
0
0
1
1

Total
46
46
46
46

52
51
50

0
1
2

52
52
52

Source: Vanuatu Parliament Office except

Table 8: Womens Participation 1980-1998

Position:
Ombudsman
Government Minister
Elected members of Parliament (46 )
Political Secretary
Director
Deputy Director
Lawyer
Public Prosecutor
Registrar of Courts
Airline Pilot
Nurses & Nurse Practitioners
Teachers
Mayor
Deputy Mayor

Number:
1
1
2
8
4
1
4
1
1
1
450
90
1
1

28

Elected Councilors
Nominated councilors
Elected Municipal councilors
Police Officers
Paramilitary force officers
Church ministers

4
20
5
24
3
3

Source: Report on Vanuatu Women 1995:12

As depicted from Tables 7, only five women have been elected into parliament over
the last 24 years. There was one female MP in 1988, one in 2002 and two in 2004.
In comparison, the 1995 figures of Table 8 shows a very high proportion in the
traditional sectors of teaching and nursing. This trend has not changed much today,
where women can be found mainly in the lower positions. Women are aware that
kastom does not stop them from entering politics (Strachen & Dalesa 2003:26). The
ultimate obstacle is convincing men and women to consider alternative means for
governance.
A highly placed Port Vila chief and former president of the Republic of Vanuatu
stated in the Daily Post of 23rd April 2004 that it was against Vanuatu kastom for
women to vie for president. The Chief sited Biblical scriptures to support his opinion
that only men should hold this prestigious position by saying that God created man
first and a woman from a mans rib. The chief felt that was sufficient justification for
men alone to contest the presidential elections in Vanuatu. A letter by a male to the
Editor in the Daily Post Issue# 1151 of 29th April 2004 argued the claims of the
former Head of State:
Dear Editor,
Further to Chief Lenelgau's view that women should be barred from holding the Presidents position, on the
grounds that in custom women cannot be chiefs, may I point out in support of women in Vanuatu - that Chief
Lenelgau's appreciation of Vanuatus chiefly system as a monolithic custom (same in the past, present and
future) is quite mistaken. There is, for example the historically well-attested case of a female chief on Nguna:
her name was Leiameara and her chiefly title was Mariameara (Facey: 1988). Vanuatu is also well known for
its traditional matrilineal (via mother) descent lines (until they were transplanted by the European dominant
model, i.e. descent via the father). Custom and tradition are artifacts of the human imagination and re-invented
in each generation, especially in oral traditions. In the literal age where custom and tradition is written down
we do not accept what is written down either: we go to court to litigate it (e.g. the endless legal saga as to who
is the chief of Erakor).
Today women are certainly under represented in many domains in Vanuatu, but particularly in business and
politics, and this has nothing to do with Custom or tradition: it has everything to do with a contemporary male
chauvinism that seeks to deny women equal rights and responsibilities.
By Wolfgang Sperlich.
(Reference: Facey E. 1988, Nguna Voices. The University of Calgary Press)

29

5. MARRIAGE
The State recognizes three types of marriages civil marriage and church marriage,
both are celebrated by a recognized registered celebrant, and a custom marriage is
performed by a recognized member of the particular clan of the couple.
The
Matrimonial Causes Act CAP 192 of 1986 defines the rules and regulations of the
civil and church marriages.
In a kastom marriage, the procedures of engagement had to be followed prior to the
wedding. The man must have his own house and garden. Then the ritual for the
bride price is performed. The Malvatumauri established a maximum of VT80,000
bride-price if a man marries a woman from another island. If a man marries a woman
from his own island, the amount of money paid for bride price would be less than the
VT.80.000, as decided by the bride and grooms parents. The kastom marriage is
performed following the traditions of a particular community the one of the couples
belong to.

Braed Praes

(By Helen Masing)

Braed Praes I mekem mi fil olsem wan spid bot

O trak blong oli pem
I mekem ol famili blong mi I gridi
Mo oli wantem wan big fala praes moa
I mekem ol tambu mo tumbuna blong
mi oli kros
Taem mi no save bonem wan pikinini
Blong boe blong olgeta
I mekem man blong mi I ting se mi mas
Obei long hem evri taem.
Meibi I gat samfala nomo
we oli wantem soem tru Tankyu
Long ol famli blong gel long gud waef we
oli save givim long olgeta

Generally, a marriage, whether is church,

civil or kastom, is regarded as incomplete if
the groom and his family do not settle the
bride price. Some families insist that the
bride price is paid before the wedding.
Traditionally it was an important aspect of
the new extended family to meet and
exchange food and cultural gifts before the
marriage occurs. It formed the foundation
for an extension of the family to another
tribe or clan. Contemporary custom has
altered this ritual into monetary terms, using
foreign goods and animals in these
exchanges.

Bolton suggested that the misconception of

the principles and signification of bride price
was through understanding and the
hypothesis of the local context by missionaries. Bolton stated at the presentation on
March 12, 2004 at Port Vila that early Europeans literally translated the meaning of
braed praes according the Western concept, with a monetary value. Women had
mixed feelings and ideas on the issue of bride price. Some would use it as a form of
weapon against a husband if he abuses her, but has not met the obligation of a bride
price to the womans family. For example, a woman said to her husband: yu stap
kilim mi from wanem? Yu no pem mi yet. (Why are you always beating me? You
have not paid the bride price yet). Some women however, view the concept of bride
price as an insult, as expressed in a poem by a young woman from Malampa.
(Who will carry the Bag? 1990: 12)

The writer of the poem states that a bride price makes her feel as if she were a
motorboat or a motorcar on sale. Having imposed a monetary value on bride price
makes families greedy and wants more money. The in-laws get angry if she is
barren or does not bear a son. The husband demands obedience from her all the
time because he thinks he bought her. She says that perhaps only a few people
would really consider the bride price as a token of appreciation to the family
concerned for the good wife they have raised for their son.

30

The subject of bride price in contemporary Vanuatu is confusing, misleading and

creates tensions, barriers, problems and often leading to violence in the family. As
mentioned, some men deliberately use the bride price as an excuse to beat the wife,
to denigrate her and to impose power over her.
Chiefs and members of the community believed that early missionaries had
misunderstood the traditional concept of bride price, therefore interpreting according
to their own culture.
Nevertheless, many men today use the bride price as a justification or right for the
maltreatment of their wives - beating and abusing her, sometimes killing her.
According to chiefs from Malampa, Penama, Sanma, Shefa, and Torba, the bride
price was not a license for a husband to mistreat or beat his wife. It was meant as a
token of appreciation from the bridegrooms parents and relatives to the brides family
to strengthen the relationship between the two clans.
In kastom, a woman was mans
friend and partner and helper, an
addition to his clan. As a person
who would be having children for
the survival of the clan, she was
valued. Some tribes would give
her a new name to associate her
into the clan. As a term of respect,
others would refer to her as
mother, literally meaning the
mother of the tribe. However,
today, the whole concept and
principles of bride price is
distorted, and often used to
humiliate and derive women of
their rights as members of the
community and as human beings.
Garap, in her poem, summarized
her view of a womans plight, in a
modern civilized society.

A BETTER LIFE

(By Sarah Garap, PNG)

She is a girl, she has no rights

She is illiterate, she doesnt know
She is weak and tired, but she cant say
What is a better life?
The environment close to her is what she has and knows
Her life is routine, a day-to-day normal life
The rules .she cannot break
What is a better life?
Few of our women are educated
None of our women are paid workers
Remove the shawl and she may be free
Let her seek education, employment, and her own destiny
What is a better life?
Know your basic rights
Be educated, develop your personal life
When you are in charge, you know best.

The VT80,000 bride price set by Malvatumauri raises a lot of unanswered questions.
There was insufficient dialogue and consultation with all the island communities prior
to establishing this amount. The connotation of bride price in contemporary Vanuatu
is indicative of slavery. Having a price tag on a woman definitely alters the traditional
concept of bride price. It is also breaching womens human rights in the Constitution
and CEDAW. Bride price gives some men an excuse to treat women as chattels and
slaves and beat them whenever the urge comes. With little or no knowledge of what
their rights are under the Constitution and other international instruments, kastom,
and how to avail of these services, many women accept these as part of their lot in
life.

Traditional Marriage Arrangements

Marriage in pre-colonial days in Vanuatu was a family affair rather than an individual
or personal choice as in the western world. Therefore, the parents and other close
relatives make the decisions as to who the partner should be. In most cases the
bride and groom had no knowledge at all of the arrangements. Sometimes it was
arranged before he person was born or when the person was very young. The

31

procedures leading up to the wedding were many and vary from island to island.
However, we shall attempt to describe a process on West Ambae in the north of
Vanuatu.

A West Ambae Example:

There were three major ways of marriage arrangements on West Ambae. A young
man who was already capable of managing his own home would see a young girl he
loved and sent word to the parents for her hand through a medium. Secondly the
parents may see a young girl they loved and asked the young mans uncle to
negotiate on their behalf for their son. Thirdly, a boys mother or father may ask a
good friend for the hand of his/her daughter even before she is born. In most cases,
the girl has no part in the arrangement as she was too young or not yet born. The
boy was informed of his parents decision, but often his opinion was not sought. The
unwritten law in all these negotiation for a bride was that the man must make certain
the girl was not a sister (i.e. cousin two or three times removed and even further). A
man must never marry a woman who was termed as his sister because she was
considered sacred to him, and any other man who referred to her as sister.

Engagement
Some months after the baby girl was born, the boys parent would put a bracelet on
the girls right hand known as diu ngwanggo, signifying she was already betrothed to
someone. When she was older, the family would prepare cooked food, mats and
other commodities, and bring them to the girls village, as confirmation of the
engagement. They would put a necklace made from traditional material on the girls
neck known as vinu hom.
Consequently, the girls family would prepare cooked and raw food, and take it to the
young mans family known as tuku kete (literally means return basket). Its
significance was to show that they formally accepted the marriage proposal on behalf
of the girl. The future in-laws then played a big part in the upbringing of the girl until
she was of marriageable age. This practice allowed a man to be mature and
responsible before marriage and therefore one finds on West Ambae that men are
older than their wives. A man was partly responsible for raising his future bride who
resided alternatively with her parents and her future in-laws. It is not uncommon in
recent years to find young Ambae men paying school fees for their future bride.
During the period of waiting for the girl to mature, the young man would be called
upon by his future in-laws to assist them in different tasks such as gardening, housebuilding and so forth.

Male Marriage Preparation

The grooms father, his uncle, the village elders, would groom the prospective
husband for his role along with other young men. Before marrying, a man must know
how to pant a garden, how to build a house, how to hunt and trap animals and birds,
fish and cook. He should also know tribal lore, and rituals and how to care and
support a family. He was expected to assist his future in-laws from time to time. The
family would determine the wedding date when the young woman was mature and
capable of running a home and caring for a family. The young man must have a
house and kitchen away from his parents. The young man and his family must be
ready with the pigs, food, and different types of mats to exchange with the brides
family called rako roso (carry mats). This would be the final and biggest feast, and
included the marriage ceremony, called Ngwatu duvi duvi. It involved a lot of
preparations and expense on both sides that would take more than a year to prepare
and plant the crops, feed the pigs and weave the mats.

32

Female Marriage Preparation

Traditionally, a huge basket was woven for the girl and left in her fathers house. She
would put her mats, baskets, beads and other valuables in there; ready for the day
she would leave to get married. On the arranged day, the brides family would
prepare a huge feast for her with a quoro (wrapped lap lap with ten or more pieces,
ten cooked chickens and a piglet). They would take the quoro and the girls big
basket, plants, live animals, and traditional domestic utensils and delivered them to
her future husbands village for the Ngwatu duvi-duvi .
After these exchanges, the designated elder of the tribe would perform the marriage
ceremony known as tau vanua (literally means establishes a settlement) at the boys
village. There was no mention at all of the word bride price. The chiefs and relatives
on both sides would advice the bride and groom on their future lives as a couple and
as members of the community. Some parents of West Ambae refused the bride
price but would request something else from the groom. For example, one parent
said that the only payment he and his wife wanted is that the groom must never beat
their daughter. A couple with no sons adopted their future son-in-law, paid homage
to the boys parent s, build him a home in their village and he went to live with them
permanently.
The Chiefs of West Ambae maintained that the principle of bride price as known all
over Vanuatu today is a new and foreign philosophy and did not exist in the precolonial West Ambae marriage concept. However, contemporary Vanuatu has made
the conception of pem woman an accepted part of its culture rather than a token of
appreciation.
Exchanges between brides and grooms families continue through life, though in
smaller scales. Literally, tau vanua formalized this exchange between both families
rather than the current concept of mi pem (I buy) categorizing women as a
commodity. Traditional marriages automatically linked a man and woman into a
strong pre-existent communal system where the couples marriage was shaped by
the easily identified network of blood relatives and in-laws. (Conway & Mantovani:
52). Relationship behavior was prescribed and regulated by communal norms.
On Pentecost, there are two main tribes, the Bule (male) and Matan (female) and
the Tabi (male) and Mabon (female) tribes. It is forbidden for a Bule to marry a
Matan or Tabi to marry a Mabon as they are considered to be brother and sister. A
Bule man would marry a girl from the Tabi tribe and vice versa. The marriage
partners were selected and arranged by the family. The arrangements and
preparations bear close similarities to those of West Ambae. The bride price had the
same significance.

Shefa Province
According to a source from Emae, in the Shefa province, prior to a marriage being
performed, the bride would take a pig, some food and bring it to the bridegrooms
house. This was to signify that she accepted responsibilities of housework, mat
weaving, etc. in the new nasara. This would bring her under the protection of that
particular family and their chief. The bridegrooms family would then bring VT20,000;
20 mats and calico to the brides father for the family. Another pig, ten mats and
VT10,000 would be given to the mother of the bride in recognition and appreciation of
her nurturing the girl.

33

The bridegrooms action signified that he would now take on the role of protector and
provider for the woman. Part of that role would be to build a house, plant gardens
and provide other necessary provisions for a new family. He would then give one
pig, five mats and VT5,000 to the chief of the brides village. The significance of the
gifts to the chief was that the girl would now be leaving and going to another nasara.
She would now be under the care and protection of that chief. Her work and her
allegiance would be to her new village.
On Tongoa, the first choice of husband for a girl is her paternal aunts (fathers sister)
son. This is a practice on Tanna also along with the swap system whereby a man
exchanges his sister for his wife. With these kastom practices in operation, girls do
not have any choice for a future husband. Culturally, they must adhere to these
practices.

Malampa Province
There are variations in marriage preparations
on the islands of Malampa, in the form of gifts
made to the brides family but pigs are an
essential part of the bride price apart from the
other commodities. As other provinces, the
connotation of a bride price was different from
contemporary Vanuatu.

A MALAMPA Story
(Female aged 26)
My wedding day was supposed to be the happiest of my
life. I will always remember that day to be very shameful. As
always, after the church wedding, my husbands family
came to pay the bride price. Because hey were Seventh
Day Adventisits, there was no pig involved. They brought
one bullock and some food and the VT80,000. when the
ceremony was over, my paternal uncles looked at the goods
brought by my husbands family and said that it was not
enough! My husband and his relatives had to go away and
get some more food and things!!!

Arranged marriages were treated as sacred

and one could not depart from it unscathed as
the penalties in some areas were very severe
and carried out with precision. If a person
refused to marry the betrothed, a black rock
I was so ashamed. Moreso because I had to leave with
was heated till it was red hot, then it was put
them that afternoon to my new home. I kept thinking, my
under that persons bended knee and held
new family will always remember me as the women whose
there. The stone burnt the knee badly and
family demanded more. That will reflect negatively on me
when it was heeled, the person would forever
for the rest of my life!
walk with a bended knee, a sign of
disobedience. (Elder, Atchin)
Wife beating
was not tolerated and was uncommon, unlike the situation today. Because of this,
divorce was practically unheard of as men tended to strive to keep their family
together. (Female leader, Malekula)
The other factor was that both men and
women know and play their respective roles in the community (Female and male
leader), where today the bulk of work is placed on women (VKS) including mens
traditional work such as bush-clearing for gardens and building a house.

Torba Province
As in other provinces, Torba marriage arrangements in pre-contact era, were made
by the parents. Exchanges between the couples families began when they were still
young and continued throughout their lives.
The bride price consisted of shell money and measured by so many hands (meters),
six coconut plants tied in bundles of three, three nut plants, some bundles of food
and given to the brides parents. In receiving these commodities, the brides father
must reciprocate for each group of articles. On return to his village, he must plant the
coconut and the nuts so that whenever his daughters children come to his village,

34

they would have nuts and coconuts from these trees. It was an exchange rather
than pem woman at a fixed price as is the implication in modern Vanuatu.
A Story form TORBA
(woman aged 23)
I am from another province and used to live in Santo. I met my husband when I was 18. He was my brothers
friend. We had been going out for a while when he asked me to go with him to the Banks for a week. I agreed,
and without telling my family, I got on the boat with him. Today, 4 years later, I am still here! We got married
last year and we have a 18 month old daughter. He beat me up once in a while. Once he beat me up so bad,
I almost died. I went to the Priest to talk arrange for me to leave, but the Priest asked me to reconsider saying
that we were joined in Holy Matrimony. When i asked the chief to intervene, he said that my husband had
already paid the bride price so there is little he can do. My adopted parents asked my if my husband had
specifically asked me to leave his house. When I said no, they said I must return home. Now I am doing little
fundraising and hiding the money. When I have enough, I will take my daughter and we will leave here for
good.

Tafea Province
In Tafea, the practice was to swap girls. This meant that when a young man chose a
bride, it was expected that his sister would marry his brother-in-law. Should he have
no sister, his first daughter would be expected to return to her mothers village and
marry someone there. There was no bride price although some form of exchanges
took place from both sides. The exchanges were not meant to give the man the right
to mistreat the wife. His roles as told by the chief were similar to that of Shefa,
Penama, and Sanma i.e. provider and protector. The crucial time would only come if
the husband died first. According to a Tafea chief, the traditional practice was for the
wife to be killed and buried with him. This practice was noted by the early
missionaries, John & Charlotte Inglis, cited in Jolly, that the wife was strangled on
the death of her husband, that her spirit might accompany him to the land of the
dead (Jolly 1994:44).

35

DOMESTIC VIOLENCE
Domestic Violence (DV) or violence in the family (VIF) existed since time
immemorial, when people first lived together as husband and wife, family and
community. It is an ancient virus-like substance that transcends boundaries and
areas of cultural, traditional, race, and political and religious beliefs and affects
individuals, families, communities, nations and the world at large.
Domestic Violence may be defined as crimes that have been committed
towards/against a member of the family. These crimes include:-

Figure 3: Types of Domestic Violence:

Physical Abuse
Sexual Abuse
Indecent Acts
Threat
Death/injury

Verbal Abuse
Rape
Harassment
Coercion
Stalking

Mental Abuse
Marital Rape
Neglect
Damage to Property
Deprivation

The UN Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women in 1993 defines

violence against women as: an act of gender-based violence that results in, or is
likely to result in physical, sexual or psychological harm or suffering to women
including threats or such acts as coercion or arbitrary deprivation of liberty, whether
occurring in public or in private life. These cover in general terms the various types
of abuses women face in the home as well as in their public life as listed above.
Domestic Violence is violence that takes place in the home and is a crime. It is an
assault or a threat against a person by someone else. It could be a husband,
boyfriend, de factor or another member of the family. Domestic Violence can be
physical, sexual, (e.g. forcing a wife to have sex without her consent). It can be
emotional or social abuse, such as constant criticism of the spouse or stopping her
from meeting her friends. It can be deprivation of liberty or financial resources.
In most pre-colonial Vanuatu societies, violence was abhorred and very severely
dealt with in the community. However, today, VAW is considered and treated as a
private affair between the husband and wife. Therefore, relatives and others should
not, and do not interfere unless invited or asked for assistance. Even the police, and
judicial services and government in general, the churches and international
communities seem to maintain the same principle of privacy. Today, domestic
violence is not a private matter to be borne in silence anymore. (PWAV, 7/2001:4)

Causes of Domestic Violence

According to the survey forms, the reasons cited for domestic violence include
communication problems, jealousy, disobedience, sexual relationship, kava and
alcohol, mi pem finis, adultery. Of the 722 respondents, these were the most
common reasons cited. Others include, hemi no save kastom, no proper teaching at
home, no respect, no trust, laziness, marriage was arranged, no church teachings
and going places where the partner does not allow them to go. We shall discuss a
few of these issues.

36

(1)

Communication:

In traditional communal society, there were channels of communication. When a

marriage is being arranged, part of the arrangement is to appoint parents for the
couple. These people become communication channels for any disagreements or
unhappiness in the family. The wife will tell her mother. She will discuss the issue
with her husband then they will advice the couple on how to deal with the problem.
Today, however, arranged marriages do not happen as they used to. Therefore this
communication channel is not set up. Couples are forced to talk about issues on their
own. But they are not taught how to discuss. So most of the time, they end up in
screaming matches, or one partner retreats into silent treatments of verbal abuse.
This is a leading cause of violence in many homes.

(2)

Spouse Relationships:

Because in the traditional society, the men taught the boys and the women taught the
girls, a lot is assumed about the opposite sex. Women assume that if their husband
touches them in the middle of the night, he wants to have sex, so she accommodates
him. When she silently does this all the time, the man assumes that the women
wants and is ready for sex all the time.
Women often refuse sexual relations with their husbands because they are tired from
the days work and have no energy to sleep with their husbands. Almost 90% of the
women that we talked to said that most of the time, their partners are not mindful of
their sexual and emotional needs and these are never met. The women do not know
how to discuss the matter with their husbands and cannot talk about it to anyone
else. Men not understanding the womens need often will accuse their partners of
infidelity and will beat them up. Men also believe that the biblical text of Ephesians
5:22-23; and having paid the bride price, they have the right to the womans body
anytime and every- time they chose.
Here are two of the stories the women told:
Story 1: Woman aged 38; TORBA Province:
My husband told me as we walked out the church door on our wedding day that he was the kind of man who
loved many women! And he was right. All throughout our marriage, I was constantly beating other women. It
wasnt easy for me either. He has crazy ideas when we sleep together. He would take a mirror and place it at the
end of the bed and watch himself, or he would ask me to use my mouth on him and would proudly tell me that he
has just come back from sleeping with another women! We lived in a one room studio and my children would be in
the same room and he would ask me to do these crazy things to him. He would beat me up really badly if I refuse.
I had asked my brother and another male relative to come and live with us so that he would at least have respect
or them and not do those things. It didnt change him. I eventually left him when he made my cousin pregnant.
Story 2: Woman age 35; PENAMA Province:
We had been married for three years, and could not have a baby. My husband cannot perform. For three years he
had beaten me up, blaming me for his problem. He said that I did not know how to make him respond. I had tried
everything that I know to help him but he always blames me. When he beats me up, the chiefs would call a
meeting and he would always tell them that I was a lazy woman. His family and the chief would always tell me off
and lecture me to being a better wife to him. I could not tell them the true reasons for the violence. I cannot tell the
secrets of my marriage. I had a close friend who was a nurse and one day I had the courage to ask her about my
husbands problem. She had explained that it had nothing to do with me. The next time he beat me up again, I told
him straight in the nakamal, in front of his chiefs and his family. They asked him if it was true, and he said yes. I
left him after that and now I am happily living with my new partner and we have one beautiful daughter.

These stories illustrate the lack of understanding of sexual needs and problems by
both males and females. These misunderstandings lead to a lot of the reasons that

37

men and women often give of jealousy, no trust, suspicions and adultery in
relationships that lead to a lot of domestic violence.

(3)

Kastom:

As described earlier in the paper, the important part of the Vanuatu culture is the
relationships and the respect accorded to them. Today, because of inter-island
marriages, there is a mixing of these teachings that creates a confusion that creates
a lot of problems. Also in the very diverse cultures of Vanuatu, one island or village
may have a practice that is very different from another. Particularly when women
marry into the other culture, they will often do things wrong and often get into
problems. They are often accused of being disrespectful, do not know kastom or
disobedient. Which are the reasons given in the survey. Added to this is the fact that
children today do not spend enough time with their grandparents or uncles and
aunties who are the traditional teachers of these knowledge to know their cultural
practices and behaviors.

I have 3 children. My husband belongs to the John Frum movement, and they have a lot of kastom rules and
ways of doing things. However, my children and I never see him. he goes to the nakamal straight after work
and never spends time with the kids. I bring them up in the SHEFA culture. When he talks to them and they
answer him back, he beats me up saying that I have taught my children to be disrespectful. That is not the
TAFEA way. But how can they know the TAFEA way when he is never there to teach it to them. I am from
SHEFA, that is what I teach them! We eventually left him.

To illustrate this, here is story from a woman from SHEFA married to a TAFEA man:
Language plays a large role in the preservation of kastom and the cultures. When
one speaks their own language, they know the significance of words referring to
people and things. In schools these days, children are encouraged to speak the
language of instruction. In mixed marriages, couples speak bislama is the language
of communication at home. Even in homes where both parents speak the same
language, they live in a mixed community that children hear bislama more than their
own dialect. This contributes to the growing ignorance of ones culture.

(4)

Female Loss of Identity:

However, from the findings certain irregularities in the cultural norms point to the fact
that religion does contribute to violence. Prior to the introduction to Christianity, a
woman had her own name and identity, which she kept all her life. On having
children, she may be known or called mother of. by close male agnates. She may
receive an additional name in a grading ceremony. Christianity (and westernization)
took away that right. Currently, all females have to add the name of their father or
husband to their name to complete it, known as surname, retaining this as the
accepted norm without question. Not only do women lose their identity, but they also
lose their traditional rights to rank, authority and autonomy.
These changes also occur in mens names too. Many men today do not use their
tribal names. In the local papers today, one reads about a Mr. Andrews, Mr. Smith or
Mr. John. Women are obliged to use these names as surnames thus omitting real
Vanuatu traditional names. A tribal name was considered un-Christian. A person
must have a Christian name such as Mary or John to be baptized.

38

(5)

Religion:

Religious teachings in the past only allowed men as pastors, elders and deacons.
Male missionaries instruct men on their roles in the church and family while
missionary wives teach women to cook and sew and iron, moving women away from
their normal work. As stated by Jolly, as well as effecting changes in the patterns of
work and the habits of clothing, these missionaries tried to reform domestic space
(Jolly 19..: 39). Thus women were taught to confine themselves to the family
dwelling, while the husband went about doing other work. It was a direct
reinforcement of male superiority and subsequently rendering women to submission
to male domination. In this new role, it is difficult to ascertain where women fit in, in
the Christian teaching of equality before the sight of God. In his research on PNG,
Narokobi stated that Christianity is seen as part of the colonial process of
subordination, subjugation and dominance (Narokobi 1980:155) of one people to
another. This had been the norm for many decades. It is only quite recently that
some denominations have allowed women into these elite positions in the churches.
In modern, there are no women bishops or priests, 4 women pastors, some elders
and a number of deaconesses. More women are appointed into the deaconess post
because it involves a lot of manual work with the churches.
In the religious preparation for a couple before the wedding, the weeks program
seems to concentrate on the wedding procession, and having the vows pronounced
correctly. Married women and men admitted to having very little, if any, real
preparatory teachings from church leaders on how they would conduct their lives as
a Christian couple.

(6)

Marriage Counseling:

There seems to be no system established for counseling and rehabilitation of

spouses who have been to prison and are trying to put up their lives together again.
There are couples that for some reason or another are living apart or with other
partners. Apart from ad hoc visits from church leaders and womens groups, the
couple is left alone to fend for themselves. Hence, a majority of the interviewees
feel that neither pastor nor police can help them. It is up to each couple to solve their
own problem or ask for the assistance of their family or the chief. In many instances,
the only assistance given is Biblical verses and a prayer, but hardly getting to the root
of the problem.

(7)

Access to new Technology:

Modern technology and the media are also a contributing factor to violence in the
home and the community at large. The accessibility and availability of information
and photos from computers, movies and videos portraying violence and the strong
man syndrome are but some of the issues that contribute to violence. The media
portraying womens pictures in compromising situations, older books that find their
way to Vanuatu typically picture women in stereotype type roles such as cooking in
the kitchen, or sitting at typewriters conditions women to feel they are not worth
much.

The Different Perspectives

The question of whether violence against women is justified is the critical question
that brings about dispute and tension in all communities today. Different people in
the community take different viewpoints on the issue according to their cultural
beliefs and experience. Often there are contrasting views from both male and female
as to the justification of VAW. It is a very commonly held view in Vanuatu today that

39

domestic violence is an acceptable aspect of marriage or cohabitation is not a fringe

or extreme position in Vanuatu. Public figures often make statements excusing
mens violence and asserting mens rights to dominance in Vanuatu society (Mason
2000:119). However, violence in the domestic sphere is very clearly classified as
assault under Section 107 of the Penal Code rather than in a separate provision.

What the men say

Some men claim they never beat their wives as they believe that there are better and
more effective ways of maintaining order and discipline in the home. These men
claim they are born-again Christians and that they love their wives and therefore
there is no need to resort to violence. A husband from Malekula who was against
wife beating said kilim woman blong wanem brekem han blong hem afta hu bae I
mekem kakae. (Why beat a woman- after breaking her hand then who would
prepare the food) However, the following is a list of some of the excuses used by
other men to justify beating their wives:
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.

man paid the bride price,

it is kastom
women are disobedient
women answer back
alcohol, (men are drunk and dont know what they are doing)
women dont want men drinking kava all night
woman is unfaithful
woman nags
wifes refusal of sexual advances by husband
use of finance by wife,
the bible give men the right (Eph 5: 21-24)
Man was created before woman and therefore hes boss (Genesis 2)
the food is not ready,
the laundry is not done,
the house is not cleaned
the children are not bathe or fed
the woman is barren
she does not look after his parents/relatives
woman is lazy
woman does not do her job

Some men believe reasons such as these give them the right and or justification to
beat their wives. Most men (and even some women) seem to think that a woman is
part of the mens property and he can do what he wishes with her. A man from
Tanna admitted he often beat his wife to teach her a lesson she would never forget.
His parents even supported him because they maintained that woman ia I strong
hed tumas. (The woman is strong-headed). He said his wife is now very obedient
and always does what she is told because of all the beatings she received from him.
It is very difficult for women in this circumstance to seek and find assistance as this
female from Torba married to Tafea explained.
Province: Torba
Status: Married to Tafea
Sex:
Female Age: 49
I was fifteen when he first saw me. He went and talked to my parents but they said to wait until I finished my
education. He agreed to wait. However, when he came to Vila and saw me at school, he came over and took me
to where he lived. When I got there, he refused to allow me to return to school. We live together for twenty years
before getting married. Our relationship has always been difficult as it is always hard to communicate with him.
He beat me up regularly, so that I live in fear of him. Whatever he decides to do, I do not question him for fear of
being beaten. With eight children to care for, it is not easy to get out or even to leave him.

40

He is a kava and alcohol addict. He drinks daily after work and returns in the early hours of the morning.
Whenever I ask where hed been, he would become abusive and beat me. Sometimes he beat me for no reason
at all. I approached his family for help but they did not seem to see anything wrong with a man beating his own
wife. At times, it would seem they support him. I was always alone with no one to help. I thought of suicide but I
kept thinking of how my children would cope without me. I tried going back to my own family but they always send
me back. I tried to talk to him but he shouted at me, called me abusive names and beat me.
I went to the church for help. They gave us counseling and prayed with us. He promised to mend his ways and I
returned. Two weeks later, he was back to his old ways of drinking all night with his mates.
One night I tried to discuss it with him, seeing he wasnt too drunk. He shouted at me, called me names I do not
wish to repeat and started hitting me. He punched and kicked me and I fell down. Something snapped within me
that seemed to say tonight is the night. Ive had enough, so I gathered all my strength and fought back. It was
the worst fight wed ever had.
He knocked me down again, sat on me, pinning my hand down with his knee and started to squeeze my neck. I
find it hard to breathe and knew I had to do something or hed kill me. With my free hand, I grab hold of his balls
and pulled hard. I must have hurt him because he let go of me and went inside. While I was trying to restore my
breath, he started calling for help. We took him to hospital where he was later operated on and had several
stitches.
Everyone was against me for hurting him. No one talked about him beating me up. It was said that I was wicked
and that I cut him with a knife. However, I had no knife and did not cut him. I only pulled his private parts to
defend myself. If I hadnt done that, he wouldve killed me.

A thirty year old man from Malekula stated that most violence is caused by women,
and perpetrated by women. Because women committed the original sin, they will
always be in the wrong, and for that reason the men always need to discipline them,
he said. Some people take only some
WOMAN
aspects of the scriptures to justify their
By Sampson Ngwele
actions such as this person. These
people clearly do not or do not choose
Woman
to fully understand or interpret the
Mat - weaver, Clothing naked household
Woman Scriptures.
If they did, they would
Child - raiser, determinant of future leaders
acknowledge that having been given the
Womanfruit, Adam had the choice of accepting
Soil - tiller, mother of subsistence economy
or refusing to eat it. However, not all
Woman
men consider women in that very
Human bridge, uniting divided and broken tribes.
negative aspect as declared in this
Woman
verse by Ngwele. Woman was the last
Cream of Gods Creation.
of all creations and therefore is the
(Who Will Carry the Bag: p39)
cream of all Gods creation.

What the Women said..

Women have been oppressed and dominated for so long that they have conflicting
views. Some women seem to think that violence is a normal part of married life and
so accept it, others think that it is wrong but dont see what they could do about it.
Whatever their thought, here are some of the reasons why their partners are violent:
a)
b)
c)
d)
e)
f)
g)

sex
alcohol and kava
pem mi finis
accusations /suspicions of adultery
disobedient
I complain too much
Jealousy

The majority of women believe that violence in all forms is not accepted and will
never be justified. They believe that they are willing to try to resolve domestic

41

problems in other ways. Most of the women have also said that contrary to what men
believe, women will do their utmost possible to keep their family together rather than
break it apart. That is why many women will remain in a violent relationship, for the
sake of the children and to protect their husband rather than report his crimes or
press charges. Many men confuse obedience with respect. They claim that women
do not respect them when in fact, women respect men. It is the men who do not
respect women at all.
One woman from MALAMPA said that after 15-20years of abusive relationship, her
husband finally settled down and started listening to her. After a while he apologized
to her and said, had he listened to her 20 years ago, their marriage could have been
a happy one.

What the Chiefs said..

The chiefs from all six provinces uphold that custom promotes peace, security and
harmony in the family and community. The chiefs were firm that kastom abhors
violence in the family and the community. The chiefs stated that kastom does not
promote violence.
In the past, whenever there was a problem, the chief,
representing kastom, is always the one to restore peace to the family or community.
The penalties for offenders were harsh, including being exiled or even a death
penalty.
The traditional penalty for adultery, incest or other misbehavior on some
parts of Malekula for male or female is:
1. Fine
2. exile
3. given to another tribe to be married, be a slave or be eaten
4. be killed
Similar types of penalties for these offenses, including wife beating have been
reported in traditional Penama and some parts of Sanma. According to the chiefs
interviewed, though violence existed in the past, the extent was not as severe as it
today. In pre-contact days, Women represented peace. A man from Malekula said
that long taem blong faet, woman bae oli no sutum from hemi mama blong ples. (In
times of war, they will not shoot/kill a woman because she is the mother of the place).
This was also a practice in Sanma, Penama and even in Bougainville where women
represent peace. Though many men continuously blame and use custom to justify
their ill treatment of their spouses, the chiefs still maintain that custom promotes
peace harmony and justice in the community. Resorting to violence to resolve a
problem or make a point is an individual persons own decision and prerogative and
must not be blamed on custom. The traditional systems are there to be utilized
should one required them.

What the church leaders said..

Vanuatu is generally known as the untouched paradise of the pacific, a Christian and
peace-loving nation whose motto says Long God yumi stanap (In God we stand).
All the church leaders that were interviewed maintained that people are misinterpreting the biblical texts that refer to man being the head of the home. They
maintained that the biblical text the husband is the head of the wife (Ephesians 5:23)
remains just that. Men are the head of the home. However, it is taken out of context.
The whole reading gives the responsibilities of the father. It likens it to Jesus Christ
as the head of the church. He provides for it, he protects it and loves it no matter
what.

42

All the church leaders interviewed maintained that people are taking the scriptures
out of context. Men make individual choices to either support or hurt their families,
and Christianity does not give them permission to abuse their families but to love and
support them.

Domestic Violence in Vanuatu

The level of Violence against Women is increasing in both rural and urban
settlements. The VWC 2001 report to the 3rd Pacific Regional meeting on VAW
included the following statistics. In 1993, VWC dealt with 179 cases which included
domestic violence, children maintenance, others, rape and child abuse and other
abuses.

Table 9: DV cases seen by VWC 1993 - 2000

Year

No. of Cases

1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000

179
146
227
549
331
565
750
853

There has been a significant increase in the past seven years of cases reported to
VWC. However, this does not begin to fully represent the actual number of
incidences or the magnitude of the problem nationally because most women do not
have access to a Womens Center. Many women have already been conditioned to
believe that abuse is acceptable, her fault or normal, and most women are strongly
discouraged or even prevented from seeking help or disclosing her situation.
Police records from 1988-2002 (Table 12) ranked intentional Assault (including
domestic violence) as the number one crime against people in Vanuatu.

Intentional assault is ranked as the No.1 crime against persons

Rape is the No.1 sexual crime against women and No.10 out of 28 most
reported crimes in Vanuatu
34% or over 1/3 of all sexual crimes committed are rapes
43% of sexual offenses of IA & USI committed are against children
Almost all offenders of sexual crimes against children are repeaters

Although there is no comprehensive research data and data collection as yet,

indication on physical abuse of women as found from interviews conducted in the
provinces, eye witnesses, the media, records from organizations such as the Police,
VWC & others, seem to conclude that wife beating is a major problem. The Vanuatu
Reports on Human Rights Practices 2003 confirmed that violence against women,
particularly wife beating, was common although no accurate statistics exist.
(Van.RHRP, 2003:6).

43

Table 10: Crimes in Vanuatu 1988 - 2002

Ranking of Crimes in Vanuatu, 1988 - 2002
Type of Crime
1) Theft
2) Intentional Assault
3) Damage
4) Trespass
5) Unlawful Entry
6) Drunkenness
7) Threats
8) Abusive Words
9) Other Crimes Against Persons
10) Rape
11) Misappropriation
12) Cruelty to animals
13) Others against property
14) Unlawful Sexual Assault
15) Indecent Assault
16) Unlawful Assembly
17) Others against public order
18) Incest
19) Arson
20) Others against Morality
21) Forgery
22) Escape
23) Fraud
24) Riot
25) Obstruction
26) Homicide
27) Obscenity
28) Corruption
TOTAL:

Total:
8,835
6,406
5,352
3,750
3,624
3,112
2,136
1,176
491
447
443
408
353
284
277
235
213
155
152
145
142
142
118
59
35
32
14
2
38,538

%
22.92
16.62
13.88
9.73
9.40
8.07
5.54
3.05
1.27
1.15
1.14
1.05
0.91
0.73
0.71
0.60
0.55
0.40
0.39
0.37
0.36
0.36
0.30
0.15
0.09
0.08
0.03
0.005
100%

Source: Compiled by the Vanuatu Police Force Annual Crime Statistics from 1988-2002.
Note that 1997 & 1998 statistics are not available

However, surveys being carried out throughout the world have shown that women
are more at risk of being killed by their partners than are men. Between 1992 and
September 1995, 40% of all murders committed in Fiji were domestic-related, and 26
out of 35 murder victims were female. (Jalal 1998: 146). In 1994 in Vanuatu, a man
killed his wife with a single blow to the head. He paid kastom penalties, pleaded
guilty and was given only five years in prison.

Types of Violence
As mentioned earlier, there are many different types of domestic violence. In our
survey, we will illustrate the responses on three types; physical, verbal and sexual
abuse. Comparing the number of men and women perpetrating the violence and the
victims. We will also describe some of the other violence that occur.

(1)

Physical Violence:

From our survey, of the 722 respondents, 156 females and 216 males admitted to
committing physical violence, as shown in the following graphs:

44

Graph 3 (a) Males admitting to Physical Violence

Numbers

Males admitting to Physical Violence

90
80
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0

Rural:
Urban:

Never

Occasionally

No answer

Graph 3 (b) Females admitting to Physical Violence

Females addmitting to Physical violence

60

Numbers

50
40
Rural:

30

Urban:

20
10
0
Never

Occasionally

No answer

From these figures, it shows that more males admit to causing hitting, punching,
slapping or pinching their partners, a slightly higher portion saying they had done this
only once or occasionally, while a small percentage admitted to doing it all the time.
Here are some of the reasons they gave for doing it:
From we hem I stap toktok tumas long mi. mi slapem hem from hemi I stap
toktok tumas long mi. hemi folem mi olbaot from hemi jalus tumas long mi
(15-24 single male - TORBA Rural)
Because she argues a lot with me. I slapped her because she argues a lot. She
follows me around because she is jealous of me

Rison blong hem I from taem mi askem patna blong mi blong go aot wetem
hem, hemi no stap agri blong mi go wetem hem (25-34 married male MALAMPA Urban)
The reason is because when I ask my partner to sleep with her, she refuses

Mi stap mekem fasin olsem from se hemi patna blong mi. mi maret mo mi
pem hem finis (25-34 married male - SHEFA Urban)
I do it because she is my partner. I married her and Ive paid for her.

45

Mi wetem patna blong mi I stap mekem fasin olsem from hem I no wan
gelfren blong mi. papa mo mama mo famili olgeta nao I fosem mi blong mi
maret wetem gel ia. So I mekem nao laef blong maret babae I kat vaelens
insaed long hom. Taem we yu rere blong ded, vaelens I finis nao (55-64
married male - TORBA Rural)
My partner and I do these things because she was never my girlfriend. My parents
and families forced me to marry her. That is why our married life will always have
violence. When we are ready to die, that is when the violence will end

21 women out of the 372 admit to causing physical violence in the home, 10 of whom
said they only did it once.
Here is what they say:
Mi kosem long hom from hemi no mekem gud tingting blong mi (35-44
married female - TAFEA Rural)
I cause it (violence) at home because he does not satisfy my needs

From we hem I wan lazy man folem kava evri naet mo whole day hemi silip
(25-34 De-facto female - MALAMPA Rural)
Because he is a lazy man, drinking kava every night and sleeps all day

The graphs below show the number of males and females who victims of physical
violence in the home. The number of women who face violence in the hands of their
male partners in significantly higher (169) compares to the men who say that their
female partners cause physical violence (20).

Graph 4 (a) Male victims of Physical Violence

Males victims of Physical Violence

25
20

Rural:
Urban:

15
10
5

an
sw
er
N
o

ay
s
Al
w

na
lly
cc
as
io
O

nc
e

0
N
ev
er

Numbers

30

46

Graph 4 (b) Female victims of Physical Violence

Females victims of Physical Violence

60

Numbers

50
40
Rural:
Urban:

30
20
10
0
Never

Occasionally

No answer

Here are some of the reasons the women gave for such violence.

From man hemi ting se hemi boss mekem se hemi stap kilim woman (15-24
single female - MALAMPA Urban) Because men think that they are the boss,
thats why they hit women

Mi long lukluk blong mi se hemi stap jeles nomo mo ol man olsem oli no stap go
long jioj (45-54 Married female - SHEFA Urban)
In my view, he does it out of jealousy and men who do that dont go to church.
From se laef blong taon I spolem yumi. Man I no kat rispekt long woman blong
hem and woman blong hem I save mekem hem I kros from laef I no setel gud,
mekem se hasban mo waef ino stap gud, swe, faet mo tok strong oltaem long
hom, be patna blong yu hemi hed blong hom (55 64 separated female - TAFEA
Urban)

Because urban lifestyles have badly affected us. Men dont have respect for women, and
women do things that anger the men because they are not settled, that is why husbands
and wives verbally abuse and fight all the time. Your partner is the head of the home.

(2)

Verbal Violence:

Verbal abuse was so common among young and old, in all sectors of the community
that many people had never thought of it as a criminal offense. As a female from
Paama and a male from Efate said mi kros nomo mi swea long hem, afta I finis. Ino
wan samting. (I swear at him/her when I was angry. Its not important). A young
person responded that mi swea blong pleplei nomo wetem ol fren blong mi.
(Swearing at my friends is just a joke).

47

Graph 5 (a) Females admitting to verbal violence

40
35
30
25
20
15
10
5
0

N
o

an
sw
er
:

ay
s
Al
w

cc

as
io
na
lly

nc
e

Rural:
Urban:

N
ev
er

Numbers

Females admitting to verbal violence

Graph 5 (b) Males admitting to verbal violence

Males admitting to verbal violence

60

Number

50
40

Rural:
Urban:

30
20
10

er

ay
s

an
sw
no

cc
O

Al
w

as
io
na
lly

nc
e
O

N
ev
er

From the graphs, we can see that the men and women almost equally admit to verbal
violence and more so, a higher number of rural females admitting to verbal violence
occasionally.
Heres some of what the men said:
From samtaem hemi stap mekem mi kros tumas nao mi stap tok strong long hem
(25-34 married male - SANMA Urban)
Because sometimes she makes me angry that I talk harshly to her
From samtaem patna hemi no mekem wanem I stret long tingting blong mi o
mekem wok we mi talem long hem mekem nao I go story tumas (34 44 married
male - PENAMA Urban)
Because sometimes my partner does not do things according to how I want them
or the things I tell her to do because she is telling stories (with other people)

48

Mi stap mekem fasin olsem from God I krietem mi fas taem, afta God I karemaot
rib blong mi blong krietem patna blong mi, be God I no karem bren blong mi
blong krietem patna blong mi long hem, mekem se mi stap mekem ol fasin olsem
(35-44 married male TORBA Rural)
I do these things because God created mi first, then God took a rib bone from me and
created my partner, but God did not take my brain to create my partner with it, that is why
I do these things

Mi tok strong taem woman blong mi I mekem samting ino stret (35-44 married
male PENAMA Rural)
I yell at my wife when she does something thats not right

Graphs 6(a) and (b) below compare the males and females who claim that their
partners verbally abuse them. It show a significantly higher number of women (172
compared to 69 men) suffering from verbal violence at home.

Graph 6 (a) Male victims of verbal violence

30
25
20
15
10
5
0
sw
er

s
N

an

Al
w
ay

ly
O
cc
as
io
na
l

O
nc
e

Rural:
Urban:

ev
er

Numbers

Male victims of verbal violence

Graph 6 (b) Female victims of verbal violence

60
50
40
30
20
10
0

sw
er

s
N

an

Al
w
ay

ly
O
cc
as
io
na
l

O
nc
e

ev
er

Rural:
Urban:

Numbers

Female victims of verbal violence

49

These are some of the womens thoughts on why this happens:

Fasin olsem I stap kam antap tumas from ol man oli no ting hevi long ol woman
(15-24 single female PENAMA Urban)
This behaviors are increasing because men no longer value women
Wan samting nomo se taem ol samting long haos I no stret olsem kuk mo swipim
ples, swimim pikinini mo ol narafala samting (15-24 married female TORBA
Rural)
Only one thing when things in the house are no right like cooking, sweeping,
washing the children and other things
From we mitufala I kam long wan famili finis, mo even sipos mitufala I no maret
gud yet, be mitufala I kam wan finis (25-34 de-facto TORBA Rural)
Because we have already become one family, even if we are no properly married
From hae tingting blong hem nomo. Man I no wantem woman I korektem hem
(35-44 married female MALAMPA Rural)
Because of his superior attitude, he does not want to be corrected by a woman

The men said:

From fasin blong hem I olsem ol family blong hem we olgeta I ting se oli save
samting mo oli blong PENAMA, mo cultural difrens nao I wan samting we I
contribute long fasin olsem. From long TAFEA, man nao I hed blong haos mo
famili (15-24 de-facto male TAFEA Urban)
Because her attitude is like that of her families who are from PENAMA, they think
that they are better. Whereas in TAFEA, men are the heads of homes and
families
Newly weds need time to adjust (25-34 married male SHEFA Urban)
Woman blong mi I nogud from hemi no gro ap wetem gudfala discipline. Long
case blong m, samtaem woman I shout tumas long mi, even ol pikinini. Mi stap
tok long hem be yet hemi continue. Bihaen mi faemaot se family blong hem ol
kaen man olsem. (35-44 married male MALAMPA Urban)

My wife is bad because she grew up in a home that does not have discipline. She shouts
at me, even the children. I tried talking to her but she still caries on. Later I found out that
that is what her family is like.

(3)

Sexual Violence:

It is surprising to note that many women and men in this country go into marriage
today without really discussing and understanding their roles, responsibilities and
rights within that establishment. Issues of buying a home, spending and saving
money, how many children the couple would have, are not ever really discussed and
agreed on.
When questioned why women do nothing about being raped by their spouse, the
response from women was from mi tufala i married (because we are married). The
response from the men was, from mi pem hem (because I bought her). Even
pastors and other church leaders confirmed this notion that neither wife/husband has
a right over their own bodies after marriage. Therefore she is obliged within this
cultural concept to accept her husband whenever he wishes.
A SANMA STORY told by an interviewee in Santo
A husband from Sanma attempted to have sexual intercourse with his wife during her monthly period. Her
husband was furious when she refused to have sex because she did not feel like it. He took her to the bush,
held a knife over her body and tried to make a snake lick her body, an act that was unacceptable to the
woman. She was too ashamed to report the incident but decided to leave the husband. The community
looked down on her and criticized her for her behavior in leaving the husband. No one tried to discover the
reason why she left him, and moved to another island.

50

Cultural inhibitions also serve to prevent women from acknowledging and reporting
incidences of marital rape. Also a contributing factor is women not being aware that
being married does not mean a woman can be used as a sex object or a slave.
Knowing ones individual legal rights would assist women to deal with these
incidences.
In our survey, many respondents chose not to answer this question. Some writing
comments like how dare you ask me to disclose information about my marriage
although we had explained the anonymity of the forms. However, the results were as
follows:

Graph 7 (a) Males admitting to sexual violence

80
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
er

sw

ay

an

na
io
O

cc

as

Al

e
nc
O

ev
N

lly

Rural:
Urban:

er

Numbers

Males admitting to sexual violence

Graph 7 (b) Females admitting to sexual violence

60
50
40
30
20
10
0
an
sw
er
N
o

ay
s
Al
w

na
lly
cc
as
io
O

nc
e

Rural:
Urban:

N
ev
er

Numbers

Females admitting to sexual violence

51

39 females and 40 males admitted to perpetrating sexual abuse while the majority
(285 total) said the either never did it or opted not to answer the question.
For those who admitted to it, here are the reasons they gave:
From hemi wantem kat wan pikinini (25-34 married female MALAMPA Rural)
Because he wants to have a child
Mi stap mekem fasin olsem from hemi patna blong mi. mi maret mo mi pem hem
finis (26-34 married male SHEFA Urban)
I do it because she is my partner. I have married her and paid the bride price)
Samtaem patna blong mi I mekem mi mi kros tumas, mi save swe nogud long
hem. Taem patna blong mi I mekem mi kros, mi no wantem stap silip wetem
hem, be from hemi woman, bae hemi mas winim mi blong havem sex by force
(25-34 de-facto male SHEFA Urban)
Sometimes my partner makes me so angry that I would verbally abuse her. When
she makes me that angry, I refuse to sleep with her, but because she is a
woman, she will always win me over and force me to have sex with her.
Mi ting se partner blong mi I stap mekem fasin ia from hemi no rili wantem mi.
hemi just wantem yusum mi olsem tul blong hem nomo, ino kea weta I gud o
inogud. Hemi tingting long personal inters blong hem nomo (15-24 separated
female TORBA Rural)
I think that my partner does this because he does not really want me. He just
wants to use me like a tool, whether good or bad. He only thinks of his personal
interest

Marital rape is becoming an issue today. But Vanuatu, other countries of the Pacific
and the world at large do not consider it as an offense. The laws of Vanuatu do not
recognize marital rape as a criminal offense (Maltungtung VWC) and neither do Fiji
and some other countries. In Nigeria, Egypt, Sudan, Zimbabwe and Thailand, rape
within a marriage is not regarded as a crime because the woman is legally obliged
due to the marriage contract to have sexual intercourse whenever the husband
wishes. (ibid. 1999:104-107)
Section 90 of the Penal Code states:
Any person who has sexual intercourse with a woman or a girl without her
consent, or with her consent if the consent is obtained by force or by means
of threat or intimidation of any kind, or by fear of bodily harm, or by means of
false representation as to the nature of the act, or, in the case of a married
woman by impersonating her husband, commits the offence of rape. The
offence is complete upon penetration. Section 91 of the Penal Code stated:
No person shall commit rape.
Penalty: Imprisonment for life.
Rape is ranked as the highest sexual crime against women and number 10 out of 28
most reported crimes in Vanuatu (Table 12). It has been stated that 34% or over 1/3
of all sexual crimes committed are rape.

Women all over the world are vulnerable to rape and all types of sexual abuses,
whether in a developed, developing or under-developed country. Women are victims
of rape where ever they may live, whatever the culture or the social stratum to which
they belong. Evidence from many sources indicates that a high percentage of
perpetrators are acquaintance, friends, and those in positions of power or trust.
(Benniger-Budel & Lacroix 1999:140). Very often women and girls in Vanuatu do

52

not report rape cases because of shame, of being blamed for the mans criminal act,
of involving a member of the community and so forth as a teenager in Shefa
discovered. The alleged rapists families harassed the girl and her family, two of the
alleged rapists was sons of police officers.
Victims of rape which are often women are made to feel dirty, unclean, so they do not
always report cases. The way that reported cases are handled is not always
satisfactory to women because the chiefs, lawyers, and judges are all male. The
interpretation of the law may not take precedence as it may be colored by kastom.
The guilty person may escape punishment for lack of evidence or prove beyond
reasonable doubt or some other reasons, as this story revealed.
A Vanuatu Story 1994
Intentional assault, attempted rape, attempted murder. Attempt to kill the unborn child.
A husband was charged with intentional assault, attempted rape, Attempted murder and with
attempt to kill the unborn child. He had been trying to force his de facto wife to have an abortion.
Only the assault charges proceeded to court; the others were withdrawn. The husband pleaded
guilty and was sentenced to two years imprisonment, suspended because the husband and wife
reconciled.
(Jalal 1998: 168)

Described in this section are just three types of violence that women in Vanuatu face.
There are other types violence which include:

Threats:

This a common weapon used by men (and women) to get what

they want from their partner. The most commonly used are:
If you do that, I will kill you
If you leave me. I will kill myself
If you leave, I will make sure you dont see the children again
Your family must refund the money I paid for you
The women not knowing their rights or any better will submit to
the threats and continue to put up with the abusive situations
they are in.

Restrictions: Men and women both talk about restricting their spouse from
going to certain places or talking to particular people. Women will stop
their husbands from going to the nakamal or spending too much time
with his friends and men usually stop their wives from getting
employment, from seeing her family or going out of the house.
suspicions arise when one partner overrides these decisions and
violence often results.
Neglect:

This is often when one spouse does not provide the financial
resources to support the family. They would rather spend money
on kava and other substances than food or school fees, or
neglecting the responsibilities of parenthood. Women would
often complain to their husbands and perpetrate a lot of violence
against them. So they learn to just keep silent and put up with
this kind of violence.

The violence described above lead to a lot more violences that have a tremendous
effect on women and does not encourage the full participation of women in the
community. They are detrimental to the effect that children see these types of things
occurring in their homes and will adopt them as the norm.

53

7. INTERNATIONAL & NATIONAL

MECHANISMS
The International Level
Since the end of the Second World War, womens issues were introduced into the
international forum. Numerous legal instruments, organizations, committees,
programs and services have been established to oversee and monitor the situation of
the worlds women. The principle of equality enshrined in Article 2 of the Universal
Human Rights Declaration of 1948 which states that everyone is entitled to all rights
and freedoms (..) without distinction of any kind, such as race, color, sex, language,
religion has formed the core of these efforts.
In 1975, the UN also convened the First Intergovernmental Conference on Women in
Mexico City. It drew over 2000 delegates and the Conference produced the
Declaration of Mexico on the Equality of Women and their Contribution to
Development and Peace and also the first World Plan of Action for the Advancement
of Women (SPC 1994). A Ni-Vanuatu student from the University of the South
Pacific attended that Conference. It was then that Vanuatu women became a part of
the worldwide community of women networking for the human rights of women.
According to the SPC report, the combination of the efforts in 1975 and the Decade
for Women from 1976 to 1985 succeeded in putting womens concerns in particular
gender equality; the full integration of women in the development process, and the
promotion of peace, firmly on the global agenda (Latasi, SPC 1994).
Another milestone on the road to womens equality was the adoption of the
Convention of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) in December
1979 by the UN General Assembly.
In 1981, after the necessary 20-country ratification of the Convention, the CEDAW
became a legal tool for use where it is ratified. (CEDAW 1995:3) By February 2001,
167 out of the 189 UN member countries (including Vanuatu) had ratified CEDAW.
The UN convened a second World Conference on Women in Copenhagen, Denmark
in 1980 on the theme of equality, Development and Peace, to assess the progress
made since the first world conference on the themes of Equality, Development and
Peace. Three sub-themes of Education, Employment and Health were adopted by
this Conference.
In July 1985, the Third World Conference on Women was held in Nairobi, Kenya to
mark the end of the decade and to review and appraise the achievements of the UN
Decade for Women. Some 16,000 delegates and NGO representatives from around
the world attended and the Nairobi Forward Looking Strategies (NFLS) for the
Advancement of Women to the year 2000 were adopted by consensus. Vanuatu
was represented by both Government and NGO.
The UN Commission on the Status of Women undertook a five-year review and
appraisal of the implementation of the NFLS in 1990. The CSW found that the
situation of women had deteriorated in many parts of the world. (Latasi, SPC
1994:27)
In September 1995, the UN convened the Fourth World Conference on Women:
(4WCW) Action for Equality, Development and Peace in Beijing, China. Vanuatu had
a bigger delegation to the 4WCM than to any other conference in the past. The
Pacific Island Countries (PIC) went with the document Rethinking Sustainable

54

Development for Pacific Women towards the year 2000 which comprises the Pacific
Platform for Action (PPA). The PPA was compiled from the national reports and
action plans, sub-regional (Melanesia, Micronesia, Polynesia), caucuses, Pacific
regional meetings. (ESCAP/POC 1996:52) The PPA was adopted by ministers of PIC
in Noumea, New Caledonia in 1994 and was presented to Asia/Pacific Conference in
Jakarta in June 1994.
The Jakarta Declaration and Plan of Action for the
Advancement of Women in Asia and the Pacific, adopted in Jakarta was the regional
input into the Global PFA.
Vanuatu sent a ten member delegation to the 4th World Conference on Women in
1995. The delegation was headed by the Deputy Prime Minister who is also the
Minister of Womens Affairs, his security officer and four other officers, and four
member of the NGO. The Vanuatu Government presented a statement to the 4WCW
on September 7, 1995. The Beijing Platform for Action (BPA) with twelve Areas of
Concern was adopted by the 189 member states of the UN. These twelve areas of
concern include violence against, education and human rights of women.

Table 11: Comparison of critical areas of concern for Women:

Vanuatu National Plan of
Action 1994
1. Health
2. Education & training
3. Violence
4. Economic
empowerment
5. Decision making
6. agriculture & fisheries
7. Environment
8. Legal & Human Rights
9. Culture & the family
10. Peace
&
Justice
(women, peace &
security)
11. Indigenous peoples
rights
12. Poverty (hardships)

Pacific Plan of Action

1994
1. Health
&
2. Education
training
3. Economic
empowerment
4. Agriculture & fishing
5. Legal & HR
6. Shared
decision
making
7. Environment
8. Culture & the family
9. Mechanisms
to
promote
the
advancement
of
women
10. Violence
11. Peace & justice
12. Poverty
13. Indigenous peoples
rights

Commonwealth Plan of Action 1994

1.
2.
3.
4.

Democracy, Good governance &

peace
Gender & Human Rights
Gender & HIV/AIDS
Womens
Economic
Empowerment

Beijing Platform for

action
1. Women & poverty
&
2. Education
Training
of
Women
3. Women & Health
4. Violence Against
Women
5. Women Armed
Conflict
6. Women
&
Economy
7. Women in Power
&
Decision
Making
8. Institutional
Mechanism for
the Advancement
of Women
9. Human Rights of
Women
10. Women & the
Media
11. Women and the
Environment
12. The Girl Child

The NGO delegation comprised of twelve members who attended the NGO Forum
95 in Huairou from August 30 to September 8 1995. The Forum 95 had three
objectives: 1) agenda setting for NGOs into the 21st Century, 2) networking, 3)
influencing the Platform for Action. (ESCAP 96:48)
In June 2000, the United Nations General Assembly Special Session (UNGASS)
convened a conference in New York. Two delegates from Vanuatu attended. The
Beijing +5 conference reviewed and assessed actions being implemented since the
1995 World Conference. The two-member delegation presented a report to the

55

UNGASS. Upon returning, they presented a report to some forty members of the
Government and NGO with some recommendations.
In September 2000, the Prime Minister and his delegation attended a meeting in New
York where the eight Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) were developed and
endorsed. These eight MDGs consider the development measures to achieve
universal primary education, to promote gender equality and empower women and to
develop a global partnership for development is among the eight MDGs. The target
date for these eight MDGs is 2020.
In September 2000, the Prime Minister and his delegation attended a meeting in New
York where the eight Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) were developed and
endorsed. These eight MDGs consider development measures to reduce poverty,
achieve universal primary education, to promote gender equality and empower
women and to develop a global partnership for development is among the eight
MDGs. The target dates for these eight MDGs vary from 2005, 2015 and 2020
respectively.

Table 12: The 8 Millennium Development Goals:

Goal 1
Eradicate Extreme Poverty and
Hunger
Goal 2:
Achieve Universal Primary
Education
Goal 3:
Promote Gender Equality and
Empowerment of women
Goal 4:
Reduce Child Mortality
Goal 5:
Improve Maternal Health
Goal 6:
Combat HIV/AIDS and other
Diseases
Goal 7:
Ensure
Environmental
Sustainability

Goal 8:
Develop a Global Partnership
for Development

Target for 2015:

half the number of those living below $1 per day
half the number of hungry people
Target for 2015:
Ensure that all boys and girls complete primary school.
Target for 2005 and 2015:
Eliminate gender disparities in primary and secondary education preferably
by 2005, and at all levels by 2015.
Target for 2015:
Reduce by two-thirds the mortality rate among children under five.
Target for 2015:
Reduce by three-quarters the ratio of women dying in childbirth.
Target for 2015:
Halt and begin to reverse the spread of HIV/AIDS and the incidence of
malaria and other major diseases.
Targets:
Integrate the principles of sustainable development into country
policies and programs and reverse the loss of environmental
resources.
By 2015, reduce by half the proportion of people without access to safe
drinking water.
By 2020, achieve significant improvement in the lives of at least 100
million slum dwellers.
Target:
Develop further an open trading and financial system that includes a
commitment to good governance, development and poverty reduction
nationally and internationally.
Address the least developed countries special needs, and the special
needs of landlocked and small island developing States.
Deal comprehensively with developing countries debt problems.
Develop decent and productive work for youth
In cooperation with pharmaceutical companies, provide access to
affordable essential drugs in developing countries.
In cooperation with the private sector, make available the benefits of
new technologies especially information and communication
technologies.

56

Many developing countries spend more on debt service than on social services. New
aid commitments made on the first of 2002 could mean an additional $12 billion per
year by 2006.

Regional Level
At the regional level, the South Pacific Community (SPC), on recognizing the need
for a specific unit to deal with issues relating to women, set up the Pacific Womens
Resource Bureau (PWRB) in 1981. Since then, the PWRB has been steadfast in
pushing its mission for the integration of social consideration into our national
development policies, plans and projects. (SPC 1994:25)
Women from Vanuatu and their Pacific sisters then work together, seeking new
models of development in which greater social justice and peoples participation are
assured (Latasi 1994: 25) and in which women and men are equal partners and
beneficiaries. In 1995, prior to the Beijing World Conference on Women (BWCW),
Pacific Ministers responsible for women met in Noumea, New Caledonia to deliberate
on the Pacific Platform for Action (PPA), a pre-requisite to the Beijing World
Conference.
The theme of the conference was Re-thinking sustainable
development for Pacific women towards the year 2000. The PPA contained 13
areas of concern (see table 14).The Pacific women and governments adopt the PPA
as their statement of commitment towards achieving the goals of Equality,
Development and Peace and as a regional contribution to the 1995 4th WCW, in
Beijing.

National Mechanisms
Prior to independence, womens work revolved around the family, household and the
church. Thus, the governments of the time left any work relating to women to the
various churches in the community. The churches concentrated on domestic issues
such as child care, sewing, cooking, prayers, bible studies and so forth. It was not
until about 1968 when the British Administration set up a unit under the Department
of Social Affairs called Womens Interest Section (WIS), and recruited women to work
in it. Under the male head, the WIS concentrated its efforts on sewing, cooking,
complimenting on the Church Womens Group activities. WIS remained to be
headed by a man so until after independence.
In May 1980, the Vanuatu National Council of Women was established to provide a
forum for womens issues, to serve in an advisory capacity to Government on
womens issues and to provide specific services for women. (VanGov 1998:6). With
the assistance of community workers from the government, area councils were
established throughout the islands to facilitate this work. However, as usual the
concentration of efforts was based on domestic activities. In the late 1980s and early
90s, more women attended the Community Training Center set up by the SPC in Fiji,
which promoted a development into other areas such as the building of water-tanks,
water sealed toilets, screen-printing and other income generating activities. By 1992,
issues on VAW were becoming a problem throughout this country and the Vanuatu
Womens Center was established to cater for victims of domestic violence.
In November 1993, a female was appointed to head the department for women.
However, to reduce costs, it became a combination of Culture, religion, Womens
Affairs and Archives (DCRWA). The DCRWA was separated in 1998 following
recommendations from the CRP in 1997.

57

In 1994, a 10-years report was on women from 1985-1994 was compiled and
presented at the SPC regional Conference in Fiji. In 1994 also, the first ever-national
plan of action for the women of Vanuatu was produced.

Government Development Plans

After independence, the Government embarked on a fifteen-year development plan.
It was then subdivided into three parts, the Development Plan 1, (DP1) DP2 and
DP3. The objective of the Vanuatus DP1 was:
to promote a change in the role of women in the Ni-Vanuatu society and
to work towards their full and equal participation in domestic, local and national
affairs.
Meanwhile, the objective of the DP2 was:
to realize the potential of women as partners and beneficiaries of the
development process in Vanuatu.
The DP3 continues to maintain these development aims for women but includes:
the incorporate womens issues in main-stream development planning;
increase the participation of women in economic activities
improve status of women and their families.
However, these important issues need effort, human and financial resources, a
change in attitude by leaders, to bring the above objectives into reality.
In 1997, various sectors of the Vanuatu community met at the Club Vanuatu in Vila
for the Comprehensive Reform Summit (CRP). The CRP adopted a nine benchmark
for the development of women in Vanuatu as listed below:

Table 13: CRP 9 Gender Benchmarks:

Comprehensive Reform Program 1997
1. Visibility & meaningful participation in decision making
2. Valuation of the contribution of women
3. Economic Equality and independence
4. Violence against women and discriminatory laws
5. General physical and mental health
6. Reproductive health
7. Customs, religion and culture
8. Education
9. Environmental management and subsistence production

The Comprehensive Reform Program (CRP) of 1997 stipulates the need for visibility
and meaningful participation in decision making among its nine benchmarks. A
gender equity officer was recruited and placed in the Department of Strategic
Management. A gender planner was appointed at the DWA and a gender Policy
Guideline and Action Plan for 2001-2004 was developed to mainstream gender
equity and gender equality and to have strategies to achieve this goal.

58

The Legal System

The legal system does not have a specific provision to deal with VAW. It is dealt as
intentional assault under Section 107 of the Penal Code. It states:
No person shall commit intentional assault on the body of another person.
Penalty:
a)
b)
c)
d)

If no physical damage is caused, imprisonment for 3 months;

If damage of a temporary nature is caused, imprisonment for 6 months;
if damage of a permanent nature is caused, imprisonment for 5 years;
if the damage so caused results in death, imprisonment for 10 years.

The system being as it is, does not give VAW the attention it required but treated it as
a domestic affair more than its criminal implication. Thus, it is a more serious crime if
a man beat another man. If he beats his wife, it is given less prominence. The
Police, because of various reasons, do not always take reports relating to domestic
violence seriously. The offender may be related to the police officer concerned, or
the police officer himself or one of his fellow men is involved or may be implicated.
Secondly, the Police officer himself may be involved. Mason stated that a number of
police officers and male members of the Vanuatu Mobile Force (VMF) assault their
spouses. Out of a total of 962 officers in 1995, there were 661 male police officers
and 301 male members of the VMF. Eleven spouses of clients of the VWC were
recorded as members of the police or VMF. Women whose husbands are police or
VMF officers state that they are reluctant to report their spouse because they believe
that his workmates will not deal with the complaint or deal with it properly (Mason
2000: 122).
In many such cases, her partner or relatives into withdrawing a case coerce a
woman, or the chiefs intervene. The chief would then deal with the case and the
man would perform the kastom of klinim fes. When asked if the women were
satisfied, the majority stated the problem still exists. In the Wan Smol Bag radio
program on May 10th 2004, both the male and female interviewed both admitted that
the problem was not resolved although fine was paid. Both the male and female
interviewee stated that in their cases, the male chief was biased in his verdict.
In a conference in Fiji in 2003, the Police consider adopting a no drop policy in
cases relating to Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children (CSEC).
Superintendent Vake Rakau of the Vanuatu Police reported this in the Daily Post of
September 24th 2003. Rakau stated:
All it requires is for the Commissioner of Police to issue an instruction that no
such case can be dropped even if the families of either victim or complainant
request it.
The no drop policy on cases of CSEC has already been adopted in Fiji and Samoa.
Whether a no drop policy on cases of CSEC has been adopted in Vanuatu and
whether it would be extended to all sexual crimes still remains to be seen.
The Draft Family Protection Bill has been in the pipeline since 1998. This was part of
the requirement of the signatory of the State in ratifying the CEDAW to ensure that
legal frameworks are established to eliminate discrimination against women. At the
reporting to the UNGASS in June 2000 on the Beijing +5, the DFPB was to be tabled
in 2000. It was then deferred on the grounds that it needed further consultation in the
communities. The VWC, VNCW and other NGOs continued with the consultations.
In 2003, the DWA in a joint effort with the women and Chiefs of Shefa Province took

59

on the consultation process to all the provinces. The expectation was that the DFPB
would be tabled in the first sitting of parliament in 2004.
However, the Daily Post of May 5th 2004 stated that the Draft Family Protection Bill is
delayed again till August 2004, to give ministers time to study the bill. With the
dissolution of parliament on May 10th 2004, and a possibility of new elections, the
chances are very slim to have the bill debated in August 2004.

Vanuatu Womens Organisations

Since its opening in 1992, the Vanuatu Womens Center (VWC) has been very active
in its work through providing services to victims of violence and criminal assaults
from intentional assault to incest, rape and other sexual crimes against women.
Through the VWC's advocacy and legal rights awareness training throughout the
country has given women confidence to begin to stand up for their rights and report
incidences of violence affecting them. The VWC provided a safe house for victims of
violence since 1994 and from July 1999 to June 2002, 61 women have utilized this
service. The Vanuatu National Council of Women (VNCW), another NGO, also has
programs on issues relation to women throughout the country. The VNCW and
VWCs programs compliment each other and that of government in promoting the
elimination of all forms of discrimination against women the country. Below are the
statistics of victims who have been through the VWC and Sanma Counseling Center
since their establishment in 1992 and 1995 respectively. From 1992 to 2002, VWC
recorded 7,415 cases and Sanma recorded 3,407; a total of 10,822. (see Table 14)
In November 2001, the Government introduced the Courts (Domestic Violence
Protection) Rule No.67 of 2001, initiated by Chief Justice Lunabek. Women who
need urgent protection against domestic violence may and have used this measure.
As crimes reported to Police Department do not separate common assault and
domestic assault, specific figures are not available. However, figures from 19882002 ranks intentional assault as the highest crime against people in Vanuatu. (See
Table 10) Table 15 below shows figures from the VWC showing the number of
cases registered at the Court House from 2001-2003.

Table 14: Annual Statistics from the Vanuatu Womens Center, 19922002
Year

Domestic
Violence

Child
Maintenance

Rape

Child
Abuse

Others

Information

Total

1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002

5
54
55
77
165
83
68
312
347
802
986

1
75
35
61
129
54
94
221
257
532
421

6
5
4
5
22
14
22

3
21
5
9
15
113

3
44
51
85
151
113
249
207
218
506
395

104
78
133
Included
Included
Included
Included

9
179
146
227
549
331
565
750
853
1,869
1,937

Total

2,954

1,880

78

166

2,022

315

7,415

Source: Vanuatu Womens Center, 2003.

60

Table 15: Domestic Violence Protection Order Cases Court House,

2001-2003
Year
2001
2002
June
2003
Total

Registered
Cases
4
53
42

Refused

Granted
1
44
11

Want of
Prosecution
0
1
0

Transferred
to
Supreme Court
0
1
0

3
2
37

1
51
5

1
2
0

99

42

57

58

Withdrawn
0
1
5

Struck
Out
0
4
3

0
0
23

23

Source: Vanuatu Womens Center, 2003.

Most women would not report cases of violence for various reasons. Firstly, it is a
shameful thing to admit to being abused and beaten, and the fear of being further
abused by the spouse. Women do not know their rights in kastom and are equally
not aware of their rights in the Constitution and international conventions such as the
CEDAW.
It is sad to find that most women go into marriage under the faade of
love, but soon found it dwindling to a life of hardship. Some women continue with the
pretence hoping it may eventually improve as the Torba woman who said hemi se
hemi killing mi from hemi lavem mi tumas. What a way to show ones love! She
hoped one day he would change.

Advocacy
The Vanuatu National Council of Women (VNCW) has representatives in all six
provinces and the two municipalities, and area councils throughout the archipelago.
VNCW has been advocating for womens rights and an end to VAW, since its
establishment on May 15th 1980.
In addition, the Wan Smol Bag theater group has produced plays and video
cassettes on of domestic violence and related issues. The plays and videos were
shown through the country, thus complimenting the work of the womens groups to
combat VAW. In 2003-2004, after having been empowered with knowledge of
CEDAW and the contents of the Draft Family Protection Bill (DFPB), the chiefs of
Shefa Province, accompanied by women leaders, visited all the provinces. With the
assistance of the Department of Womens Affairs (DWA), advocacy and training was
conducted in all the provinces, including the municipalities.

61

Pending

8. CONCLUSIONS &
RECOMMENDATIONS
Through this project, we have had some interesting discussions and debates about
the place of women in the Vanuatu society. What is obvious is that although in
private, many men say that women were important and they support their women,
they will not defend women in public. A young woman commented that her father
supports her with her work with women, but will not allow her mother to attend. It is
hard to understand or explain that attitude, but is it common.
Vanuatu as a nation, has, through its international obligations, put policies and
programs and spent much money towards achieving equality, but little has changed.
The excuse has always been that the fight for equality is women trying put
themselves above men. This in itself is a misunderstanding of the issue. When
women talk about equality, it is the desire to be recognized as human beings,
someone who can feel, think, has needs and is equally capable of making decisions.
As we have discussed that in past, women were able to do a lot more. However,
once the traditional small scale societies were penetrated by outside influences, not
only by the white man, but from the other cultures within the country through
intermarriages, the small scale societies of about 100 people no longer exists. It has
now become a larger country of close to 200,000 people. This transition from small
communities, through black birding, the introduction of Christianity, colonialism and
independence in a relatively short period of course has inevitable consequences.
What is being realized is that women bore the cost of these changes much more than
men. In the cultural soup of todays society, the contemporary kastoms and beliefs
that have evolved are discriminatory to women and some quite contrary to past
practice. A few are illustrated in table 19 below:

What needs to change?

The culture, the lifestyles and the kastoms have evolved as they should. In the same
way, the roles of men and women in the community have changed as well.
Vanuatus communal societies are being re-defined. The support systems, the family
units are not the same. However, what is being set up today operates on the same
principles. In the municipal areas of Luganville and Santo these days, there are
Councils of Chiefs and community associations being set up serve the same
purpose. In the rural areas, committee are being set up that serve the same purpose,
to look after the community welfare and help the members when they are in need.

Table 16: Comparing the Contemporary kastom to the reality

The Contemporary kastom or belief:
Women cannot hold decision making positions
It is disrespectful and against kastom for women
to wear trousers
Kastom says a womans place is at home
It is not the womans place to give advice or to
tell men what to do.

The reality:
In most islands in Vanuatu, women had their own gradetaking ceremonies that gave them status. Stories of female
chiefs were told in Ambae, Nguna and Futuna.
The kastom dressing for men was mats, leaves or penis
sheaths. Women wore either leaves, mats or grass-skirts
and nothing else.
In traditional society, women participated in a lot of the
community work. Women go fishing, gardening, even have
their role in construction of a house.
Although in most cases, women were not present in the
decision making bodies, women can influence mens
decisions on major issues. Women were their husbands
informants. They listen to the gossip and inform the men
on the issues affecting the community.

62

In the survey, 47% of the respondents indicated that the couple themselves were
responsible to stop domestic violence, 17% said the chiefs and 8% the Church. This
is important in indicating that efforts need to be placed on informing couples on how
to deal with issues that cause domestic violence. Some of which were identified in
section 6 of this paper. There is need for men and women to understand issues of
sexuality. Although this is presumed to be a sensitive topic, we need to start
educating the children about it. As one TORBA man explains, bifo, ples blong
tokbaot ol ting ia hemi long nakamal wetem ol bubu, be tedei, kaen nakamal ia i
nomo kat. Tedei tabu nakamal ia hemi wanwan hom mo skul we ol pikinini oli go long
hem (in the past, the place to discuss these issues are sacred houses. Today we no
longer have those. Today, the sacred houses are the schools that children go to.
The other important institutions that formalize a marriage are the church performing
the religious ceremony and the Chiefs overlooking and negotiating the kastom
wedding. The kastom ceremony in most places in Vanuatu had always been the
place to receive your final instruction on how to live. The church, the spiritual
instruction. As we have found out, does not give adequate pre-marital counseling.
There is room for the two institutions to merge a [provide some form of pre-marital
counseling for at least a month or so before the wedding. This could include conflict
resolution, family planning, family budgeting and sexuality.
In the Government and NGO level, awareness on womens rights and equality have
mostly been targeted to women. Some men that were interviewed had suggested if
women want to achieve equality, they need to raise the awareness amongst men.
The Vanuatu Womens Center has started in 2001 an Men Against Violence
program which is quite successful and should be supported.
These are a few areas that we have identified through this project that could start to
see the lives of Vanuatu women improving. To end, here is a quote from Mahatma
Ghandi that we loved and one to create food for thought:

It is good to swim in the waters of tradition, but to sink in them is suicide

63

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