Académique Documents
Professionnel Documents
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MELITTA WEISS-AMER
MELITTA WEISSAMER
down in history as one of the earliest testimonies for a Caesarean operation performed on a dead woman, a procedure not mentioned in the
Corpus Hippocratic~m.~
More recently, Jean Filliozat in his book on the
origins of Indian medicine and its Greek parallels, has argued that in
particular the Hippocratic texts Diseases of Women and Nature of Woman
were strongly influenced by Indian medicine, and that the Persians
may have acted as mediators in the transfer of knowledge prior to the
expedition of Alexander.lo
Hippocrates, in commenting on the diseases of pregnant women, repeatedly mentions mistakes in nutrition as a factor which can cause
abortions. Pregnant women suffering from anorexia or fainting, or consuming too much or too little food are in danger of aborting, and so are
women who in the early stages of their pregnancy eat and drink acrid
and bitter things they are not used to, or substances which upset their
stomach.ll
In his description of the symptoms of pregnancy, Hippocrates mentions cravings for strange foods and a reduced intake of food due to
loss of appetite and nausea.12When the cravings of the mother are for
things which are not normally used as foodstuffs, and when such desires are met, this can have detrimental consequences for the child, as
the author explains in the Book on Superfetation: "Si une femme enceinte
a envie de manger de la terre ou des charbons, et en mange, l'enfant qui
est mis au monde porte sur la tete LIII signe provenant de ces ~ h o s e s . " ~ ~
The Hippocratic text most often quoted in medieval Arabic and Latin
compendia of medicine is the collection of Aphorisms, of which Book V
is devoted to human reproduction. But unlike the Ayuroeda with its
abundance of material on prenatal care, or the above-mentioned works
of the Corpus Hippocraticum with their occasional dietetic references, it
contains virtually no information regarding the diet and lifestyle of the
pregnant woman.14
Galen, the most prolific writer of the Graeco-Roman period, likewise
ascribes a relatively minor role to the conservative aspects of pregnancy. This is not surprising, given that, as Joseph Needham has
pointed out, only 7 percent of Galen's works deal with human reproduction, compared with 37 percent in Aristotle or 31 percent in Albertus Magnus.15 Although Ursula Weisser raises doubts as to the accuracy of such a statistic, it nevertheless can be seen as an indication
that pregnancy was an area Galen was not particularly interested in.16
A phenomenon he does describe in detail, however, is an eating disorder common in many pregnant women, which he calls citta.
This desire usually occurs in women abounding in an exceedingly bad humor
and in pregnant women, and it is called citta. This desire makes them crave
sour, very bitter, and sometimes acrid things, or on occasion even Cimolean
earth, shells, extinguished coals, or certain strange foods.''
. . . and most women are troubled in this way rather more at the beginning,
just after they have conceived, because although the fetation is able to prevent
the evacuation, yet as it is so small it does not at first use up any amount of the
residue; afterwards, when it does take up some of it, it relieves the trouble.lB
When Pliny wrote his Natural History in the first century AD, he included a section on pregnancy, abortion, and delivery in Book VII. In
his description of the signs of pregnancy he, in keeping with his Greek
forerunners, puts strong emphasis on women's eating disorders. "On
the tenth day from conception pains in the head, giddiness and dim
sight, distaste for food, and vomiting are symptoms of the formation of
the embryo."19 And although he does not give a detailed account of the
right diet during pregnancy, he does provide an example of the bad effects mistakes in nutrition can have on the progeny: "mothers eating
food that is too salty bear children lacking nails."20
Pregnant women's cravings for thirfgs not normally associated with
food continued to capture the imagination of the male medical community during the Graeco-Roman period as well. In the second century
AD Soranus of Ephesus was the first to deal with female physiology
and human reproduction separately. In his Gynacia he devotes seven
questions to cittosis, and gives the following definition of the disorder
which he calls cissa:
37. What is cissa?
The craving for unusual food which occurs in pregnant women at a certain
time together with an unstable stomach, an abundance of humors, and nausea.21
He maintains that cissa normally starts in the second month of pregnancy and in some cases may last almost until delivery. Among the
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remedies he mentions are the occasional day of fasting or, if this is not
possible, many small meals preceded by water and followed by wine,
as well as dry and astringent foods.22
Soranus's work, parts of which have come down to us only in the
fifth: and sixth-century translations of Caelius Aurelianus and Moschi0n,2~does not yet contain a conservative list of foodstuffs for optimal fetal development of the type found in Hindu, Arabic, or European pregnancy-regimens.
The first comprehensive set of guidelines for prenatal care was put
together by Oribasius in the fourth century AD. In Book V, Chapter 1,
of his Synopsis, he describes the disorders common in pregnant women
and provides the appropriate regimen to correct the various afflict i o n ~Not
. ~ ~surprisingly, all of them are eating disorders: overeating,
frequent vomiting, increased secretion of saliva, heartburn, and nausea. Against vomiting and over-eating he recommends walks, foods
that are not too bitter and not too sweet, fragrant white wines (especially when they are five years old), drinking in moderation, a medicinal potion to be taken before and after the meal, as well as a cataplasm
to be applied externally on the cardia. Heartburn is cured by drinking
small sips of warm water, by taking leisurely walks, and by putting
soft wool on the abdomen. Work and more or less extended trips are
also a means to restore the pregnant woman's appetite. Nausea is
cured by eating a variety of savory foods and dry starch. The latter is
especially beneficial to women who have a craving for earth. Large
women who suffer from nausea should on occasion eat acrid things,
particularly mustard. The regimen ends with various cures for oedematose feet.
Aetius of Amida, a sixth-century Byzantine compiler, provides an
extended version of Oribasius's regimen in Book XVI of the Tetrabiblon
which deals with gynecology and obstetric^.^^ Chapter 10, entitled
"Concerning the Morbid Appetite (Pica) of the Pregnant Woman, According to Galen," begins with an etymology of the disorder which,
Aetius maintains,
gets its name (pica) from the noisy bird, the magpie. On the other hand, others
feel that the name is derived from the ivy plant which is called citta by the
Greeks. It is so called because the ivy is wont to attach itself to any nearby
plant. So women suffering from the pica crave various foods which are either
sensuous or di~agreeable.~~
While Aetius's association of the ailment with the plant ivy was not
taken up by later authors, the association with the magpie has survived
in medical textbooks from ancient Byzantium until the modem era. According to Paul of Aegina, a seventh-century Byzantine writer who
copied Oribasius's regimen almost verbatim, pica was named after a
'
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The pregnancy-regimen begins with a caveat against mental disturbances and overactivity, acrid foods and foods which predispose to flatulence, vigorous enemas, too much or too little food or drink, as well as
loss of blood. Recommended are "moderate amounts of food which are
suitable to the stomach, trips in a sedan chair, short walks, gentle massage, and wool spinning."37 At about the eighth month of pregnancy
the amounts of food and exercise are to be reduced, and constipation is
to be corrected by such foods as "juice of ptisan, cooked sorrel, mallow
and lettuce." In the ninth month frequent baths are recommended.
With the possible exception of Aspasia's regimen, all representatives
of the Hindu and Greek medical tradition examined above are male
discourses dealing with an intrinsically female experience, namely that
of pregnancy. When it comes to women's diet, however, the emphasis
is different in the texts of ancient India and Europe.
The Ayurveda of Caraka and SuSruta ascribes eminent importance to
the right food during each phase of a woman's pregnancy-and even
as much as a week before cohabitation, if a son of excellent qualities is
desired.38Considering that weakness, timidity, lack of wisdom, ignorance, unsteadiness, heaviness of lower limbs, intolerance, slackness,
and softness are among the characteristics determining the female
sex?9 it is understandable that the chapter on procreation in the Caraka
Samhita with its focus on excellent progeny, deals with procreating
male children only.40If there is any doubt as to the sex of the fetus in
the early stages of the pregnancy, a special therapy, purizsavana, is administered to the woman in order to guarantee a male child. Mistakes
in nutrition are mentioned briefly in Hindu medicine together with
their disastrous effects on the health of the progeny.41As to the symptoms indicative of pregnancy, they do include such eating disorders as
"excessive salivation, loss of appetite, vomiting, anorexia, liking for
taking sour things, and liking for all types of food-both wholesome
and unwholesome," but these are not elaborated on in the pregnancyregimen.42
In Hellenic medicine, on the other hand, the connection between the
diet of the mother and the quality of the progeny is less pronounced.
The focus in the Greek texts is clearly on eating disorders and corrective nutrition. In particular it is morning sickness and women's craving~
for strange things which are discussed at great length in the literature, thus illustrating once again the strong orientation of Greek medicine towards pathology.
MEDIEVAL ARABIC AND EUROPEAN PREGNANCY-REGIMENS
13
medical knowledge between ancient India and Greece took place is still
far from being resolved, it is a fact that the two systems came together
during the Arabist period. According to Manfred Ullmann, the Arabs
in the early Middle Ages had access to translations of Hindu works of
medicine in addition to the extensive translations from Greek and
S y r i a ~His
. ~ study
~
of the Arabic medical literature makes clear that basically all the classical works of Ayurveda belonging to the Brihat Trayee
(greater triad), i.e., Caraka-Samhitn, Sus'ruta-Samhitif,and AsfangahrdayaSamhita, were known to the Arabs, and were quoted by such renowed
physicians as Rhazes and A~icenna.4~
In an appendix to his book Paradise of Wisdom, the Arabic writer Aba l-Hasan 'Ali ibn Sahl Rabban
at-Tabari gives a summary of Hindu medicine based on translations
of the works by "Caraka, SuSruta Vagbhata (Astangahrdaya) und
Madhavakara ( N i d t i ~ ~ a )As
. " ~Ursula
~
Weisser points out, this appendix also includes information on the Hindu theory of human reproducti~n.~~
While Arabic medicine throughout the Middle Ages was essentially
Hippocratic and Galenic in nature, it is conceivable that familiarity
with the Hindu system led to a shift in emphasis from pathology to
preventive medicine, and the development of "new" genres of texts
such as the conservative regimens for pregnancy, childbirth, and childrearing.
When Arabist writers, above all Johannitius, Haly Abbas, Rhazes,
and Avicenna put Greek medicine into a theoretical framework for
which they used as ordering principles Galen's sex res non naturales
(namely air, food and drink, exercise and rest, sleep and waking, repletion and excretion, and the passions and emotions), they created a type
of literature which gained enormous popularity among the Arabs, and
which in medieval Europe came to be known as Regimen ~anitatis.4~
In
dealing not only with healthy adults but with all stages of a person's
life, Arabic Regimen-literature brought pregnancy, childhood, old age,
and convalescence, regarded as the neutral state between sickness and
health, into the realm of preventive medicine. Given the availability of
Hindu medical literature, it is possible that Arabic compilers in their
search for material on the ideal lifestyle of the pregnant woman, turned
to the conservative regimens of the Ayurveda which contained ample
information on virtually all the non-naturals. An analysis of the Arabic
pregnancy-regimens will show whether actual dietary guidelines were
adopted from Hindu medicine.
Around 900 AD Rhazes was one of the first Arabic writers to include
a pregnancy-regimen in his regimen-cycle of the Liber de medicina ad Alman~orem.~~
Although in the incunabulum used for this analysis the
regimen is entitled "De regimine infantis et pregnantis," it deals only
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MELITTA WEISSAMER
other complications, and concludes the regimen with recipes for inducing labor.
There are without doubt strong similarities between the regimens of
Rhazes and Haly Abbas, and yet in the Liber pantegni greater emphasis
seems to be put on corrective nutrition. This tendency is even more
pronounced in Avicenna's Canon. A pregnancy-regimen of the type
found in Rhazes and Haly Abbas is included in the Canon in Liber 3,
Fen XXI, Tractatus 2, where it is part of Avicenna's treatment of sexuality, male and female reproductive organs, and their diseases.52Compared to his predecessors, Avicenna provides substantially more information and focuses more clearly on the eating disorders common during pregnancy.
In the regimen entitled "De regimine vniuersali pregnantis" his discussion of the various aspects of nutrition begins with a reference to
the bread a pregnant woman should eat, followed by the foodstuffs
that are bad for her, many of which were encountered earlier in Rhazes
and Haly Abbas: acrid and bitter foods, such as capers and unripe olives, and those provoking menstruation, such as green beans, chickpeas, and sesame. Avicenna then turns to the day of conception and
lists two beverages which, according to Hippocrates, enhance fertility:
"savic in aqua,"53 and fragrant, fine, old wine. In the second month of
pregnancy the woman is advised by Avicenna to eat raisins, sweet
quinces, pears, and things which whet her appetite, as well as apples
and pomegranate^.^" The regimen concludes with recipes for electuaries, of which the electuarium de margaritis (pearl electuary) became
enormously popular in Medieval Europe, where it found its way into
many compilations of medicine.55
Avicenna apparently deemed the appetite of the pregnant woman so
important that after a comparatively brief regimen for the wetnurse,
"De regimine enixe," he returns to the subject once more and devotes
an entire chapter, "De appetitu pregnantis," to corrective nutrition. In
it he provides information on ways to restore lost appetite, to rectify appetitus malus (cittosis?),and to reduce a woman's appetite. He also gives
a recipe for an electuary against flatulence, and various remedies
against vomiting.
In the Arabic pregnancy-regimens "food and d r i n k is without
doubt the most prominent of the non-naturals. More detailed information is now included on recommended foodstuffs than was contained
in the Greek sources, and yet none of the regimens provides a diet-plan
comparable to those found in Hindu medicine. With eating disorders
and corrective nutrition still being discussed extensively in the texts,
Arabic dietetics of pregnancy seems to be indebted more to the Western than the Eastern tradition.
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MELI'ITA WEISSAMER
'
17
quant ele est en~ainte"with the quote from Pliny's Natural History, in
which the Roman author warns that too much salt in the diet of the
mother results in babies being born without nails. The thrust of the regimen is based on Avicenna and Rhazes. Hence, foodstuffs believed to
provoke urine and menstruation are to be avoided; tender meats of
young animals and poultry, on the other hand, are recommended together with slightly diluted wine. To whet a woman's appetite, pears,
pomegranates, and sour apples are listed. This is followed by the recipe for an electuary which is said to comfort the stomach and the rest of
the body, and which constitutes the French translation of Avicenna's
electuarium de margaritis.
By the end of the thirteenth century, Rhazes' Liber and Avicenna's
Canon had also become the standard textbooks at Italian universities,
as the pregnancy-regimen in Book I of Guilielmus de Saliceto's Summa
conservationis et curationis illustrate^.^^ Guilielmus, who was trained in
Bologna and wrote the regimen sometime after 1275,62also makes extensive use of Hippocrates' Aphorisms in addition to Rhazes and Avicenna. Like many authors before him, Guilielmus differentiates be- tween the nutrition of pregnant women who enjoy a healthy appetite,
and those who experience eating disorders such as cittosis. Appetitus
mendosus is the term he uses to describe the cravings for coal and clay.63
In 1493 a German translation of Guilielmus' text was made by the
physician Bartholomaus Scherrenmiiller at the request of Graf
Eberhard im Bart and his wife Barbara who had problems conceiving
an heir. But Scherrenmiiller's translation of a pregnancy-regimen was
by no means the first. The shift from Latin to German had in fact begun
over 150 years earlier with a brief regimen included in Ortolf voq
Baierland's A r ~ n e i b u c h h
. ~ ~it the author follows by and large the Arabist tradition and warns of bitter foodstuffs while recommending
wholesome food which generates good blood, such as the meat of
chicken, partridge, and kid. Not surprisingly, Ortolf, too, favors wine
over all other beverages.
The advent of the plague in the mid-fourteenth century made the
survival of mankind a concern for everyone and triggered a massive
wave of translations into the vernacular. In addition to physicians, the
clergy now became increasingly involved in translating texts such as
the regimen-literature of medieval school medicine, thus making accessible to the literate what was once the prerogative of the latinate.65
One of the most popular German pregnancy-regimens was composed
ill 1429 by a cleric from Freiburg by the name of Heinrich L a ~ f e n b e r g . ~ ~
The author is clearly familiar with European school medicine, and does
not hesitate to exploit it for the propaganda purposes of the church. He
achieves this primarily by stripping the medical discourse of all ele-
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MELITTA WEISSAMER
ments which run counter to church doctrine, and declaring the "censored" version the will of God.67In nutritional matters he advises the
pregnant woman to eat food in moderation without going hungry or
thirsty. A caveat against coarse, tough food such as beef, pork and
smoked meat, beans, lentils, barley, raw fruit, and fish caught in ponds,
is followed by the recommendation to eat veal, kid, chicken, partridge,
small birds, venison, and soft-boiled egges. Diarrhea, constipation, and
medicinal potions with the exception of a mild laxative are to be
avoided.@The parturient woman is to be given hot milk or
and the woman who has just given birth, light food from hens and
chickens, and light white wine.70
The shift from Latin to the vernacular also brought about a change in
audience from professional and male to lay and primarily female. And
with it came a shift from corrective nutrition with its sometimes complex medical recipes to the standard nutrition of the pregnant woman.
Laufenberg, for instance, provides only simple remedies requiring
readily available ingredients which can be prepared by the pregnant
woman or her entourage. For more serious disorders the author suggests that the woman consult a doctor, and buy her electuaries in an
ap~thecary.~~
The trend towards expanding on the regular foodstuffs and their effects on the woman becomes especially evident in an Italian regimen
written by a contemporary of Laufenberg, the physician Michele Savonarola. Chapter 2 of his treatise Ad mulieres ferrarienses de regimine
pregnantium et noviter natomm usque ad septennium begins with a conservative regimen which discusses all six non-naturals, but puts the
strongest emphasis on food and drink." In using Avicenna and Galen
as hissmain sources on nutrition in general, and pregnancy in particular, Savonarola evaluates foodstuffs of all the traditional food-groups
found in medieval school medicine with regard to their positive and
negative effects on the pregnant woman: the meats of four- and twolegged animals, fish, other sea-food, fruits, roots, seeds, grains, herbs,
citrus fruits, milk and dairy products, oil and fat, sweeteners, spices,
wine, and other beverages. Following the treatment of the non-naturals, Savonarola turns to the question of appetite and, like Avicenna,
gives a detailed account of the various eating disorders common during pregnancy, as well as their re me die^.'^
Savonarola's treatise, written in Italian and dedicates to the women
of Ferrara, is the culmination point in the development of the pregnancy-regimen. Never before and never after, it seems, was there so
much attention paid to all aspects of pregnancy, and especially to nutrition. In the sixteenth century German regimens, for example, were
mostly reworkings of Laufenberg's text, printed separately or in con-
19
junction with the new literature for widwives and authors such as Eucharius Rosslin and Jacob R~eff.'~
CONCLUSION
When in the early medieval period Arabic physicians created the genre
of the pregnancy-regimen based on Galen's six non-naturals, and consequently made pregtancy a part of preventive medicine, they had access to the predominantly male medical discourses of Ancient India
and Greece. While on the question of food Hindu medicine stressed the
excellence of a male progeny through the right diet of the mother,
Greek physicians, who until the Byzantine Period did not organize
their information regarding pregnancy in special regimens, seemed
more concerned with phenomena such as morning-sickness and cittosis
and their cures. In their nutritional guidelines Arabic regimens were
found to follow more closely the Western than the Eastern sources. A
typical Arabic regimen would provide a list of recommended foods, of
foods to be avoided, and remedies for eating disorders. European
school medicine generally followed the Arabic model and continued to
discuss pregnancy in the context of preventive medicine. Numerous
Latin regimens were compiled in the West, and were geared towards a
professional male audience. The advent of the plague led to an increase
in translations into the vernacular, and the fusion of the male medical
with the male clerical discourse when churchmen such as Heinrich
Laufenberg acted as translators and "editors" of medieval school medicine. As women became more and more the target group for these vernacular versions, pregnancy-regimens were taken out of the context of
preventive medicine and e;entually integrated in books dealing
mainly with human reproduction and women's health.
I
NOTES
* I would like to acknowledge anonymous readers for their comments on this article
and the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada for financial
support.
1 Ann Oakley, The Captured Womb: A History of Medical Care of Pregnant Women (Oxford
and New York: Basil Blackwell, 19M).
2 Oakley, The Captured Womb, p. 11.
3 Obstetrical and gynecological sources from the earliest Egyptian papyri to the twentieth century can be found in Heinrich Fasbender, Geschichte der Geburtshlilfe (Jena:
Gustav Fischer, 1906); and Harvey Graham, Eternal Eve (Altrincham: Heinemann,
1950). See also Theodore Cianfrani, A Short History of Obstetrics and Gynecology
(Springfield, 111.: C. C. Thomas, 1960). For information on the medieval and early
modem period see Paul Diepgen, Frau und Frauenheilkunde in der Kultur des Mittelalters (Stuttgart:Georg Thieme, 1963);and Audrey Eccles, Obstetrics and Gynecology
in Tudor and Stuart England (London:Croom Helm, 1982); for obstetrics and gynecol-
20
MELITTA WEISSAMER
ogy i n art see Harold Speert, Iconographia Gyniatrica: A Pictorial Histoy of Gynecology
and Obstetrics (Philadelphia: F. A. Davis, 1973).
Ram Karan Sharma and Vaidya Bhagwan Dash, eds. and trans., AgniveSa's Caraka
Samhitd: Text with English Translation & Critical Exposition Based on Cakrdpani Datta's
Ayurveda Dipikd, Chowkhamba Sanskrit Studies, Vol. 94 (Varanasi: Chowkhamba
Press, 1977), p. 367; the work is "a compendium made b y Charaka (2nd century AD)
from an earlier work o f Agnivera, based u p o n the lectures o f his master Atreya (6th
century BC)"; see Fielding H. Garrison, An Introduction to the Histoy of Medicine, 4th
ed. (Philadelphia and London: Saunders, 1929),p. 70.
Kaviraj Kunjalal Bhishagratna, ed. and trans., An English Translation of the Sushruta
Samhita Based on Original Sanskrit Text, Vol. 2, Chowkhamba Sanskrit Studies, Vol. 30
(Varanasi:Chowkhantba Press, 1963), p. 216f.; the text was written i n the fifthcentury
according to Garrison, History of Medicine, p. 70. It is not clear what the translator o f
Susruta means b y "appetising drugs"; the passage reads "Such food is t o b e given as
she wants, but it must be soft, thin, sweet, oleaginous, and what promotes the internal
heat" i n Thomas Alexander Wise, commentay-on the Hindu system of Medicine: An Exposition of Ancient Hindu Medicine as Embodied in Sanskrit Literature (London 1860; Amsterdam: APA-Oriental Press, reprint, 1981), p. 415.
Sharma and Dash, Caraka Samhitd, p. 475f.
Bhishagratna, Sushruta Samhita, p. 217f.
Heinrich Fasbender, Entwicklungslehre, Geburtshiilfe und Gyniikologie in den Hippokratischen Schrifen (Stuttgart:Ferdinand Enke, 1897), p. 44.
Fasbender, Entwicklungslehre, Geburtshiilfe und Gyndkologie,p. 57; and Renate Blumenfeld-Kosinski, Not of Woman Born: Representations of Caesarean Birth in Medieval and
Renassiance Culture (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1990), p. 22f.; according to
Blumenfeld-Kosinski Caesareans o n living women are a more recent phenomenon,
i
presumably starting i n early Jewish culture.
JeanFilliozat, The Classical Doctrine of Indian Medicine: Its Origins and Its Greek Parallels,
translated b y Dev Raj Chanana (Delhi:Munshiram Manoharlal, 1964), esp. p. 255; the
Hippocratic treatises i n question are "De la Nature d e la Femme," Vol. 7 , p. 312-430,
and "Des Maladies des Femmes," Vol. 8, p. 10-462, o f Emile Littre, ed. and trans.,
Oeuvres Compl8tes dlHippocrate, 10 vols. (Paris:J. B. Bailliere, 1839-61).
"Des Maladies des Femmes." v. 67.69.
"Elle a des envies d'aliments &ranges; m&mepeu d e nourriture cause des dbgoGts et
des nausbes" b e e "Des Maladies des Femmes." v. 79).
"De la ~ u ~ e r f k t a t i o ni,n" Littrb, ed., ~ippocrate)
61.s,'~.487.
Inge Miiller-Rohlfsen, ed., Die Lateinische Ravennatische Llbersetzung der Hippokratischen Aphorismen (Hamburg:Hartmut Liidke, 1980), p. 150-53.
Joseph Needham, A History of Embryology, 2nd ed., rev. with the assistance o f A.
Hughes (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1959), p. 86.
Ursula Weisser, Zeugung, Vererbung und prdnatale Entwicklung in der Medizin des arabisch-islamischenMittelalters (Erlangen: Hannelore Liiling, 1983),p. 40f.
"De symptomatum causis lib. I," Chap. 7 , Paragraph 1 i n C. G. Kiihn, ed., Galenus:
Opera Omnia (= Medicorum Graecorum Opera quae exstant, Vol. 1-20), Vol. 7 (Leipzig
1821-33; Hildesheim: Olms, reprint, 1964-65), p. 133; the English translations are m y
own, unless otherwise indicated, and are based o n Kiihn's Latin translation.
"De symptomatum causis lib. I," p. 133; and Aristotle, Generation of Animals,
translated b y A. L. Peck (Cambridge: Harvard University Press and London: William
Heinemann, 1963, Book IV, Chapter 6, v. 463.
Pliny, Natural ~ i s t o r yWith
: an ~ & l i s hfranslation in Ten Volumes, translated b y Harris
Rackham, Vol. 7 [London:William Heinemann and C a m b r i d"~ eHarvard
:
Universitv
Press, 1963), ~ o o VII,
k Chapter 6, p. 533.
Pliny, Natural Histoy, p. 535.
Valetin Rose, ed., Sorani Gynaeciorum Vetus Translatio Latina (Leipzig: Teubner, 1882),
p. 15.
21
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MELITTA WEISSAMER
Sharma and Dash, Caraka Samhitd, p. 471-73.
Sharma and Dash, Caraka Samhitd, p. 476.
Cf. Sharma and Dash, Caraka Samhita, p. 396.
Manfred Ullmann, DieMedizin im Islam (Leiden and Cologne: E. J. Brill, 1970),p. 103.
Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, p. 104f.; as to the classification of the Hindu works,
see K. R. Srikanta Murthy, trans., SWgadhar-Samhitd ( A Treatise on iiyurveda) by
Sdrngadhara (Varanasi and Delhi: Chaukhambha Orientalia, 1984),p. 1.
45 Ullmann, Medizin im Islam, p. 122.
46 Weisser, Zeugung, Vererbung und prdnatale Entwicklung, p. 16.
47 Wolfram Schmitt, "Theorie der Gesundheit und 'Regimen sanitatis' im Mittelalter"
(Habilitationsschrift Heidelberg 1973).
48 See Garrison, Histoy of Medicine, p. 120; the edition used is Muhammad Rhazes, Liber
ad Almansorem (Venice: Bonetus Locatellus for Octavianus Scotus, 1497), fol. 2ra-60vb,
and the pregnancy-regimen is on fol. 21rb.
49 Perhaps the latinized form of the Arabic word for citta?
50 See Garrison, Histo y of Medicine, p. 120; I use the pregnancy-regimen of the Liber pantegni in Cod. M. p. med. f. 3, Universitatsbibliothek Wtirzburg, fol. 74va-vb (late thirteenth century).
51 As to the structure of the Regimen sanitatis in the Liber pantegni, see Schmitt, "Theorie
der Gesundheit," p. 88-95.
52 The edition used is Avicenna, Liber Canonis (Venice 1507; Hildesheim: O h s , reprint,
1966); the pregnancy-regimens are on fol. 365vb-366rb.
53 A kind of wheat decoction, also mentioned in Ibn Butlan's Tacuinum sanitatis ("sauich, id est pultes tritici"), see Franz Unterkircher, ed. and trans., Das Hausbuch der Cerruti: Nach der Handschrift der Osterreichischen Nationalbibliothek (Dortmund:Harenberg
Kommunikation, 1979), p. 84.
54 "Et sint in secundis mensis earum passe [sic] et cydonia dulcia et pira et excitanta appetitum et mala mum [sic] et granata muza [sic]" (Avicenna, Liber Canonis, fol. 366ra);
a French rendition of this Avicenna-passage lists "poires, et puns de gemate, et puns
aigres" (see Louis Landouzy and Roger Pepin, eds., Aldebrant [MaBre Aldebrandin de
Siennel. Le Rtgime du Corps [Paris: Librairie Ancienne Honore Champion, 1911;
Geneva: Slatkine, reprint, 19781, p. 72).
55 It appears as diamargariton in Thornas de Cantimpre, cf. Christ. Ferckel, Die Gyniikologie des Thomas von Brabant (Munich: C. Kuhn, 1912), p. 21,32; according to Ferckel
(p. 74) it was used "als Emmenagogum und zur Stlrkung der Gebarenden resp.
WBcherin. Plat[earius] empfiehlt Perlen mit Rosenzucker geg. Schwachezusttinde;
den starkenden Einfluss schreibt er der constringierendenWirkung der Perlen zu."
56 According to John F. Benton, only the Practica secundum Trotam is genuine Trota (see
his "Trotula, Women's Problems, and the Professionalization of Medicine in the
Middle Ages," Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 59 [1985]: 30-53). The edition used is
Trotvla, "De Mulierum Passionibus, ante, in, & post partum, cum reliquis partim
item inseruientibus Liber experimentalis mirificus," in Experimentarivs medicinz (Argent: Ioannis Schottus, 1544),p. 437; the pregnancy-regimen is on p. 13. Since the real
author/compiler of the regimen is unknown, I will refer to him/her as Trotula.
57 Blumenfeld-Kosinski, Caesarean Birth, p. 31-34; the edition used is Lilium medicinae a
Bernardo Gordonio Professore olim rnontispessulano Ordinatio praeclarissimo (Frankfvrti:
Petrvs Uffenbachius, 1617),p. 798-803.
58 Lilium medicinae, p. 802.
59 The edition used is Maynus Mayneriis, Regimen sanitatis (Lyon: Franqois Fradin,
1505),fol. lr-71r; the pregnancy-regimen is on fol. 23-v.
60 Landouzy and Pepin, Rtgime du Corps, p. 71-73.
61 "Capitulum primum primi libri, in quo determinabitur de consewatione sanitatis a
die conceptionis usque ad ultimum vite senij" of Saliceto's Svmma is edited in Wolfram Schmitt, "Bartholomaus Scherrenmiillers Gesundheitsregimen (1493) fur Graf
Eberhard im Bart" (diss. Heidelberg 1970),p. 105-46.
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