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does not feel it necessary to give justification or reasons for its steps
against Pakistan. Moreover, this is also in line with big brotherly attitude of
the Indian ruling classes towards small neighbouring countries and their
drive for regional hegemony under the umbrella of imperialist powers. Modi
Govt. has utilized every incident to whip up national chauvinism directed
against Pakistan.

In Lieu of Editorial

Modi Govt.s attempts to


whip up national
chauvinism
Pro-corporate and anti-people policies of Narendra Modi Govt. have
accelerated the disillusionment of the people with BJP-RSS Govt. Along
with it, despite attempts to show higher economic growth rate by changing
the methods of computing the growth rate, economic difficulties of the
people are mounting. BJP has termed its promise of bringing back black
money as only a jumla and has gone back on promises made before the
elections. There have been several exposures of its leaders being mired in
corruption. Moreover, there has been no progress in the generation of
employment, which was so noisily proclaimed by Narendra Modi and BJP.
All these have tarnished the image of Modi, which was so meticulously
crafted by the corporate and their media. Narendra Modi, who had called
the earlier Prime Minister Manmohan Singh a mauni baba for his silence
on corruption scandals, has himself been keeping mum on the exposure of
corruption scandals involving his own party leaders.
Being aware that his Govt. would be able to do precious little on the
economic front to alleviate the sufferings of the people, Narendra Modi has
made foreign policy as the main issue of his propaganda. This selection is
based on the fact that foreign policy does not affect the people directly in
the short term and empty propaganda can be made about successes on
this front. Moreover it is an effective instrument to whip up national
chauvinism in the country. Modi Govt. is trying to whip up jingoism against
the neighbouring countries particularly Pakistan. This is in line with RSSBJP's long time propaganda that Pakistan can be made to 'behave' if a
strong Govt. i.e. their Govt. is in power. They used to ascribe any tension
between India and Pakistan to the weakness of the earlier Central Govts.
Due to longstanding propaganda of hatred and lack of confidence towards
Pakistan by the ruling classes and their propaganda media, Modi Govt.
July, 2015

Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)

On June 4, 2015 some organizations of North-East, one of them the


National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NCSN) led by Khaplang, ambushed
an Indian Army convoy killing 18 Armymen and injuring many more. A few
days after this incident Indian Govt. claimed that Indian Army conducted
an operation inside Myanmar in which training camps of the above mentioned
organization were destroyed and more than 70 Naga rebels killed. Ministers
of Modi Govt. claimed that this operation inside a neighbouring country
was the beginning of a new offensive policy of Modi Govt. A junior minister
of Modi Govt. (Rajvardhan Rathore) went further to claim that India would
cross the international border for such actions in neighbouring countries,
obviously hinting at Pakistan. Though there is an agreement between Govts.
of India and Myanmar on hot pursuit of rebels and such actions have been
taken earlier as well, but Modi Govt. propagated that it was a result of a
new offensive policy of Modi Govt. and they claimed it as an achievement
of Modi Govt. Obviously the purpose of these intimidatory statements
towards neighbouring countries was to show increasing strength of India
under Modi Govt. After this warning by the Govt. of India, a statement was
issued by Pakistan Govt. that Pakistan is not Myanmar. After this
statement from Pakistan, Defence Minister Manohar Parriker claimed that
Pakistans reaction showed that the arrow has hit the target. It shows that
Rathores statement was part of a planned strategy of Modi Govt. and not
any off the cuff remark.
After this controversy, Myanmar Govt. made a statement that Indian
Army had not conducted any operation inside Myanmar territory. After this
statement from Myanmar Govt. Indian Defense Ministry beat a retreat from
the earlier claim and clarified that Indian commandos were dropped by the
helicopters on the Indian side of the India Myanmar border and that they
had conducted the said operation on India-Myanmar order. Despite the
massive propaganda of the big success in Indian Army having delivered a
devastating blow to NSCN-Khaplang, in a report published in Indian Express
a few days later it was claimed, quoting Army sources, that these camps

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NEW DEMOCRACY
were lying deserted and only 7 Nagas were reportedly killed in these raids.
In a later report published in the Hindustan Times, it was denied that any
losses had been sustained by that organization in the said Army operation.
It is obvious that the whole exercise was a big propaganda campaign whose
purpose was to sing paens to the new offensive policy of Modi Govt. and
to whip up national chauvinism among the people.
Under the cover of the propaganda of this operation, attempt was made
to hide utter bankruptcy of the policy being pursued by Indian Govt. towards
Nagas and their democratic aspirations. It was not clarified that when
ceasefire with NCSN-Khaplang had expired, why was there no attempt to
renew it? More importantly, why has no meaningful dialogue been held with
Naga organizations despite nearly two decades old cease-fire with them?
Why have no steps been taken to meet the democratic aspirations of Nagas?
Moreover, why were no steps taken to bring even the contiguous Naga
areas under single administration despite this being repeatedly demanded
by Nagas ? This whole chain of events makes it clear that the Govt. of
India is not serious about solving the problems of the nationalities of the
North-East. But the Modi Govt., without appreciating the whole gamut of
issues, considered it an opportunity to project its strong image. Propelled
by corporate media to power, Modi Govt. is bent on creating an image of
its strength through hollow propaganda campaign.
Besides giving anti-Pakistan colour to this operation, Modi Govt. has
been continuing its offensive posture against Pakistan. It had earlier
cancelled foreign secretary level talks on the pretext of Pakistans High
Commissioner having invited Hurriyat leaders for talks. That this was just
a pretext was clear from the fact that Indian Govt. had been earlier allowing
such talks. After annulling these talks, dialogue with Pakistan is being
postponed on one pretext or another. Tensions on the border are being
used for the purpose of putting off such a dialogue. Recently a senior
Minister in Modi Govt., Arun Jaitley, has stated that dialogue with Pakistan
depends on the behaviour of Pakistan. This statement clearly reveals that
Indian Govt. is not prepared for a dialogue with Pakistan. Or at least it
wishes to do so on its own terms and choosing. Earlier, Foreign Minister
Ms. Sushma Swaraj, had on May 21, 2015, stated while presenting the
report card of her ministry, our dialogue with Pakistan will only materialize
in a peaceful milieu. This zone will be created only when Pakistan takes
actions against the perpetrators like Lakhvi and others. It is clear that the
July, 2015

Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)


line being pursued by Modi Govt. is of deferring the dialogue with Pakistan
on different pretexts.
The anti-Pakistan line was clearly articulated by the Union Defense
Minister Manohar Parriker in a statement on May 21, 2015 in the context of
the struggle in Kashmir and Indias charge of Pakistans support to it. He
said that Indian Govt. has a policy of using terrorists against terrorists. He
described this through a hindi proverb as kante se kaanta nikalana. It
meant utilizing terrorism to combat terrorism. When he was later questioned
on this statement, he reiterated it saying that he was prepared to go to any
extent. Moreover he said that India is not maintaining a 1.3 million strong
Army to preach peace. Obviously there was widespread reaction to this
statement of Parriker in Pakistan. According to Pakistan Govt. and Pakistan
media, Parrikers statement is a proof of the claim of Pakistan Govt. and
Pakistan Army that Indian intelligence agency RAW is behind trouble in
Balochistan. According to Pakistan media, while Pakistan already knows
this, Parrikers statement would make it clear to the international community
that using terrorism is part of the state policy of India. It may recalled that
at Sharm-el-Shiekh summit a joint statement issued by the then Prime
Minister of Pakistan, Yusuf Raza Gilani and the then Prime Minister of
India, Manmohan Singh had mentioned the situation in Balochistan. This
reference to Balochistan in the joint communique was then widely criticized
in India and BJP was among the main critics. BJP had then termed reference
to Balochistan as shameless.
The strident anti-Pakistan line however is in line with BJP-RSS thinking.
Modi Govt. has appointed Ajit Doval as National Security Advisor to the
Govt. He has been advocating that India should adopt defensive offensive
approach and not the present defensive approach on this question which
means that India should reciprocate by creating troubles in Pakistan. He is
claimed to have said that we should clearly warn Pakistan that one more
Mumbai and you lose Balochistan.
Manohar Parrikers statement drew flak from the leaders of the opposition
parties of the ruling classes. However, these leaders do not have any
objection to the policy of fighting terrorists with terrorists but only on openly
admitting this. Many leading newspapers of the country have also criticized
Parrikers statement in the same vein. According to them, with this
statement New Delhis demand for action against Pakistan supported
terrorists will get weakened. They too have no opposition to the existence
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of such a policy of fighting terrorists with terrorists, their objection too is
on openly admitting the same. Senior Minister of UPA Govt. who was the
Union Home Minister for some years, P. Chidambaram, said while criticizing
this statement of Manohar Parriker that this admission has gifted a weapon
to Pakistan against India. According to him UPA Govt., in its ten years'
rule, never used terrorists in any part of Pakistan. He said that even Modi
Govt. is not doing this. Hence he demanded that Parriker should take back
his statement. Communist Party of India (Marxist) too demanded that Modi
should make public correction to this statement to undo the damage. On
the other hand Manohar Parriker has no problem with this admission because
it is useful to his party in deepening communal polarization in the country.
This statement has another and even more important aspect relating to
the struggle of the people of Jammu & Kashmir. In Kashmir, Indian Govt.
has been using surrendered militants against militant organizations and
the democratic struggle of the people of Kashmir. Indian Govt. has been
using these surrendered militants to kill activists of the militant organizations
and leaders of the democratic movement fighting for the right of selfdetermination for people of Kashmir. Such allegations by the leaders of the
movement have been in the news and such reports have at times been
published in the media. The only difference is that unlike Manohar Parriker,
earlier govts. have not been publicly admitting this. There have not been
many comments in the Indian media on this aspect of the statement. Even
the opposition parties of the ruling classes have not given statements on
this aspect which only shows that they do not have much difference on
this policy in relation to suppressing the struggle of the people of Jammu &
Kashmir. However this statement does expose the reality of the propaganda
of the successive govts. about the struggle of the people of Kashmir. It
also brings to light the difficulties being faced by the struggle of the people
of Kashmir.

Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)


history writing and culture, attempts are being made to strengthen Hindu
communal base for national chauvinism. How Modi Govt. has packed all
state institutions in these fields with RSS nominees is widely known and
commented. RSS-BJP are openly trying to forge this alliance of national
chauvinism and Hindu communalism. They know that communalism is able
to influence large sections of people only when it is presented in the garb
of nationalism.
Apart from their subservience to US imperialism, Modi Govt. is drawing
close to Zionist rulers of Isreal for deepening communal polarization. It is
united with the Zionists in their opposition to Muslims. Modi Govt. has
taken relations with Israel to higher level. Union Ministers have toured Israel
since BJP came to power. Modi talked to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin
Netanyahu on the sidelines of UN General Assembly session. Modi is
maintaining direct and close relations with this Zionist who is on the extreme
right even in Israel and is aligned to the extreme right sections in US. In a
first for a Prime Minister of India, Modi is planning a visit to Israel.
Such moulding of public opinion is being attempted to serve the interests
of foreign and domestic corporate and to intensify attacks on workers and
peasants. Exposure of the hollowness of the promises made by BJP before
elections and also exposure of the corruption scandals involving BJP leaders
has made this campaign by BJP even more urgent and necessary for it.
Through these attempts Modi Govt. wants to lead astray the growing
disillusionment of the people with itself. Through this campaign Modi Govt.
is also trying to prepare the ground for wide and wild attacks on the
democratic rights of the people.
(Translated from June 2015 issue of Pratirodh Ka Swar, Hindi
Central Organ of CPI(ML)-New Democracy)

Propaganda of new offensive policy against the neighbouring countries


and statements against Pakistan is part of a planned endeavour of Modi
Govt. which is aimed at whipping up national chauvinism among the people.
The whole sequence and open assertions prove such a plan. Along with
this, RSS-BJP is trying to further communally polarize the society by
organizing a number of local incidents of communal conflict and attempting
to give communal colour to every local incident among the different religious
communities. Through communalization of education, historical research,
July, 2015

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Greece : A Challenge is
also An Opportunity

Europe is facing political earthquakes. European Union, a project of big


capital of Europe, is facing existential crisis. The existing framework of
EU is being threatened by conflicting claims of different economies of
Europe which are facing downturn and even frank recession. Economies of
some of the European countries have shrunk. Unemployment is high. World
financial economic crisis which exploded in 2008 continues to shake the
European countries, though different European countries are being affected
to different extents and in different ways.
Victory of Pedemos in major metropolitan centres in recent local body
elections in Spain, the fifth largest economy of European Union has shaken
the ruling establishment of that country. Pedemos supported candidates
have won in Barcelona and capital Madrid. The powerful showing of Pedemos
came five months after the victory of Syriza in Greece. Syriza is embroiled
in a bitter struggle with German controlled European Central Bank (ECB)
and US controlled IMF who are demanding further implementation of
austerity measures. Greek peoples opposition to these measures had
propelled Syriza to power but powers of Europe are refusing to recognize
this mandate of Syriza. Towards the end of May 2015 local body elections
were held in Italy where again anti-austerity parties gained in elections.
These results in the crisis ridden Latin Europe were a vote against economic
policies aimed at pushing the burden of the economic crisis onto the
shoulders of labouring sections. Political landscape of South Europe is
shifting to the left with neo-liberal economic policies along with concomitant
corruption and increasing riches of the wealthy being targets of peoples
wrath in all these countries. Working class of these countries is making
common cause with other sections including middle classes against
austerity measures. Struggles of workers are taking increasingly political
character though yet confined within the parliamentary arena.
Performance of Syriza Govt. in Greece on this score is going to be
important for the further course of working class movement not only in that
country, but also across Southern Europe. Dominant powers of European
July, 2015

Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)


Union, particularly Germany, are demanding what in essence is Syriza
going back on its election promises which had propelled it to victory. Big
capital is asserting that peoples verdict has no role in shaping economic
policies of the countries which are in need of financial assistance from
international financial institutions, sending a clear message that capitalism
stands in opposition to democracy and forcing on the people what is patently
against their interests and what they are opposed to.
The current negotiations between Syriza Govt. and the troika of European
Commission, European Central Bank and International Monetary Fund are
stuck on the issues of further cut in Govt. expenditure and further increase
in Govt. tax collections. The troika is demanding that Syriza Govt. further
cut pensions and wages of public sector employees. Concretely, they are
demanding that the pension burden, which is currently 16% of Govt.
expenditure, should be brought down to 15% immediately. Syriza Govt. is
expressing its inability saying that over two third of the pensioners are at
the level of or below poverty line and hence further cut is not possible. The
troika is further demanding that Greece Govt. should increase VAT on
medicines and electric supply. The disastrous effect of this on people whose
income is any way depressed can easily be imagined. The negotiations
between troika and Greece Govt. are continuing on budget surpluses i.e.
difference between tax collections of the Govt. and its expenditure. Troika
is demanding budget surplus of 1% of GDP in the current year, 2% in the
next year i.e. 2016 and 3% in the year 2017. Greece Govt. has presented
proposals in this regard of targeted budget surplus of 0.8% in the current
year and of 1.5% in the next year. This difference is not very significant
but troika is demanding that Greece agree to concrete measures of cutting
expenditure i.e. on pensions and of increasing tax revenue as mentioned
earlier. However the troika has rejected Greece Govt.'s plans to increase
taxes on the rich and certain kind of businesses. Troika is not only
demanding a budget surplus but also wants to determine how that is to be
achieved.
The impasse in the negotiations between Syriza Govt. and European
powers particularly Germany is not easy to resolve. European powers want
Syriza Govt. to accept the troika's conditions which Syriza cannot accept
without totally going back on its election pledges to the people of Greece
i.e. of terminating austerity measures. For European powers it is not only
the issue of Greece but adherence to its neoliberal prescriptions by all the
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NEW DEMOCRACY

Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)

countries facing economic difficulties. If Syriza Govt. succeeds in having


its way, it will have wide repercussions on all the countries being subjected
to austerity measures, particularly Spain, Portugal and even Italy. Not only
that, it will have wide impact on the politics of these countries where
established bourgeois parties have betrayed their election promises and
have heaped enormous burdens on their people at the behest of European
powers. Any concession by the troika on this score would greatly undermine
the prestige of the established ruling class parties and even the big
capitalists of these countries tied as they are to European and American
big capital. Hence whatever the postures of European powers about helping
Greek people, they are not going to oblige Greece without extracting painful
measures. European powers had earlier rushed with bailout funds to pay to
the investors. In fact all the bailout funds till now have gone to such
investors, only increasing the debt burden of Greece without helping its
economic recovery in any way. On the other hand their policy prescriptions
have only depressed the already crisis ridden economy. With private
investors largely compensated, European govts. wish to drive a harder
bargain.

Greece's Leading creditors (in Euros)


Germany

68.2 billion

France

43.8 billion

Italy

38.4 billion

Spain

25

IMF

21.4 billion

ECB

18.1 billion

Netherlands

13.4 billion

USA

11.3 billion

UK

10.8 billion

billion

Belgium

7.5 billion

Austria

5.9 billion

Finland

3.7 billion

July, 2015

People of Greece have undergone tremendous hardships since the


sovereign debt crisis deepened in the aftermath of world financial economic
crisis. The measures imposed by international financial sharks have further
deepened the crisis and increased their hardships. Since 2010 the GDP
has shrunk by more than a fourth (27%) and debt has increased to over
343 billion US $ which is more than 177% of its GDP. On the other hand
pensions and wages have been depressed, govt. departments and services
have been closed down while wages in the private sector have also gone
down. However, despite 16% reduction in the wages there is no improvement
in the competitiveness of products from Greece which was the given reason
for affecting this reduction. Rather than helping the Greek economy to
recover and employment situation to improve, these measures have led to
over one quarter of Greeks being unemployed while unemployment among
youth is over fifty percent.
Crisis in Greece and other South European countries is in fact a
continuation of the world financial economic crisis which had exploded in
2008. It had affected all countries but in different ways. In fact all these
countries had resorted to bailout of banks and big business in their countries
and had injected money to boost their economies. However, big imperialist
powers are trying to project the economic crisis in Greece and other South
European countries as born out of expenditure far in excess of their income
or what they call as living beyond their means. But this is patently incorrect.
Spain had a very low debt/GDP ratio as compared to several other large
economies. Italy on the other hand, had had budget surpluses all these
years. It is not that these countries have been living beyond their means.
It is the very economic financial architecture imposed on them as part of
European economic project, while depriving them of monetary tools for at
least partially addressing it i.e. their own currency. In the wake of world
financial economic crisis European and US capital left these countries,
plunging them deeper into crisis at a time when the contradictions of their
economies were any way sharpening due to depressed demands in the
European and US markets, when the EU and US promoted growth sectors
experienced sharp downturn saddling the banks with a huge chunk of bad
loans. If anything, crisis in Greece and other South European countries
points to the culpability of big economic powers of Europe and US in giving
rise to and accentuating the crisis. And now these very powers want people
of Greece and these countries to shoulder the entire burden of the wrong
policies and malfeasance of these powers. They wish to transfer the burden

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of their deliberate follies on to the common people of Greece. And the
policies sought to achieve this objective are clubbed as "austerity measures"
cutting the Govt. expenditure on pensions and salaries of employees,
shutting down govt. departments and undertakings, cutting down wages of
workers and social security of workers and the people at large, stoppage of
all govt. works, etc. The neoliberal prescriptions sought to be imposed by
these powers on Greece and other countries also entail encouragement to
profits and previleges of the bourgeois elite. Like old usurers, these powers
wish to extract the last ounce of blood from the working people of Greece
and other countries. The policies being imposed by them can only spell
disaster for the working masses of these countries.
Ever since the sovereign debt crisis erupted in Greece, the established
bourgeois parties had been making a pretense of opposing the austerity
measures imposed by the troika while implementing them while in power in
the name of there being no other way. On the other hand people of Greece
have been agitating against these policies with large sections of the people
actively participating in these agitations. It is in this situation that Syriza,
the coalition of radical left, came to enjoy wide support among the people
and was voted to power in January 2015 elections.
Syriza's twin stance of rejecting austerity and staying in the Eurozone
in fact represents the differences among the array of forces grouped under
the banner of Syriza. While old Euro-communist and reformist sections are
keen on a compromise, the militant sections including the revolutionary
left are standing firm against surrendering before the troika. Old
Eurocommunists and reformists are the dominant section in Syriza including
its legislative wing. These reformists seek to extract the best possible
deal from international creditors but are not prepared to leave Euro even if
the international creditors do not accede to the minimum demands of the
people of Greece. For them remaining in Eurozone is primary while demands
of people of Greece are negotiable. The clash between different sections
in Syriza came to the fore in the recent National Convention where Left
Platform garnered big support while revolutionary forces also made their
stand clear. Protests are being held in Greece daily and with large
participation of the people against the conditions being imposed by foreign
creditor institutions. These demonstrations, while targeting the troika
particularly German imperialists, are also a warning to Syriza Govt. not to
go for undue compromise sacrificing its main election promises. People's
July, 2015

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Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)


demonstrations against and opposition to the terms being laid down by
EU, ECB and IMF are being organized by the militant and revolutionary
sections to make people vigilant against any compromise, while dominant
section of Syriza is seeking to use them, and people's anger generally, to
extract better terms which they can sell to the people of Greece. But, the
question is not only whether dominant leadership of Syriza will compromise
but also whether the troika will offer any compromise in the first place.
One important aspect of the present situation in Greece is relative
weakness of the revolutionary forces compared to the possibilities offered
by the situation which has drawn large sections of the people into struggle.
Situation on this front is developing fast. Greece has refused to pay its
installment of over 300 million $ to IMF and has grouped it along with
others to be paid at the end of the month i.e. by 30th June 2015 when 1.7
billion $ payment will become due to IMF. There are big repayments coming
up in near future and Greece cannot afford to make them without further
bailout funds from the lenders. And they are refusing to make the payment
without commitments by Govt. of Greece. This is all building up to a big
show down in the offing by the end of June 2015.
Whatever course the current negotiations take along with various zig
zags in this course, Greece is coming to face a clear choice between
subservience to international lenders and taking an independent course
free of them. This would definitely entail reorganizing the economy on
different lines. The future is definitely painful for Greece in the near term,
with its default and consequent flight of capital despite capital controls,
exit from Euro and adoption of its own currency, Drachma, with its value
going steeply down. But in this course lies the prospect of building a better
future. Whatever decision Syriza takes, the crisis is bringing increasingly
larger sections into protests against dictates of troika and is strengthening
the revolutionary forces in Greece. They will undoubtedly seize this
opportunity to lead this ancient civilization to once again play a pioneering
role in Western Europe. This fear has also been expressed in an article in
the Economist published recently.
While Latin Europe is travelling leftward, there is rightward shift in
Northern Europe. In Poland, the ruling party lost to its rightist rival despite
claims of economic recovery. In Denmark, the ruling centre-left coalition
has lost to opposition centre-right coalition. There is growth of anti-

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immigrant, neo-Nazi forces in European countries. In UK, Conservative
party has secured a majority of its own. This contradictory shift in the
political landscape of Europe i.e. in Northern and Southern Europe, have
been facilitated by decline of social democratic centre which supported
neo-liberal policies albeit with human face, i.e. with 'less adverse' effects
on workers. However, with deepening of economic crisis donning this mask
was no longer possible and different sections of its mass base moved in
different directions.
In UK, collapse of Liberal Democrats has propelled Conservatives to
majority. Shift of Liberal Democrat votes to other parties made this possible
in the first past the post electoral system. However, this victory of
Conservative party would not have been possible without shift of ruling
Conservatives to Eurosceptic position. Prime Minister Cameron promised
In Out Referendum before 2017 to win over supporters of U.K.
Independence Party (UKIP). However bigger event has been a near complete
sweep by Scottish Nationalist Party in Scotland winning 56 out of 59 seats
there. Besides collapse of Liberal Democrats, British elections also saw a
polarization in Scotland in favour of SNP and in England against Scotland
getting increased powers. So much was the polarization in England that
the main opposition party, Labour, ruled out any truck with SNP after elections
in order not to antagonize voters in England. Though Labour gained some
votes but these were not enough to carry its leader to 10, Downing Street.
After the results Prime Minister David Cameron has toured the European
countries for changes in European treaty to present it to the British electorate
before the referendum. Of particular importance is the right of people from
EU countries to go to UK as members of the European Union. Cameron is
trying to stay in the 'reformed Union i.e. change the character of European
Union itself. U.K. has had a very difficult relationship with EU dominated
by continental powers Germany and France. It considered itself an arbiter
of western Europe but not a part of it inititally. In 1960s it did join EEC, but
the relationship has always been one of conflict. U.K. Conservatives are
also dealing an important blow at the European Union which is any way
struggling to contain fall out of the impact of world financial economic crisis,
divergent priorities of west and east European states or what is also called
old and new Europe. All these contradictions are added to the machinations
of US imperialism to keep Europe under its control whose priorities are at
times at variance with US imperialism.
July, 2015

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Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)


This contradictory political movement in northern and southern part of
Europe is rooted in the structure of their economies. The North European
states are richer in manufacturing particularly of advanced machines (capital
goods), in technology and in financial services as compared to southern
part. France stands at the junction of these two parts, having features of
both and also having problems of both. As has often been the case in
history, even this battle will probably be fought most decisively in France.
While France lags behind Germany and the Netherlands in industrial base,
lags behind U.K. in financial services, it has relatively large agrarian sector.
While French ruling bourgeoisie are trying to increase their role in
aggressions against third world countries, are trying to emerge to increase
their space given relative decline of US power and its willingness to
intervene, they are also hamstrung by domestic factors. While antiimmigrant and neo-Nazi forces are on the rise in France, it also has powerful
democratic traditions and working class movement. It is torn between
predominantly Anglo-Saxon north and Latin south, with both of whom France
shares historic bonds and deep economic ties. Even in the present issue
of Greece bailout, France stands in between i.e. between German
intransigence on debt repayment on the one hand and the need to solve
the debt issue of Greece on the other.
The present juncture opens vast possibilities for the revolutionary forces
particularly in south European countries where working masses are being
galvanized into action in defense of their jobs, their standard of living and
their national pride. Their national humiliation is rooted in their economic
ruin, their inability to defend their values is rooted in their subservience to
north Europe and America in economic life. Working class enjoys vast
support in their struggle and it is time that revolutionary forces accept this
challenge.
(This article was prepared in June 2015 before Referendum in Greece
and later capitulation by Syriza Govt. - Editor)

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Odisha Land Grabbing (Prohibition)


Ordinance 2015

Denying Govt. land to Poor


Bhalachandra
When the whole country is debating the controversial land acquisition
Ordinance by the Modi Govt, the Naveen Patnaik led state Govt. has taken
a major decision on Govt. land in the recent past. The Odisha Land
Grabbing (Prohibition) Ordinance, 2015 promulgated on 26th May 2015 by
the Odisha government has not only created a controversy but also posed
a serious question about the future of land rights and livelihood of lakhs of
poor people of the state. Though the stated objective of the Ordinance is to
prohibit the grabbing of land of government, local authority, public
institutions, Bhoodan Yagna Samiti and religious or charitable institutions
by influential people but in its real sense it is meant to deny the right of
poor people over Govt. land. The Ordinance has been modelled after Andhra
Pradesh Land Grabbing (Prohibition) Act, 1982, that makes such acts a
cognizable offence. The government is in the process of formulating Rules
in consultation with the law department to implement the Ordinance. A Bill
in this regard will be introduced in the next monsoon session of the
assembly.
There were many controversies in the recent past over the grabbing of
Govt. land by the influential people of society. The role of some influential
ruling BJD leaders along with some bureaucrats, real estate developers
and even some private educational institutions has come out openly in
grabbing hundreds of acres of valuable Govt land. In the name of containing
the land grab by these influential sections, the state Govt. has brought this
Ordinance. Now land grabbing is made a cognizable offence with criminal
liability and no person accused under the Ordinance shall be released on
bail. This has a stringent provision of imprisonment for one to seven years
besides penalty against offenders. The Ordinance proposes a special Court
July, 2015

15

Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)


for speedy trial. The special Court will have the power of both Civil and
Sessions Court and it would dispose off the cases within six months.
But here the question is what will be the consequence of this Ordinance
once it becomes an Act. It is true that throughout the state thousands of
acres of Govt. land are encroached by influential people. The revenue
department of Odisha is claiming that by June last year over 45,000 acres
was encroached either by groups or individuals. There are several instances
of grabbing of government land by influential persons in and around
Bhubaneswar. The government had even admitted in the Assembly that
more than 477 acres of government land had been encroached upon in the
city and its surrounding areas. So no one should have objection if the
Govt. really wants to prevent land grabbing by these influential people. But
the real intention of the Govt is totally different. In the name of preventing
land grabbing by influential people, the Govt. really wants to deny the poor
people of the state from getting Govt. land.
It is also true that all the Govt. land are not occupied by influential
people only. In many places, thousands of acres of Govt land in patches
are occupied by the rural poor particularly the landless tribals, dalits and
even by the poor slum dwellers in the urban areas. These encroachments
on Govt. land are not for any commercial purpose or profit but are out of
compulsion. These encroached lands have become the source of livelihood
for poor people and they have been staying there for many years because
they have no alternate house sites to live in.
But unfortunately the state has failed all these years in regularizing
these Govt. lands in the name of poor. The Odisha Land Reform Act, which
was meant to give land rights to poor and marginal sections of society by
taking away the ceiling surplus land of landlords, has completely failed to
give land rights to landless people. Many of the lands which are demarcated
as ceiling surplus land are either infertile or are lying sub-judice for decades
in different courts. Even majority of the ceiling surplus land and Bhoodan
land distributed among the poor is actually in the possession of landlords.
So in this situation the Govt. land is the main hope remaining for lakhs of
poor families of the state. But the consecutive state Govts., instead of
providing Govt. land, had been fooling the people with empty promises of
land. Even the so called Vasundhara and Mo Jami Mo Ghar diha (My
land and my homestead land) scheme enacted by the present state Govt.

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July, 2015

NEW DEMOCRACY
has failed to provide even the minimum land to the poor. In 2010, under the
order of the central RD ministry, the state Board of Revenue had ordered
all the collectors to find out the number of landless dalit families living in
their jurisdiction and provide them Govt. land for their livelihood. It was
also said that if there is no Govt. land remaining in a mouza then the Govt
should provide land to landless even by purchasing land from private
persons. But as usual this order was also put in cold storage.
There are several instances of grabbing of government land by influential
persons in Bhubaneswar and many other urban areas of the state. On the
aforesaid count, the Ordinance looks appealing. However it is apprehended
that this Ordinance will have far reaching implications for the adivasis,
dalits, women and landless people who are sustaining their livelihood by
encroaching on meagre amount of government land. Adivasis living in forest
areas are yet to receive legal entitlement over land they have been
cultivating for decades. They face constant threat of eviction and
dispossession. There is every possibility that the said Ordinance will be
(mis)used to evict them from their land and criminalise these vulnerable
communities. People living in urban slums are also likely to be affected by
the Ordinance.
As per record of Revenue department, Government of Odisha, in the
year 2006 -07 about 84 percent of the land belonged to the Government
under forest and revenue land. Thus a very small portion of land holding
lies with others. Since in most parts of the scheduled areas tribals depend
on forest and other revenue land for which they do not have patta, such
Ordinance will have serious implications on tribal land ownership in the
Scheduled areas.
The Ordinance, if converted into an Act, will be a black law for the
broad masses including lakhs of landless, dalits, tribals, daily wage earners,
slum dwellers etc of the state. Land grabbing, which is till now a civil matter,
becomes a cognizable offence after this Ordinance and no person accused
under this Ordinance shall be released on bail. The definition of Land
Grabbing and Land Grabber in Section -2 (Sub Section C and D) does not
distinguish between a person who is in possession of public land for ones
livelihood and another who has occupied it for his or her commercial purpose
or out of his/her greed. It has no ceiling on land occupied by poor and
landless and so also no mention of any cut off date. According to it, the

July, 2015

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Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)


compulsion for occupying a public land by a poor/landless person for
livelihood purpose is a Crime and the same person will be a Criminal. A
poor landless person occupying a piece of public land for his/her livelihood
is liable to be arrested by Police without court warrant. The punishment
prescribed in the law is also disproportionate and harsh. In Section 5 (Sub
Section B) even the organization which is taking up the cause of such
group of persons who have occupied public land by compulsion due to
their socio-economic condition, its members and leaders can be taken in
to police custody without court warrant.
In Section 7(1) the Govt has said about setting up of special courts.
But the constitution of special courts consisting of four members, including
two administrative members having rank of a collector, is not only
unprecedented, but also adverse to the basic principle of criminal justice
system. There will be a high conviction rate in this Ordinance because in
Section 8 (Sub Section 11) and in Section 16 there are provisions where
the onus of burden of proof totally lies on the accused. This is also contrary
to the principles of natural justice. The landless person who is accused of
having occupied a patch of Govt land for his livelihood will have to prove
that he has not encroached Govt. land. The procedure prescribed for enquiry
or trial by the special court is also adverse to the fundamental principles of
civil as well as criminal justice system.
In view of the above draconian provisions, one can say this Ordinance
is a draconian one. It is anti-people, undemocratic and harsh. It is not only
against the Land Reform Act of Odisha Govt but also it is part of a
conspiracy to deny lakhs of landless poor particularly the dalits and tribals
in rural area and slum dwellers in the urban area from their justified right
over land. It will only help the Govt. to monopolize vast tracks of Govt land
and will lead to corporate hand over in the name of development.

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Water Recharging
Ashish Mital

Liberalization has pushed all resources essential for life beyond the
reach of common people. So also is the case with water. Water scarcity
has led to social stress in both rural and urban areas. There is drinking
water crisis. Ever lengthening queues of buckets in front of public taps in
both rural and urban areas, loss of valuable work time due to shortage of
water and inadequate sanitation facilities are well documented. Government
hand pumps, public taps, canals and ponds dry up in summer. In several
rural areas poor people survive by drinking water from ditches while
developed multi-million dollar bottled water and beverages market is
attracting MNCs and Indias big corporate houses which earn more than
Rs 6000 crores per year. Water is being sold in water scarce areas and
water merchants are making hay while the sun shines.

Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)


Of this only 1123 BCM is utilizable through present strategies. The true
picture of absolute availability of water can be seen from the document on
Water And Related Statistics, Central Water Commission, GOI. According
to this, of the 1123 BCM water, 690 BCM is surface water and 433 BCM is
ground water. On this the existing and projected water demand under various
heads is as under.
MOWR
Year

2010

NCIWRD

2025

(BCM)

2010

2025

Low

High

Low

High

i) Irrigation

688

910

543

557

561

611

ii) Drinking
Water

56

73

42

43

55

62

iii) Industry

12

23

37

37

67

67

There is distress sale of farmers land due to droughts. Villagers walk


miles to get to water sources. There is large scale exodus of entire
populations from the dried up belts of Chattisgarh and Telangana. Water
table is sinking rapidly due to overdrawing. Cost of drawing water from
bore wells is rising due to rise in cost of fuel and lowering of the water
table.

iv) Energy

15

18

19

31

33

v) Other

52

72

54

54

70

70

Total

813

1093

694

710

784

843

There is massive industrial pollution of surface and ground water. Right


of use of water from several reservoirs and rivers has been given to big
industrial houses, including to thermal power house clusters and for urban
water supply by big companies. There are inter-state water conflicts.

Though these estimates of potential use may vary depending on policy


initiatives for agriculture and industry, it is clear that there is no existing or
projected absolute shortage of water in the country. However there is a
very serious crisis of availability of water in several areas of the country,
particularly Gujarat, Maharashtra, Telangana, Andhra Pradesh, Punjab, MP,
Chattisgarh, etc., for drinking water, irrigation, for animal consumption,
industry, power houses which needs to be solved. There is wide temporal
and spatial variation which is substantial due to a combination of climate
changes and other factors and causes floods, increased erosion and
droughts.

There have been several promises made by politicians, including the


Prime Minister, with entire elections having had this issue as their main
agenda in several seats covering erstwhile green pastures. The problem
however continues to get aggravated even as the Govt. cries hoarse about
water shortage.

The Question of Water Scarcity


Precipitation of water in India is 4000 billion cubic metres (BCM) per
year. After evaporation 1869 BCM flows or remains in rivers and aquifers.
July, 2015

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(MOWR Ministry of Water Resources, NCIWRD National Commission


on Integrated Water Resources Management)

Climate changes have always existed. Increase in consumption is not


that large so as to precipitate a crisis, considering the overall precipitation.
One needs to focus on why the water resource has not been managed

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July, 2015

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properly to cater to the requirements and has led to aggravation of these
problems.
The figures presented show that the problem of water is mainly linked
to agriculture. In India 80% plus water is used for agriculture, while worldwide figures are around 70%. Thus the main impact of management of
water will be on agriculture and food security. Those who argue that rapid
industrialization is accentuating the crises of water shortage are correct
to the extent that this is encroaching upon and displacing agricultural
operations.
There is an attempt by rulers to over propagate water scarcity to divert
attention from the govt.s lack of desire to properly manage water resources.
People are blamed for low consciousness on efficient and economical use,
over drawing and wastage. There is also an attempt to declare water as a
public property, i.e. deny the right of people, in order to impose govt. taxation
on it. It is the height of absurdity to claim that people living in deprivation
are not conscious of scarcity. If at all, wastage could be an issue only as
far as lack of care of infrastructure or with luxurious overuse by big
companies and in upper class facilities, but that too is minor in terms of
volume of water wasted. Also water is not something which people can
naturally overuse or waste unless one deliberately sets artificial limits to
individual use and natural needs. Of the major users, agriculture, overuse
will damage crops. Certainly there is no case of people wasting water. It is
a mischievously introduced concept in the battle for control over water
resources.
Discussions on this problem also finds the use of the term user group
and economic value. The idea is to declare some people or categories as
non users and deprive those who make uneconomic use of it. The idea is
to commodify the use of water, the justification being that any scarce
resource needs to be rationed and taxation is a way out. But this is another
absurdity introduced, as taxation will not solve the problem and will only
deprive the already deprived sections.

Why have large areas become water stressed ?


Areas have become water stressed over the years because of rapid
depletion of water table. This has resulted mainly from a very sharp decrease
in the numbers and depth of water bodies (lakes, ponds, tanks) in both
rural and urban areas resulting in a massive decline in ground water
July, 2015

21

Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)


recharging. A major reason for this is the push for senseless urbanization
and commercial exploitation of land, including the land on which water bodies
exist. Other factors are conscious neglect of water bodies by policy makers
and corruption.
Decrease in water table has also resulted from pursuing the MNC
promoted twin crop wheat-rice monoculture everywhere, requiring heavy
amounts of costly inputs including water which has pushed down the water
table. The paddy variety introduced in Green Revolution and now grown in
large areas also forms a continuous impervious layer preventing water
recharging.
The crises in rural areas has been further compounded by transferring
water in dam reservoirs created for irrigation, to supply industries and
companies selling water commercially in big cities depriving large tracts of
farm land from receiving surface water which could have recharged the
water table. It has also been affected by indiscriminate and massive drawing
of ground water and river water by the industries established on agricultural
land and along rivers, including the MNCs marketing bottled water and also
by the pollution caused by them.
And it has also resulted from decrease in soil conservation programs
leading to excessive amount of rain water being wasted, flowing into the
sea. In India 90% of the rainfall occurs over 3 months and needs to be
harnessed for use during summer.
These problems have arisen due to policies implemented by comprador
Indian ruling classes. Now, under guidance of the World Bank, the govt is
proceeding to solve the problem of water shortage by introducing legal
framework to declare ground water as a public property, changing the Indian
Easements Act 1882, Irrigation Acts, to deny proprietary rights to a land
owner on groundwater under his/ her land, providing for user charges,
charging for drawing ground water, promoting costly water saving equipment
Sprinkler and Drip irrigation in agriculture, promoting mega construction
projects for inter basin river water transfers which are a disaster for nature
and human existence and establishing Water Regulatory Authority to regulate
the tariffs,
The Indian plateau slopes from the west to the east. The eastern belt is
water surplus and in fact has problems of water logging. Any meaningful
inter basin transfer can be logical only for transfer of huge amount of water

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July, 2015

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from the east to the west. This means a massive transfer over a huge
stretch of land. It will be extremely capital intensive with very high
consumption of energy and operating and maintenance cost in a country
which is already short of its energy requirement. Moreover it will involve
huge displacement of people. Its long term benefits need detailed
evaluation. The first project undertaken was during the Vajpayee regime. It
was ill conceived and it proposed transfer of water from Ken to Betwa river,
both tributaries of Yamuna situated close to each other on UPMP border.
Both Betwa and Ken run absolutely dry from March onwards. The project
stands in abeyance. As happens with several such projects this project
too was planned without any evaluation of how much water the rivers have
to spare from local requirements during the lean summer months.
In the name of improving storage capacities of water bodies' the thrust
is on big dams with big reservoirs. The logic is explained in detail by the
World Bank. It recommends that India needs massive investments to build
per capita water storage which is only 200 cubic metres per person whereas
United States and Australia have over 5000 cubic meters'. India needs to
harness hydropower potential which is only 20 percent compared to 80%
in industrial countries.
Big dams create several problems of displacing people and submerging
valuable agricultural land, of damaging the river flow and embankments
upstream and drying up the areas downstream, of silting in the reservoirs
and the dam becoming non functional, of risks in earthquake prone areas,
etc. The following report is worth reading - Now farmers along the Nile
plant crops year round. In fact, the area has become one of the most
intensely cultivated pieces of land in the world. Because the Aswan Dam
traps 98% of the rivers rich sediments and prevents them from flowing
downstream, farmers along the Nile must now use large amounts of artificial
fertilizer. Another negative side-effect of the dam is that the Nile delta is
no longer being built up by the river sediments. As a result, this important
agricultural area is now struggling with erosion and dangerously high levels
of soil salinity. (The Water Page, Flood Control)
The rich historical experience with irrigation management and planning
in India during pre British times also points in this direction. Rain water
was harnessed to serve the scarcity during summers. Artificial lakes and
tanks were dug in large numbers. Weirs (small dams) were made across
rivers and aqueducts were made to permit flow of the raised river water into
July, 2015

23

Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)


the lakes and tanks during monsoon. Then canals were made from lakes
and tanks for irrigation. This helped in the growth of agriculture and the
states economy. The following passages are also useful.
.. it was an old practice in the region to impound the surface drainage
water in tanks or reservoirs by throwing across an earthen dam with a
surplus weir, where necessary, to take off excess water, and a sluice at a
suitable level to irrigate the land below. Some of the tanks got supplemental
supply from stream and river channels. (Official web site of the Ministry of
Water Resources)
the artificial irrigation system . supplemented the natural bounty
of the monsoons. The chief means employed for this purpose had been the
construction of wells, tanks and canals. Moreover, archaeological
remains of the pre-colonial system of south Indian dams, tanks and canals
testify to the great antiquity of irrigation tanks in peninsular India. The
common practice had been to either cut artificial channels from the river or
canals to lift the water from the river or its branches for supporting
agriculture. (Irrigation System in Mughal India)
In particular, the setting up of the Persian wheel on wells and the
construction of large artificial canals . The first beautiful lake constructed
in Delhi by Sultan Shams Uddin Iltutmish ... This was two miles in length
by half that breadth. ... in addition to it a number of channels seem to have
been led off from the Yamuna river ... supply of water to the population in
the city could be maintained even during the Summer. ... As regards the
Tughluq period, . Many lakes, tanks and cisterns seem to have been
excavated .. As regards the long reign of Sultan Firuz Shah (1351-1388),
it was marked by great construction activity. ..., including bridges,
aqueducts, lakes, cisterns and irrigation channels .. In Nagaur, the
local rulers and sufi saints are reported to have constructed huge lakes, to
help people irrigate Evidence available in contemporary literature tends
to show that the construction of large artificial canals began in the reign of
Sultan Ala Uddin Khalji towards the close of the thirteenth century. ...
The affluence enjoyed by the cultivators in Delhi, Haryana and Punjab
regions during the Lodi period can be attributed to the advanced methods
of irrigation. (Water Works and Irrigation System in India during Pre-Mughal
Times. A study by Iqtidar Husain Siddiqui, Aligarh).
However during the colonial period the British rulers started destroying

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July, 2015

NEW DEMOCRACY
Indias agricultural economy while continuously increasing the taxes on
peasantry. As Marx wrote in his article, The British Rule in India (June
10, 1853) As in Egypt and India, inundations are used for fertilizing the
soil... Hence an economic function devolved upon all the Asiatic
Governments, the function of providing public works. ... This artificial
fertilization of soil, dependent on a Central Government, and immediately
decaying with the neglect of irrigation and drainage, explains the otherwise
strange fact that we now find whole territories barren and desert that were
once brilliantly cultivated... This story of neglect has also been noted in
the following passage, The initial steps of destruction were accomplished
... by the neglect of irrigation and public works, which had been maintained
under previous governments and were now allowed to fall into neglect: It is
with the same mindset that current policy on Water Resource Corporatization
and institution of water charges is being planned.
Current neglect of water harnessing, storage and irrigation is highlighted
by the following facts. Land under irrigation by tanks came down from
29,44,000 hectares in 1990-91 to 20,44,000 hectares (prov.) in 2006-07,
i.e. by 30.6 %. And during the same period land under canal irrigation
came down from 1,74,53,000 hectares to 1,53,51,000 hectares. (From
Shocking story of performance of large irrigation projects Source: Land
Use Statistics at a Glance 1997-98 to 2006-07. Directorate of Economics
& Statistics, Department of Agriculture and Cooperation, Ministry of
Agriculture, November 2008 Page: 36).
The area under irrigation from tanks in 8 districts of Telangana and
Andhra Pradesh- Prakasham, Kurnool, Anantapur, Cuddapah, Chittoor,
Rangareddy, Mahbubnagar and Nalgonda, came down from 2,94,789
hectares in 1959-62 to 2,13,380 hectares in 1986-89. According to this
write up increase in well irrigation might be a reason for lowering of ground
water table in many regions, with a resulting cutoff in recharge to tanks
from ground water and consequent drying up of some of the surface tanks.
(Dying Wisdom A publication by Centre for Science and Environment,
1997, quoted by Irrigation Engineering Principles, Version 2 CE IIT,
Kharagpur)
Mihir Shah has quoted the yet to be published 4th Minor Irrigation Census
(2006-07) to say that the country has 5.56 lakh water bodies, many of
which are Languishing in a state of disrepair and disuse.

July, 2015

25

Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)


The data on potential created and utilized over different Plan periods
shows that irrigation potential created has increased from 22.6 Mha in preplan era to 123.3 Mha by the end of X Plan (2002-07). Though the percentage
utilization of total potential created remained around 90 to 95% during
different Plan periods up to the end of Annual Plans 1990-92, from IX Plan
onwards it fell to around 74%. (Water and Related Statistics, Central Water
Commission, GOI).

Comment : Kolkata Corporation


Elections - Lessons learnt
Amit Chakraborty
This year over 37 lakh people of Kolkata voted to elect councillors to
144 seats in the Kolkata Municipal Corporation in elections held in April
2015. Presently the Calcutta Municipal Corporation, under a new law, is
governed by a parliamentary cabinet structure. In this system there is a
mayor and a council of members for different departments who are
collectively responsible to the people of Kolkata. The mayor and members
of his council are elected by the people. Since pre- independence days
Kolkata Municipal Corporation plays a significant role in the political life of
the city of Kolkata.
Trinamool Congress(TMC )has won a sweeping victory in this recent
election. The TMC, which in the last KMC polls had won 95 seats,this time
increased its tally to 114 while the main opposition CPI(M)-led Left Front
was reduced to just 15 from 33.

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The victory in the municipal polls, which have been termed as the
semifinal before the Assembly polls due early next year, will act as a shot
in the arm for the TMC, which recently faced serious allegations of
corruption, including alleged involvement of some of its leaders in the
Saradha Chit Fund scam.
Although the TMC scored a big win, it got some blows too as several
heavyweights suffered defeat. Chairman of the outgoing KMC board
Sachidananda Banerjee, Deputy mayor Farzana Alam of TMC besides
prominent party councillor Paresh Pal were defeated.
The civic polls were held in 91 municipalities across the state on April
25 which recorded a voter turnout of 79 per cent. Voting for Kolkata Municipal
Corporation took place on April 18.
Repolling at 36 booths in over five districts took place after reports of
booth-jamming, booth-capturing, theft and damage of EVM machines from
these booths during the April 25 polling.Over 70 percent voter turnout was
recorded in repolling.
All the opposition parties stamped this election as a farce.The CPM
leaders claimed looting of votes and called a general strike on the day of
All India Transport workers Strike.Interestingly BJP supported the strike
by calling a Bandh on the same day and CPM leader Shyamal Chakraborty
welcomed the step. In a Demand charter related to general strike published
by CPM in their Bengali organ Ganashakti, was mentioned the need to
fight to bring more foreign investment to West Bengal to solve employment
problem ! Those left intellectuals who dream of forging a joint front against
Neoliberal regime with CPM should consider this seriously.
.There is no doubt that in all the recent municipal elections including
Kolkata Municipal Corporation, Trinamool Congress supporters misused
their government administration and police apparatus in rigging and for
terrorizing the opponent parties. In many constituencies CPM or other
opposition parties could have won but the overall picture does not show
that people have become completely disillusioned with Trinamool and are
turning towards CPM.On the contrary TMC has managed to retain its share
of votes.If CPIM talks about rigging & false voting by which TMC has
retained their share then it must be considered that during CPMs rule it
was the same tactics by which CPM also used to maintain its share. Any
July, 2015

27

Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)


common man, even a general CPM supporter who has voted for CPM, will
accept this in West Bengal.Actually in election tactics TMC is essentially
following the footsteps of erstwhile ruling CPM. BJP, who gained in last
Loksabha election by cutting into CPMs share, has lost its voting share
but still has gained substantial amount of vote compared to last assembly
election 2011.
In many national print and electronic media CPM claimed that in recent
Municipal election in Kolkata CPM has gained.Is it really so !In a report
published in Business Standard on 17th May 2015 the vote share of CPM
and CPM led LF were as f ollows : 2009 (Lok Sabha) LF -43%,
2011(Assembly) LF-40%, 2013 (Panchayat)-38% and lowest in 2014 Lok
Sabha Poll-23%. In recent KMC poll it is 24%. BJPs share in West Bengal
vote in 2011 Assembly poll-4.14%, 2013 Panchayat poll- 3.05%, Lok Sabha
(2014)-18%. The calculation shows that BJP has gained this 10% vote
from CPM and 2-3% from TMC's side. The gain in 1% vote in 2015 Municipal
election is mainly from a small percentage of voters who voted for BJP in
last Lok Sabha election and are now disillusioned with Modi govts
performance and refused to vote for BJP again. The bulk of vote from
TMCs vote bank is still intact. Now after losing 15% vote in Lok Sabha &
gaining 1% in Municipal election CPM managed to stand in 2nd position
which they feared losing to BJP. Let's read what Mr. Suryakanta Mishra,
West Bengal CPM secretary is saying after Municipal election. "Arrested
this poll hemorrhage and increased our vote share by 1% in KMC poll. It
will help us in future as it will give a boost to the rank & file". If we analyse
the data CPMs claim that they are gaining ground is far from reality
excepting in Siliguri Corporation, where they have formed a board. At the
most it may be described as arresting poll hemorrhage as Mr. Mishra has
claimed.
The civic election was important in many respects. If we look back, it
was evident, especially after 1980, that the Left Fronts, particularly the
CPI(M)s influence in the Kolkata urban area was gradually waning and the
Congress (I) was gaining in strength. In the 1982 Assembly elections, though
the Left Front won an overwhelming majority in West Bengal, the Kolkata
seats were evenly divided between the Left Front and the Congress (l). A
new strategy was sought to be adopted by further amending the 1980 Act
to include the neighbouring municipalities of Jadavpore, Behala and Garden
Reach in the Kolkata Municipal Corporation. So whereas under the earlier

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July, 2015

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Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)

Act, the 1951 Calcutta Municipal Act, there were 100 Wards, the inclusion
of these areas raised the number of wards to 141. This strategy paid
dividends as will be seen later. But this did not stay long. Left front
government's anti people and pro-capitalist policies over years disillusioned
the citizens of greater Kolkata and in the absence of a revolutionary
alternative the void was filled by Congress and later on by Trinamool
Congress .

labour force in Kolkata slums was unemployed.Kolkata slums spend 54.81%


of their expenditure on food and intoxicants against 8.71% by West Bengal
urban. Kolkata slums spend 2.40% of expenditure on housing whereas
urban West Bengal population spends 20.34% on housing. Kolkata slums
spend 6.26% of expenditure on education whereas urban West Bengal
spends 5.49% on education. Kolkata slums spend a lot on healthcare
facilities at 11.81% whereas urban West Bengal spend 5.32%.

Kolkata in sixties became a left bastion by winning over thousands of


students, youth, workers & slum dwellers, govt. employees & refugees
from erstwhile East Pakistan (after 1947) by leading heroic food movements,
anti fare hike strikes, student movements, refugee rehabilitation
movements, govt. employees & teachers struggles etc. After 1977 when
Left Front govt came to power, gradually CPM resorted to proruling class
policies.They followed all the dictates of World Bank and IMF. Austerity
measures, privatization of different services including hospital services
were introduced, electricity tariffs were hiked every year, public transport
fares were hiked to appease bus owners. On the contrary state govt. owned
transport facilities were downsized. Every mass movement against Left
Front Govt.s anti people policies was termed a conspiracy and crushed
by police or CPM cadres and goons. These continued in the backdrop of
Kolkatas demographic profile where about one third of the population of
the KMC lives in the slums. There are 2,011 registered and 3,500
unregistered slums in Kolkata. The average area of the slum huts is 450
sq. ft. (45 sqm) and on an average 13 people share this space. Population
density in the slums is extremely high averaging around 19 people per
katha (2,812 people per ha). There is an acute shortage of space, often
with one room being rented to one family with the veranda. The city of
Kolkata is home to around 70,000 pavement dwellers according to the
Census of 2011. The inner city of Kolkata Municipal Corporation already
hosts a high density urban population of 24760 per km (Census 2001) greatly
exceeding the World Health Organization's recommendation of 2500 persons/
km. As of 2001, around 0.81% of the citys workforce was employed in the
primary sector (agriculture, forestry, mining, etc.); 15.49% worked in the
secondary sector (industrial and manufacturing); and 83.69% worked in
the tertiary sector (service industries). As of 2003, the majority of
households in slums were engaged in occupations belonging to the informal
sector; 36.5% were involved in servicing the urban middle class (as maids,
drivers, etc.) and 22.2% were casual labourers. About 34% of the available

All these data shows that in spite of wild claims by CPM leaders and
those who are beating the drums for Left Front Govt.outside West Bengal
actually slum dwellers and common people of the city of Kolkata were
alienated from it and their interests were not materialized under LF rule.
They found CPM leaders to be as corrupt as other bourgeois party leaders.
CPM local committees in Kolkata were run by contractors-builder-party
boss nexus. This objective condition along with the subjective condition of
weakness of revolutionary forces helped TMC leaders under the leadership
of Ms. Mamata Banerjee to fill this vacuum with their militant populist
gestures and they gained support. Almost all the slums of Kolkata are now
controlled by Trinamool hooligans & ex CPM bosses & goons who have
changed their allegiance to TMC after TMC attained power in 2011.

July, 2015

The genuine left or the revolutionaries in Kolkata are now facing a


tough challenge to break this encirclement of TMC. The opportunist and
anti people activities of sham left CPM has spread widespread distrust
among common people which is also creating an obstacle in rejuvenating
the revolutionary spirit of left bastion' Kolkata.
This is high time that revolutionary left forces of Kolkata should
concentrate their work in slums and working class localities of Kolkata.
They should stay by their side in day to day problems. From electricity to
water supply, from transport problem to housing issues, from BPL card to
every project for unorganized workers and slum dwellers, revolutionaries
must stand in the forefront holding high the crimson red banner for struggle
and unity.

July, 2015

NEW DEMOCRACY

MASSIVE RALLY OF 15
THOUSAND FOR PODU LANDS
On June 29th the people living in the forest areas of Khammam marched
towards the District Collectors office with red flags. The purpose of the
rally was for land, Irrigation and allocation of funds in the budget for the
development of adivasis and dalits. The people participated in the rally
overcoming the restrictions and hurdles of the police and made their issue
known to the people.

Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)


All the important district party leaders were involved in the publicity
campaign. The district secretary P. Ranga Rao participated in Gundala,
Com. K.R. (AIKMS State General Secretary) in Bhadrachalam, Gummadi
Narsaiah, Com. GVR in Aswaraopet. On the same day in Pinapaka Mandal
Com. Arunakka and Mudda Biksham inaugurated the rally. By dividing into
two in Khammam division one group went to Raghunadapalem Mandal
Ganeshwaram. In it Coms. RCS, P. Srisailam, AVL participated. Rally was
held wi th 200 m embers . Same day in K hamm am rural m andal
Kasirajugudem, Gurram Achaiah, Malidu Nageswar Rao and R. Shivalingam

The CPI (ML) New Democracy along with AIKMS organized this rally
raising the following demands from the Government.
1) Demanding pattadar pass books (Legal rights) as per Forest Rights Act
2006 for the forest lands cultivated by the adivasis.
2) To stop the frequent attacks of the police and the forest department on
the adivasis.
3) To fulfill the Governments promise of giving 3 acres of land to every SC
and ST person.
4) To complete all the pending irrigation projects in Khammam
(Dummugudem, Rudramkota, Sriramsagar, Munneru, Pulusubontha,
Tularam, Kinnerasani etc.)
As a preparation for this massive rally, 8 Jathas conducted publicity
and awareness campaigns throughout the district to gather people from all
over the district. Campaign was conducted in almost one thousand villages
including some mandals which were later merged in A.P. Besides this
campaign several group meetings were conducted with the purpose of
sending a message that we should acquire the legal rights on the lands
even at the cost of our lives as land is the only source that can feed the
adivasis.
On 5th June 2015, a general body meeting was conducted with 250
important party activists followed by 3 other divisional general bodies and
the outcome of these general bodies was that every activist of the party
should participate in the rally to make the programme a grand success.
July, 2015

started the rally. CPI, CPI(M) and Tudumdebba also supported the event.
On 19th June a rally of 250 members was held in Kothagudem. This was
started by RCS and Jatoth Krishna. In totality upto 28 th, 8 groups from 8
sides had taken up the campaign. These events were followed by Arunodaya
groups.
Hundreds of people took part in mandal centres' rallies which were held
in Yellandu, Burgampahad, Manuguru, Palvoncha, Velerupadu, Khammam,
Aswaraopeta, Dammapeta, Sathupally, Mulakalapally, Chandrugonda,
Bayyaram, Garla, Karepally, T-Palem, Kusumanchi and Tekulapally mandal
headquarters.
July, 2015

NEW DEMOCRACY
Forest officers in some areas took oppressive measures to threaten
the tribal people. In the end, on 29th Chalo Collectorate event was
successfully organized. Police tried their level best to stop this movement.
In some areas Act 30 was imposed along with Section 144 to stop the
tribal people. Notices were given to vehicle owners. Many volunteers were
searched by police trying to arrest them. However, men and women with
the red flag held in one hand and lunch box in another attended the rally.
In Khammam red shirts and flags were seen all over the town. In each
and every stop from Pavilion ground to Sardar Patel stadium through Wyra
Road slogans were being raised. Wyra road was filled with our party women.
Tribals and poor people raised their unfulfilled demands by giving slogans.
This rally was very enthusiastic.
Chalo collectorate programme was organized by CPI (ML) ND and
AIKMS. In it state leader Vemulapally Venkatramaiah said that people
massively came here to demand that land not be taken from us. Minister
Jogu Ramanna has been saying that 10 acres holders will be exempted as
per the forest law. But in the name of Haritha haaram, KCR is trying to grab
the tribal lands. Rachakonda gutta has been given to a Cinema house and
Pharmacists. CPI (ML) ND is demanding pattas to the tribal lands. Irrigation
projects are not being completed by KCR. We are not against Kotta Dindi
and Kaleshwaram Projects. We may die in protecting our land. Forest
department is confiscating all the lands all over state. As per the 2006 Act
pattas should be given. KCR will be held responsible for all the movements
which will come up in the coming days.
CPI (ML) ND Dist. Secretary P. Ranga Rao said that people who are
mostly tribals dependent on land are being replaced by land sellers. We
may lose our lives but will not give our land he said. Without promise of
land and water KCR would not have come to power. We fought for Telangana
for the people. KCRs family became ministers but they cannot take away
the lands from the poor. We are not against plantation programme, we are
only against plantation on our land. 1100 acres land has been given to ITC.
Tribals are against open cast mining. In the name of Polavaram 2 lakhs
acres is going away. Tribal hamlets are going to drown. Bayyaram mines
were given to Rakshana steels. Jindal company took away Bayyaram Steel
Plant. Forest is destroyed due to neglect of forest department. Tribals are
not land grabbers. War in Kurukshetra was for land and here for land the
fighting will go on he said.
July, 2015

33

Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)


CPI (ML) ND ex-MLA Gummadi Narsaiah said the lives of tribals were
being disturbed by the Government. In Bojjaigudem they misbehaved with
a women; a tribal youth, Vasram, was killed by police and forest department
he said. CPI (ML) ND will fight for the rights of tribals with the support of all
other organisation he said.
State leader from Tudum Debba Eesam Narsimha Rao said that KCR
had said Telanganites should rule in Telangana State. Now he is conspiring
against the tribals and giving away Bauxite Mines to corporates. These
activities will ruin tribals' lives he said. Telangana went into the hands of
those who hadnt participated in the movement. 7 Mandals are given away
and merged into Andhra, they are going to be drowned. Speaking about
Adivasis has become a crime.
MRPS Dist. President Vijay Raju said that KCRs Government is anti
tribal. He demanded that land should be distributed to SCs and STs. For
water, forest and land struggles we should take inspiration from Komaram
Bheem he said.
CPI Dist. Secretary B. Hemantha Rao, CPI (M) Dist. Secretary P.
Sudarsan Rao also spoke in this meeting.
TMRPS District President Perla Madhu said that from Chandra Pulla
Reddy to Ellanna, revolutionaries sacrificed for tribals. The protection of
CPI (ML) is like the protection of eye lashes to the eye. We would stand by
CPI (ML) in this struggle he insisted in the meeting.
Dist. leaders Jatoth Krishna, Mudda Biksham, Chandra Aruna, Arjun
Rao, Avula Venkateshwarlu, Warangal Dist. Secretary Chinna Chandranna,
Gokinepally, Prabhakar, Gokinepally Venkateshwar Rao, PYL State
Secretary C.Y. Pullaiah, E. Kalpana, G. Ramaiah, Nayani Raju, Jagganna
etc. participated. Arunodaya artists Comram Babu, Subba Rao, Bitcha, B.
Venkanna, Laxman performed revolutionary songs.
After the meeting a memorandum was given to the Officiating Collector,
Divya, and the issue discussed.

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NEW DEMOCRACY

Historical Background

Shanta Kumar Committee Report

Death warrant for Food


Corporation of India
(Government purchase, food security
and labour are the targets)
Raminder Singh
On August 20, 2014 Narendra Modi government announced the formation
of a high-level committee to restructure Food Corporation of India (FCI).
Shanta Kumar, a current member of Parliament and former central minister
and Chief Minister of Himachal Pradesh was appointed its chairman. Besides
Shanta Kumar this eight members committee included principal secretaries
of Punjab and Chhattisgarh, Dr. Ashok Gulati (Ex chairman of Agriculture
Commission of India), Professor G. Raghuram (the Dean at IIM Ahmedabad),
Professor Gunmundi Nuncharaya (the Dean at School of Economics,
University of Hyderabad) and from FCI, the managing director and technical
secretary (Electronics & IT) Shri Ram Sewak Sharma.
The High-Level Committee was meant to make the management of food
grain system more effective, less expensive and to reorient the role of FCI
in the light of the promise by Modi during the 16thLokSabha Elections that
FCI would be divided into three parts. This was also on the BJPs election
manifesto. After conducting meetings with many Chief Ministers, Food
Secretaries, other bureaucrats and inviting suggestions through print and
digital media the Committee submitted its report to the government on
January 22, 2015. This report generated restlessness and anxiety in
agricultural states. What is so disturbing about this report? To understand
it, it is essential to discuss the recommendations of the Committee in
brief. It is also essential to understand the history behind the formation of
FCI.
July, 2015

Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)

35

The Central Government established FCI in 1965 under the Food


Corporation Act1964. At that time, there was scarcity of food in India,
particularly of wheat. The production of wheat in India was 112 lakh tonnes
while 70 lakh tonnes were imported from other countries. The cost of imported
wheat was equal to foreign currency reserves at that time. It was the need
of the hour to make the country self-sufficient in food production. How can
it be possible that the comprador rulers adopt a self-dependent and
independent way to this aim? So they adopted a pro-imperialist development
model i.e. Green revolution and implemented it. They ignored the problems
of lack of facilities for storage, transportation and marketing of food-grains
and established FCI. They pretended this was construction of a socialist
system. Further, the Agricultural Price Commission was established in
1965 which started to decide the Minimum Support Price (MSP) of 23 crops
including wheat, rice, corn, sugarcane, pulses and cotton etc. The
Government defined three main aims of the FCI. First, to decide the MSP
of crops to provide effective price support to farmers; second, to ensure
the correct distribution of food on control/subsidized rates among poor
people; third, to keep strategic reserves of basic food grains to stabilize
the market.

Evaluation of the Role of FCI


After examining the role of FCI in the context of its three aims, the
High-Level Committee concluded that only 6 per cent of the families out of
9.2 crores got the benefit of MSP while the rest remained helpless and had
to sell their crops at lower prices i.e. distress sale. In the context of basic
crops wheat and rice, the Committee found that between July and December
2012 13.5% of farmers sold rice to the government agencies and this reduced
to 10% between January and June 2013. Likewise, only 16.2% of farmers
sold wheat to the government agencies from January to June 2013. The
total comprises only 6% of agricultural families (citation is from National
Sample Survey Organizations 70th Round). Many commentators assert
that even these calculations are wrong. An article in The Hindu said that
34 lakh tonnes of rice and 38 lakh tonnes of wheat were sold to the
government agencies by the farmers. In the context of distress sale, of
majority being small and marginal peasants and of unequal land holdings
in our country, the government record of 6% families selling their crops to

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July, 2015

NEW DEMOCRACY
the government is clearly fake. Even if we assume that it is true, even then
the poor administration of government exposes the truth of uneven market
access and the lack of basic facilities.
The Committee concludes by exposing the irregularities, thefts and
wastage of food-grains under the Public Distribution System. It is 46.7%
according to the 68th round of the National Sample Survey. It means about
half of the foodgrains are swallowed by food agents, corrupt bureaucracy
and political masters. It demonstrates the wide range of corruption in FCIs
public distribution system.
The government has fixed strategic reserves at 420 lakh tonnes in the
godowns while, according to the Committee, 840 lakh tonnes foodgrains
are stored there. The Committee presents the expenditure on its storage
as a heavy burden on the Treasury, while on the enactment of Food Security
Act 67% of total population was covered under it, according to which 550
lakh tonnes of foodgrains were required in the country which was much
more than the strategic reserves quota. But Modi government has only
released 388 lakh tones of foodrains for PDS and other schemes until
December 2014 under this Act. The conclusion of the Committee about
surplus food is exposed in the light of these facts. If we examine the market
in the context of price index there is continuous heavy inflation, particularly
food products are becoming costlier day by day and a common man is
forced to starve.
As against these facts Shanta Kumar Committee praises FCI for its
three basic purposes and recommends structural changes to give it a new
form and role. What are these recommendations? Are they in favour of the
public or not? To understand it, it is necessary to look at the system of
purchasing, storage and transportation of the crops, the structure of FCI,
the issues related to workers and public distribution system and the
recommendations of the committee.

Recommendations by the Committee


1. Related to purchasing of crops
The states which have basic infra-structure for purchasing and storage,
and the states which can handle or gain sufficient experience in it, should
be given the responsibility to purchase crops on their own. Punjab, Haryana,
Andhra Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh and Orissa are the main
July, 2015

37

Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)


states, according to the Committee, which lie in this category. The central
government or the FCI will purchase only the surplus food from these states
after the state govts. purchase required food-grains for Food Security Act
and various other public welfare schemes. It means the purchasing of crops
will be limited. The Centre or FCI will distribute this surplus to foodgrain
deficient or scarce states.
FCI will purchase crops only from those states where farmers are under
distress to sell crops at prices lower than the MSP. The states under this
category are Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Bengal and Assam.
To bring rationality in purchase for FCI or Public Distribution Department
and to inspire privatization (private agencies), the Central Government will
decide the minimum support price and the basic standards of quality
measurement with every state governments before every season. If any
state government gives bonus on MSP or levy of more than 4% (as decided
by the Centre) or purchases foodgrains poorer than standard norms decided
by the Centre then the Centre will not purchase foodgrains except required
foodgrains for Food Security Act and other welfare schemes from those
states.
To cover peasants under New Warehouse Receipt System, the
committee recommends that if a farmer has to store his foodgrains in a
registered godown, he will be paid for 80% of his crop according to the
Minimum Support Price through any bank and he can store his remaining
crop and sell it at any price he wishes. The record of this foodgrain will be
available online.
To rationalize the subsidy (worth Rs. 72000 crore) given to agricultural
sector, a subsidy of rupees five to ten thousand per hectare should be
given as direct cash for urea and fertilizers to the farmers and the prices of
urea and fertilizers should be decontrolled.
The government should review the policy to decide the minimum support
prices of crops. The farmers should be inspired for diversification specially
to pulses and other crops to come out of the circle of only wheat and rice.
The above suggested steps will be in favour of the small and marginalized
farmers, according to the Committee.

2. Public Distribution System and Food Security Act


In the context of wide spread corruption in PDS, the Committee

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July, 2015

NEW DEMOCRACY
recommends review of Food Security Act 2013 and other Welfare schemes.
The Food Security Act covers 67% of the total population which needs
food aid. It was meant to provide food to these weaker sections of society
through Public Distribution System. But the Committee suggests reducing
its coverage to only 40% of the population which is considered below the
poverty line. It suggests distributing 7 kg foodgrain per person instead of 5
kg and 35 kg per family per month instead of 25kg.
To make subsidies rational the committee suggests that the price of
foodgrains should be increased to 22 rupees per kg from Rs. 1 to Rs. 3 or
it should be 50% of the minimum support price.
To cover Food Security Act or other welfare schemes, the committee
suggests that the foodgrains should be distributed bi-annually. Accordingly
wheat should be distributed after 30th of June and rice after 31st of March,
and beneficiaries should also be provided drums to store foodgrains.
To check irregularities in PDS, the Food Security Act should not be
implemented in those states in which the data of beneficiaries is not
uploaded online and which do not form vigilance committees for the
inspection of Public Distribution System.
The Shanta Kumar Committee suggests that the government should
pay direct cash subsidy instead of distributing foodgrains at low prices
through public distribution system. It should be 700 rupees per month per
family under Antodaya scheme and 500 rupees per month to the needy
families (five members each) and it can be increased according to the
rising inflation rate. It should be started with the cities with population of
more than one million and the states which produce surplus food and then
extended to the states with lower production with an alternative between
foodgrains at subsidized price or the cash subsidy. This cash subsidy
should be attached to the Prime Minister Jan Dhan Yojna account and the
Aadhar Card.
According to the Committee this can be helpful in reducing the burden
of Rs. 30 thousand crore subsidies on the exchequer.

3. Recommendations related with storage and Transportation


To check the loss of food-grains during storage and transportation, the
high level Committee has recommended thatJuly, 2015

39

Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)


- Storage and lifting should be outsourced. These jobs can be assigned
to the Central Warehousing Corporation, State Warehousing corporations
and the private sector under Private Entrepreneurship Guarantee Scheme.
- The committee has suggested to the state governments that
Cielogodowns (ventilated containers based on modern technology with huge
storage capacity) be constructed on government land of states by the
private companies as done in Madhya Pradesh. To reduce the expenditure
on storage, the Committee has advocated that private companies should
be invited on the basis of open competition.
- According to the Committee India needs a huge storage capacity so
the FCI godowns should be converted to cielogodowns with the help of
private entrepreneurs. The government should adopt the policy of publicprivate partnership for it.
- Covered and plinth storage should be stopped. The foodgrains should
not be left in the open for more than three months and cielo bags should be
used for it instead of jute.
- To attach godowns with railways, to inspire transportation by private
containers, to rationalize the storage required for strategic reserves and
for food security and other needs new godowns should be constructed in
new places in the coming 3-5 years. The Committee has estimated that in
the coming years the country will need to construct new cielogodowns with
storage capacity of 100 lakh tonnes.
- Direct FDI should be invited for modern cielo technology, modern lifts,
belts and other equipments.
- A solid policy should be framed to tackle the problems of surplus
storage of food-grains in godowns.

4. Issues related to the size and labour of FCI


According to the Committee, the size of FCI can be reduced by
outsourcing. 200 offices excluding zonal offices can be shut down and it
will help in exchequer savings.
Today FCI has 16000 departmental employees, 26000 employees are
on direct payment system, a large number of workers are doing jobs on no
work no pay system and about one lakh are working under the contract

40

July, 2015

NEW DEMOCRACY
system. According to the Committee, incentives of the departmental
employees should be blocked or jammed up to 1.25% and they should be
encouraged to opt for voluntarily retirement scheme. Labour should be
recruited on the basis of no work no pay or on the contract system. It is
notable that a departmental employee earns more than Rs. 75000 per month
and a contractual worker only about ten thousand rupees.
More facilities should be given to improve the conditions of the
contractual workers.
The whole system should be computerized.

5. New Aim
The Committee has introduced a new aim in place of the three defined
aims of the FCI. It has recommended that FCI should be converted into an
agile agency which should be cost-effective. It should improve operational
efficiency and encourage private competition.

Shanta Kumar Committees Report, Trade Facilitation Act and


World Trade Organization
The Trade Facilitation Agreement (TFA) which was passed in World
Trade Organizations Bali Conference held in 2013, is behind this Shanta
Kumar Committee Report. The Act was meant to cut the bureaucratic
obstructions in exchange of things among the member countries and to cut
subsidies on agriculture and on food products to 10% by 2017. This decision
was in favour of imperialist countries and against the third-world countries.
At that time the Congress government led by Prime Minister Manmohan
Singh was in power and he was aware of 2014 general elections. This pact
was accepted by him with some conditions. Manmohan Singh government
had launched Food Security Act 2013 (under which 67% of the population
was promised subsidized foodgrains) to improve its political image which
was spoiled by various scams. Although a large section of Indian society
was always struggling with poverty and starvation, this was the first time
that rulers admitted it by framing a law. Manmohan Singh did not have
good intentions for poor people and for him it was an issue of electoral
gain, thats why he had to ask the Bali conference for interim relief from
cutting subsidies and to be allowed to pass the Food Security Act before
the coming general elections in India. He got interim relief due to prevailing
July, 2015

41

Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)


deadlock between imperialist countries. Yet Indian government is bound to
cut subsidies by 2017.
The Congress government lost due to corruption and scams and Modis
government came in power at centre. Modi had declared that he will go
ahead of Manmohan Singh where he had failed to advance. As a result of
it, Modi government is working more in favour of imperialist countries. In
the same way, the pact between India and America included Trade
Facilitation Agreement but it was projected as the pact to break the dead
lock of World Trade Organization. TFA and subsidies were divided into two
parts under it. The open and free market is in favour of imperialists under
the TFA and the other issues related to subsidies will be resolved by
imperialist pressure. It clearly indicates that the Modi government is bound
to cut subsidies on agricultural and food products to 10% till 2017. In the
back drop of this situation the Shanta Kumar Committee also submitted its
recommendations in the Report.

Death Warrant for FCI


Government purchase and food security are on target
The Committees recommendations have indirectly proposed to hang
FCI and only the government's approval is required. The FDI and publicprivate partnership will prepare the ground for destruction of a government
agency as well as the government land will also be given to the private
companies.
The Committees Report, under the dictates of World Trade Organization
pact, suggests finishing or limiting the role of FCI in crop purchases. It will
lead to abrogating the minimum support price. Secondly saying that if a
bonus over MSP is announced by any State Govt. then purchase will be
limited in that State, is also a step further in this direction. Although, the
report pretends that Govt. purchase will continue, outsourcing in Punjab
and other five states will lead to privatization. The Committee suggested
that the FCI purchase be continued only from those states where the small
and marginalized farmers are forced to sell their produce at lower prices
because there is no basic infrastructure of marketing in those states. When
there will be interference by private companies and no minimum support
price then the small and marginalized farmers will no longer survive. Later
on receipt system may be used to impose tax on the production. Most of

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July, 2015

NEW DEMOCRACY
the farmers are indebted to the banks and the banks will recover their
loans through this system,
The Committee proposes to re-define and rationalize the plan to cut
subsidy on food and agriculture to 10%. The proposal to decontrol prices
of urea and fertilizers and direct payment of subsidies on them is a step
towards minimizing subsidies. Reducing the coverage of Food Security
Act from 67% of population to 40% is not only to force poor people to die of
hunger but also ignorance of an admitted hard fact of starvation in India.
The entry of domestic and foreign companies in storage area will lead to
huge profits as well as increase in hoarding. It will further challenge our
food security resulting in high inflation as well as erosion of self dependence
in food grains.
The BJPs manifesto states that food security is equal to national
security. Modi daily speaks loudly in favour of so called nationalism. If his
government implements the recommendations of Shanta Kumar
Committees Report, which clearly points towards the imperialist backed
agenda to displace farmers and to push people to starvation, it will create
a further risk to national security. Then, why should a case of sedition not
be filed against Narendra Modi and his cabinet?
Workers, peasants as well as patriotic and democratic forces of this
country have to fight against the implementation of the recommendations
of Shanta Kumar Committee.

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Socio Economic Caste Census 2011 Rural SE Report

Underplayed, Inaccurate
yet Indicative
Aparna
Undertaken in the period of the UPA Govt, the figures of the rural socio
economic aspects of this Census were released by the NDA Govt through
Finance Minister Jaitley on 3rd July 2015. In this release were two
withholdings-one, the Caste census has not been released. It is no secret
that the immediate dictate for this is the impending Bihar elections. However,
in the longer term it is also expected to renew demands for changes in the
reservation quotas in educational institutions and in fast disappearing public
sector and govt. jobs. On the other hand, expecting an Opposition ruckus
in Parliament, the BJP is also preparing for its release by projecting Modi
as an OBC Prime Minister. Secondly, the urban socio economic census
has not been released, supposedly because the Cabinet has not finalized
how urban poor is to be determined. However, to cover up all these
considerations, the Govt. maintains that the rural figures have been released
earlier to allow targeting of anti poverty schemes.
The Socio Economic Caste Census (SECC) was conducted from 29 th
June 2011, through 2012 and also into some part of 2013. It covered all
640 districts of India like the Census does. It used a method of 24 lakh
enumeration block with approx. 125 households in each block which was
also used by Census 2011. The three Census components were conducted
by three separate authorities it appears the Dept of Rural Development
GOI conducted the rural part, the Urban Ministry the urban part and the
Home Ministry was concerned with the caste census. The co-ordination
has been done by the Dept of Rural Development of the Central Govt.
However the actual task of collection of data was left to the states.
This SECC (the prior caste census was conducted in 1931) is the first
paperless census in the country. It is stated to be based on answers of
the respondents. Since all its data was to be made available for public

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purposes (unlike Census figures where only final data is released), the
Report says that the delay in release was because, being a recording of
answers, the results were displayed for verification by households, village
panchayats and Gram Sabhas at the Gram Sabha offices. The objections
received were processed (over a lakh) and then the final information released.
Data of 277 districts has been finalized, but 99% of the complaints have
been processed. Apparently, mid track in 2012, all these processes of
calling for objections began to be followed, leading to delay in finalizing.
Here also lies the root of one of the objections being raised to the data
released that they were not verified by Gram Sabha meetings. The value
of both the procedure actually followed as well as of the objection, depends
on deciding whether data displayed at Gram Sabha offices are actually
accessible to respondents (do they get to know, can they read, did they
actually check, did someone record the complaint, or could all this only be
done by a section with the assets to do so). Regarding a meeting, it
depends on how much freedom of expression would be there and who would
be recording these are not gatherings of equals.
Secondly, when gathering of data was left to states there have been
many defects in this process itself. In Kerala for instance, in October 2014
it was found that the lists were so defective (3 lakh complaints) that they
could not be processed and the survey was abandoned. Now the Kerala
CM has stated that the entire rural data released is incorrect. (Hindu 15 th
July, 2015 article by ex-Census Commissioner) All in all it is clear that the
entire data collection was carelessly planned and carelessly undertaken.
This reflected the extreme reluctance of the Congress led UPA Govt. which
was forced by opposition parties to take up a caste Census.
The Report states that the data of SECC mostly corresponds to, but
cannot be fully imposed on i.e. does not exactly correspond, to the Census
2011. It says this is due to the time factor. Census 2011 was conducted
between 9th and 28th Feb. 2011 and findings may be different due to the
different durations. As the text will show, there are glaring differences
between the two in enumerating occupations Not only this, there are
important differences between this data and the agricultural census of 201213 which was conducted through 2012. The premise of the SECC is that it
is based 'on the answers of the respondents. It needs to be ascertained
whether the questioners were equipped or allowed to ask clarifying questions.
Whatever the reasons, the discrepancies are both significant and
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Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)


inexplicable.
One figure from this Census is stark, that 74.49% or 133.45 million of
rural households have the highest earning member earning less than Rs
5000 a month. Anticipating criticism, the Report says that the Census does
not ask the logical question of any other earner. Then it gives the lame
answer, However, the approach of the Census is solely on enumerating
multidimensionality of poverty and rank households accordingly for receiving
benefit of Govts positive intervention. If so then the logical second
question would have been of better help, but maybe too much of the truth
about the depth of rural poverty would have been exposed and no Govt.
would have been able to shrug off its shadow by talking of targets. But
there are other figures. Of the total rural households of 17.91 crore, 10.69
crore are deprived households (on the index of deprivation of this Census,
see later in the article) which amounts to 73% of all households of rural
India, and out of which the highest number is in Bihar. 48.50% of total rural
households (or 86.9 million) have at least one criteria of deprivation. This
is the face of an overwhelming part of rural India.
Yet again, to camouflage the realities exposed, the Govt. has set a
figure for rural poverty at 31.26% of rural Indians, or one third of rural
population taking a basis of landed assets and incomes. The Rangarajan
Commission of 2014 set it at 30.9% based on figures of consumption and
the Planning Commission at 27.5%. All these figures are to make believe
that ruling class Govts. since 1947 are developing Indian people, are
working for them and are meant for national and international media
consumption. They are merely academic exercises. The actual realities
are exposed by the figures of this Census also, as will be subsequently
clear. Also clear will be what needs to be urgently prioritized for the rural
poor.
In fact the talk in the Report of different timings being responsible for
differences in Census 2011 and itself, does bring out one reality. Marginal
and small peasantry do multitasking cultivation on ones own land, on
others land as agricultural labour, may be manual labour in another season,
and even a stint in an urban job for a large part of the year. It highlights the
inadequacies of the questions themselves if the answers change at different
times of the year. Yet some conclusions are true throughout the year and
they bring out the deprivation of the people of this agrarian country.

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Data of the Census


This Census states that there are 243.9 million total households in the
country out of which 179.2 million (or 17.9 crore) are rural households. The
NSSO Agricultural Survey 2012-13 recorded 15.61 total rural households,
missing out on almost two crore households. 17.9 crore corresponds to
883,83 million people.
Of these rural households, 20.6% own either a motorized two, three or
four wheeler or a motorized fishing boat. All these items require registration
so the figures can be checked. 3.62% of rural households have a Kisan
Credit Card with a credit limit of Rs 50,000 or more.
Of the total rural households, 18.46% are SC, 10.97 are ST and 12.83%
are headed by single women. 4.58% households pay income tax, 5% have
a member with a salaried govt. job. 1.11% are in public sector jobs, 11.4%
own a refrigerator, 3.57% rural households have a member with a private
salaried job. It is not recorded whether contractual, temporary jobs were
included in either private or govt. jobs. Migration is not recorded.

Work Profile of Rural Households Carelessness towards


Agriculture
91.6 million rural households are manual casual labour, 53.9 million
are cultivators, 4.48 million are part or full time domestic workers, 2.88
million are in non agricultural enterprises, 0.66 million are beggars, 0.4
million are rag pickers and 21.58 million are in other types of occupation
(e.g. Govt., private, PSU workers and others).
While this Census records 53.9 million cultivators, Census 2011 recorded
118.6 million cultivators and 144.3 million agricultural labour. The Agricultural
Census 2012-13 recorded 9.2 million agricultural households where only
those households were counted which sold produce worth Rs 3000. The
discrepancy in the figures is remarkable and highlights how poorly recorded
are the peasant households. It underlines the determination of ruling classes
of India irrespective of which party is in power, to wish away the peasantry
in this agrarian country. Thus the unmitigated agricultural crisis, whose
effects are clearly throwing their shadow on the socio economic census,
does not exercise Govts. except to give aid measures for the symptoms.
The ruling classes are servile to MNCs'- big business' quest for land and to
big land sharks and real estate players. In reality, world over land is being
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Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)


rediscovered as the genuine asset as world financial markets tumble
around.
This nonprioritization of the priority sector of this country is also evident
in Finance Minister Jaitleys prescription, A permanent, formal sector, well
paid job is the best anti poverty measure (6th July 2015, Statesman). Unless
we consider him farsighted enough to be planning another type of
development, this really means a play of words while his Govt. effectively
demolishes the conditions. Formal sector is being privatized by successive
govts. Jobs are temporary or contractual and only corporate is well paid.
Jaitleys vision is urban and his suggestions the dreams of youth a few
decades back. The vast majority of today's youth are simply trying to get
just any job.
In 74.5% of rural households, or for 133.45 million rural households, the
main earning member earns less than Rs 5000 per month. In more than
half the rural households, (91.6 million or 51.8%) the main income bringer
works as a manual or casual labourer. While 38% of India is landless, 56%
rural households are landless and property less. 70% of rural SC households,
50% of rural ST households and 64% of women headed households are
landless and property less. 53.7 million rural landless property less
households derive a major part of their income from manual labour. Where
30% rural households are cultivators, 3.39% of SC, 4.16% of ST and 3.89%
of women headed households are cultivators according to this Census. All
68.56 million landless households derive major part of income from manual
labour.
Bihar has 17.66 million rural households of which 9.59 million (54.33%)
are landless, Tamil Nadu has 10.6 million rural households of which 5.61
million (55.8%) are landless, Andhra has 9.29 million rural households of
which 4.5 million or 48.46% are landless, West Bengal has 15.75 million
rural households of which 7.56% million (48.02%) are landless and Punjab
has 3.26 million rural households of which 1.48 million (45.34%) are landless.
While there are no officially defined poverty estimates, the Ministry
says 31.2% rural households can be termed poor (i.e. about 275 million
people.) and struggle to eke out a daily living. In 2002, a similar Census
said rural poverty was 36% or 267 million people. Former Planning
Commission Secretary NC Saxena has contested these figures. He
estimates that a third of really poor were not included in 2002 census. The

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current data shows 16.5 lakh rural households in abject poverty but Antodaya
gives food to 20 lakh households.

Census Data Determining Deprivation on Specific Issues


For this, the Census totally excludes from poverty, those who meet
anyone of fourteen conditions and this entire section amounts to 7.05 crore
rural households or 39.39% of the total. The conditions include (i) having a
two/three/four wheeler, mechanized boat or (2) three or four wheeler
agricultural equipment (3) Kisan Credit Card with limit above Rs 50000 (4)
Govt. employee in household (5) Household paying income tax (6) Household
paying professional tax (7) Household with three or more rooms with pucca
roofs (8) Those who own a landline (9) Those who own more than 2.5 acre
of irrigated land with at least one irrigation equipment (10) one member
earning more than Rs 10000 a month.
The rural households which have been automatically included are of
five types and amount to 16.5 lakh households (or 0.92%) and are made up
of shelterless, destitute and beggars, manual scavenging households,
primitive tribes households and households of bonded labour.
Seven indicators have been chosen to grade deprivation. They are (1)
having one room with kuccha walls and roof (2) Households with no adult
between 16-59 years. (3) Women headed households with no adult male
between 16-59 years (4) No able bodied adult and no literate person above
25 years (5) SC, ST, landless households (6) No literate adult above 25
years. (7) Landless or households with manual labour as main source of
income.
One more set of data are illustrative. (HT, 4th July 2015)
SC

ST

All India

33.06

19.64

179.1

Landless rural householes

54.67%

35.62%

38.27%

Households in Govt. jobs

3.96%

4.38%

5%

Households with main


income less than Rs 5000
per month

83.56%

86.57%

74.49%

Households with four wheeler

0.83%

0.97%

2.46%

Rural household
(millions)

July, 2015

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Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)


On the basis of deprivation indices, the rural households show 13.25%
(23.7 million) have no room or a kuccha room, 3.64% (16.15 lakh) have no
adult male between 16 and 59 years, and 8.86 crore or 21.53% are SC-ST
households. Women headed households with no adult male of 16-59 years
are 68.96 lakh (or 3.85%) and landless with major income from manual
labour are 53.7 million or 29.97%. In another table in the same report this
is recorded as 68.5 million or 38.27% (both online). It is not specified
whether the 16-59 yr. males do not exist or have temporarily migrated but
return for periods or return rarely.
Some more broad data provided by SECC 2011 is that the percentage
of rural households with land is 44% amounting to 78.3 million and those
without land are 56% or 100.8 million. However, Census 2011 lists 118.6
million households as cultivators. Thus a significant section of landless or
marginal peasants may be tenant cultivators. This Census places cultivators
at 30% of households (53 million) while the 70th Round of NSSO said 39.5%
of rural households earn their main income from agriculture. Both these are
obviously underestimations of the households engaged in agriculture
irrespective of where the main income comes from. This Census presents
peasant households unidimensionally whereas multitasking is their reality.
Several other social indices have been studies. Mobile phones in rural
areas exceed landlines. Only 28% rural households have no phones, either
landline or mobile. 68% of rural households have a mobile phone, 1% have
only a landline and 2.7% have both. This also shows that mobile phones
can now be bought and maintained cheaply, but mainly points to high
migration with the need to maintain contact.
In Chhatisgarh 71% of rural households have no phone, in Odisha 65.3%
and 51.9% rural households in Madhya Pradesh. Households with the
hightest paid member earning less that Rs. 5000 a month are 90.8% in
Chhatisgarh, 87.8% in Odisha and 83.5% in M.P.

Illiteracy
After years of propaganda about rising literacy, with the NSSO
Employment round recording 8 mllion women missing from rural work force
because they had gone for education, now come some figures. 23.5% of
rural households have no literate adult above the age of 25 years. This
Census says 36% of rural people are illiterate. The 2011 Census recorded

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32% illiterate. Of the 64% literate, 3.4% of rural India are college graduates,
more than one fifth have not completed primary school and only 5.4%
complete high school.

Comments
Parameters chosen for assessing socio-economic status of the rural
people are inadequate. Health facilities accessed by them have not been
graded for instance, nor has something else so fundamental as whether
the households have electricity.
It is quite clear from this Census- however inaccurate the actual figuresthat the vast majority of rural households have to struggle hard merely for
subsistence. The entire concept of migration, so important to study the
socio economic situation of rural India where severe, prolonged, policy
driven, agrarian crisis has forced most able bodied males to combine work
on land with any sort of manual labour or jobs even in cities, has been
ignored. Also ignored is the common knowledge of multi tasking in peasant
households. Small peasants may be, besides cultivating their own land,
also taking land on lease or working as agricultural labour within any season.
Without factoring in all these issues, a complete picture of the socio
economic situation in rural India is not possible.
It is also surprising that no separate estimation has been made of
agricultural workers in compiling work profile. This is more so because in
recent years there has been debate that due to the well being in the
countryside, the number of agricultural labour is decreasing. Actually, their
households should be counted in agricultural households along with a
separate enumeration if necessary. However the All India Census lists
them separately. The Census 2011 recorded 144.3 million households as
agricultural labour and stated that this figure had increased since the last
census. The SECC 2011 merely says that in 51.8% or 91.6 million rural
households the main income earner works as casual or manual
labour.There is serious discrepancy in these figure especially since the
last figure is not reflective of only agricultural workers. In truth, there is a
serious and pervasive attempt by the ruling classes to dilute the role of
agriculture in rural India.

Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)


to change materially the fact that the vast rural masses lead a borderline
and very harsh existence. The large number of families without adults in
the age group of 16-59 years have simply been termed deprived without
casting any light on why this is the situation. For instance, the answer to
this sort of deprivation may just be to bring industrial establishments closer
to the villages.
In addition, the abysmal state of education is well revealed. Shiksha
Abhiyans may send a child to school, but only good teaching, food at
home, and plausible distances can keep the child there. In the NSSO survey
on Health in 2014 it was found both in rural and urban areas that 70% of
people who reported an illness in the preceding 15 days chose to go to a
private doctor. The reason is not that people have become better off. Another
UNICEF survey (2013-'14) has found that in malnutrition levels in children,
India, despite some improvement, lags behind Sub-Saharan Africa where
21% children are malnourished.
The lesson speaks out loud and clear. A total policy overhaul is needed.
Land reforms are the only answer in Indias rural areas to both improving
the purchasing power of the people and also to improve their socio economic
status in any effective way. India needs such policies and it needs the true
facts, not distorted facts and not palliatives. Also, state needs to set up
industries, hospitals, schools, and establishments in the rural areas to
give employment and effective services to the people and to put India in
control of her future, instead of leaving it at the mercy of imperialists and
compradors.
What the country does not need is also clear from the SECC, imperfect
as it is. The people do not need that land and resources be handed over to
MNCs and big businesses. It needs land and resources be used for the
people in the way they need. The ruling classes of India, hangers on of
corporate as they are, will never take this route.
What Socio economic census 2011(the rural census) actually does
highlight is that India needs new democratic revolution.

However, one point is clear. All the targeting, the MGNREGA, livelihood
schemes, the BPLs, the poverty lines and Antodayas have not been able
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