Académique Documents
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does not feel it necessary to give justification or reasons for its steps
against Pakistan. Moreover, this is also in line with big brotherly attitude of
the Indian ruling classes towards small neighbouring countries and their
drive for regional hegemony under the umbrella of imperialist powers. Modi
Govt. has utilized every incident to whip up national chauvinism directed
against Pakistan.
In Lieu of Editorial
July, 2015
NEW DEMOCRACY
were lying deserted and only 7 Nagas were reportedly killed in these raids.
In a later report published in the Hindustan Times, it was denied that any
losses had been sustained by that organization in the said Army operation.
It is obvious that the whole exercise was a big propaganda campaign whose
purpose was to sing paens to the new offensive policy of Modi Govt. and
to whip up national chauvinism among the people.
Under the cover of the propaganda of this operation, attempt was made
to hide utter bankruptcy of the policy being pursued by Indian Govt. towards
Nagas and their democratic aspirations. It was not clarified that when
ceasefire with NCSN-Khaplang had expired, why was there no attempt to
renew it? More importantly, why has no meaningful dialogue been held with
Naga organizations despite nearly two decades old cease-fire with them?
Why have no steps been taken to meet the democratic aspirations of Nagas?
Moreover, why were no steps taken to bring even the contiguous Naga
areas under single administration despite this being repeatedly demanded
by Nagas ? This whole chain of events makes it clear that the Govt. of
India is not serious about solving the problems of the nationalities of the
North-East. But the Modi Govt., without appreciating the whole gamut of
issues, considered it an opportunity to project its strong image. Propelled
by corporate media to power, Modi Govt. is bent on creating an image of
its strength through hollow propaganda campaign.
Besides giving anti-Pakistan colour to this operation, Modi Govt. has
been continuing its offensive posture against Pakistan. It had earlier
cancelled foreign secretary level talks on the pretext of Pakistans High
Commissioner having invited Hurriyat leaders for talks. That this was just
a pretext was clear from the fact that Indian Govt. had been earlier allowing
such talks. After annulling these talks, dialogue with Pakistan is being
postponed on one pretext or another. Tensions on the border are being
used for the purpose of putting off such a dialogue. Recently a senior
Minister in Modi Govt., Arun Jaitley, has stated that dialogue with Pakistan
depends on the behaviour of Pakistan. This statement clearly reveals that
Indian Govt. is not prepared for a dialogue with Pakistan. Or at least it
wishes to do so on its own terms and choosing. Earlier, Foreign Minister
Ms. Sushma Swaraj, had on May 21, 2015, stated while presenting the
report card of her ministry, our dialogue with Pakistan will only materialize
in a peaceful milieu. This zone will be created only when Pakistan takes
actions against the perpetrators like Lakhvi and others. It is clear that the
July, 2015
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of such a policy of fighting terrorists with terrorists, their objection too is
on openly admitting the same. Senior Minister of UPA Govt. who was the
Union Home Minister for some years, P. Chidambaram, said while criticizing
this statement of Manohar Parriker that this admission has gifted a weapon
to Pakistan against India. According to him UPA Govt., in its ten years'
rule, never used terrorists in any part of Pakistan. He said that even Modi
Govt. is not doing this. Hence he demanded that Parriker should take back
his statement. Communist Party of India (Marxist) too demanded that Modi
should make public correction to this statement to undo the damage. On
the other hand Manohar Parriker has no problem with this admission because
it is useful to his party in deepening communal polarization in the country.
This statement has another and even more important aspect relating to
the struggle of the people of Jammu & Kashmir. In Kashmir, Indian Govt.
has been using surrendered militants against militant organizations and
the democratic struggle of the people of Kashmir. Indian Govt. has been
using these surrendered militants to kill activists of the militant organizations
and leaders of the democratic movement fighting for the right of selfdetermination for people of Kashmir. Such allegations by the leaders of the
movement have been in the news and such reports have at times been
published in the media. The only difference is that unlike Manohar Parriker,
earlier govts. have not been publicly admitting this. There have not been
many comments in the Indian media on this aspect of the statement. Even
the opposition parties of the ruling classes have not given statements on
this aspect which only shows that they do not have much difference on
this policy in relation to suppressing the struggle of the people of Jammu &
Kashmir. However this statement does expose the reality of the propaganda
of the successive govts. about the struggle of the people of Kashmir. It
also brings to light the difficulties being faced by the struggle of the people
of Kashmir.
July, 2015
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Greece : A Challenge is
also An Opportunity
NEW DEMOCRACY
68.2 billion
France
43.8 billion
Italy
38.4 billion
Spain
25
IMF
21.4 billion
ECB
18.1 billion
Netherlands
13.4 billion
USA
11.3 billion
UK
10.8 billion
billion
Belgium
7.5 billion
Austria
5.9 billion
Finland
3.7 billion
July, 2015
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July, 2015
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of their deliberate follies on to the common people of Greece. And the
policies sought to achieve this objective are clubbed as "austerity measures"
cutting the Govt. expenditure on pensions and salaries of employees,
shutting down govt. departments and undertakings, cutting down wages of
workers and social security of workers and the people at large, stoppage of
all govt. works, etc. The neoliberal prescriptions sought to be imposed by
these powers on Greece and other countries also entail encouragement to
profits and previleges of the bourgeois elite. Like old usurers, these powers
wish to extract the last ounce of blood from the working people of Greece
and other countries. The policies being imposed by them can only spell
disaster for the working masses of these countries.
Ever since the sovereign debt crisis erupted in Greece, the established
bourgeois parties had been making a pretense of opposing the austerity
measures imposed by the troika while implementing them while in power in
the name of there being no other way. On the other hand people of Greece
have been agitating against these policies with large sections of the people
actively participating in these agitations. It is in this situation that Syriza,
the coalition of radical left, came to enjoy wide support among the people
and was voted to power in January 2015 elections.
Syriza's twin stance of rejecting austerity and staying in the Eurozone
in fact represents the differences among the array of forces grouped under
the banner of Syriza. While old Euro-communist and reformist sections are
keen on a compromise, the militant sections including the revolutionary
left are standing firm against surrendering before the troika. Old
Eurocommunists and reformists are the dominant section in Syriza including
its legislative wing. These reformists seek to extract the best possible
deal from international creditors but are not prepared to leave Euro even if
the international creditors do not accede to the minimum demands of the
people of Greece. For them remaining in Eurozone is primary while demands
of people of Greece are negotiable. The clash between different sections
in Syriza came to the fore in the recent National Convention where Left
Platform garnered big support while revolutionary forces also made their
stand clear. Protests are being held in Greece daily and with large
participation of the people against the conditions being imposed by foreign
creditor institutions. These demonstrations, while targeting the troika
particularly German imperialists, are also a warning to Syriza Govt. not to
go for undue compromise sacrificing its main election promises. People's
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immigrant, neo-Nazi forces in European countries. In UK, Conservative
party has secured a majority of its own. This contradictory shift in the
political landscape of Europe i.e. in Northern and Southern Europe, have
been facilitated by decline of social democratic centre which supported
neo-liberal policies albeit with human face, i.e. with 'less adverse' effects
on workers. However, with deepening of economic crisis donning this mask
was no longer possible and different sections of its mass base moved in
different directions.
In UK, collapse of Liberal Democrats has propelled Conservatives to
majority. Shift of Liberal Democrat votes to other parties made this possible
in the first past the post electoral system. However, this victory of
Conservative party would not have been possible without shift of ruling
Conservatives to Eurosceptic position. Prime Minister Cameron promised
In Out Referendum before 2017 to win over supporters of U.K.
Independence Party (UKIP). However bigger event has been a near complete
sweep by Scottish Nationalist Party in Scotland winning 56 out of 59 seats
there. Besides collapse of Liberal Democrats, British elections also saw a
polarization in Scotland in favour of SNP and in England against Scotland
getting increased powers. So much was the polarization in England that
the main opposition party, Labour, ruled out any truck with SNP after elections
in order not to antagonize voters in England. Though Labour gained some
votes but these were not enough to carry its leader to 10, Downing Street.
After the results Prime Minister David Cameron has toured the European
countries for changes in European treaty to present it to the British electorate
before the referendum. Of particular importance is the right of people from
EU countries to go to UK as members of the European Union. Cameron is
trying to stay in the 'reformed Union i.e. change the character of European
Union itself. U.K. has had a very difficult relationship with EU dominated
by continental powers Germany and France. It considered itself an arbiter
of western Europe but not a part of it inititally. In 1960s it did join EEC, but
the relationship has always been one of conflict. U.K. Conservatives are
also dealing an important blow at the European Union which is any way
struggling to contain fall out of the impact of world financial economic crisis,
divergent priorities of west and east European states or what is also called
old and new Europe. All these contradictions are added to the machinations
of US imperialism to keep Europe under its control whose priorities are at
times at variance with US imperialism.
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has failed to provide even the minimum land to the poor. In 2010, under the
order of the central RD ministry, the state Board of Revenue had ordered
all the collectors to find out the number of landless dalit families living in
their jurisdiction and provide them Govt. land for their livelihood. It was
also said that if there is no Govt. land remaining in a mouza then the Govt
should provide land to landless even by purchasing land from private
persons. But as usual this order was also put in cold storage.
There are several instances of grabbing of government land by influential
persons in Bhubaneswar and many other urban areas of the state. On the
aforesaid count, the Ordinance looks appealing. However it is apprehended
that this Ordinance will have far reaching implications for the adivasis,
dalits, women and landless people who are sustaining their livelihood by
encroaching on meagre amount of government land. Adivasis living in forest
areas are yet to receive legal entitlement over land they have been
cultivating for decades. They face constant threat of eviction and
dispossession. There is every possibility that the said Ordinance will be
(mis)used to evict them from their land and criminalise these vulnerable
communities. People living in urban slums are also likely to be affected by
the Ordinance.
As per record of Revenue department, Government of Odisha, in the
year 2006 -07 about 84 percent of the land belonged to the Government
under forest and revenue land. Thus a very small portion of land holding
lies with others. Since in most parts of the scheduled areas tribals depend
on forest and other revenue land for which they do not have patta, such
Ordinance will have serious implications on tribal land ownership in the
Scheduled areas.
The Ordinance, if converted into an Act, will be a black law for the
broad masses including lakhs of landless, dalits, tribals, daily wage earners,
slum dwellers etc of the state. Land grabbing, which is till now a civil matter,
becomes a cognizable offence after this Ordinance and no person accused
under this Ordinance shall be released on bail. The definition of Land
Grabbing and Land Grabber in Section -2 (Sub Section C and D) does not
distinguish between a person who is in possession of public land for ones
livelihood and another who has occupied it for his or her commercial purpose
or out of his/her greed. It has no ceiling on land occupied by poor and
landless and so also no mention of any cut off date. According to it, the
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Water Recharging
Ashish Mital
Liberalization has pushed all resources essential for life beyond the
reach of common people. So also is the case with water. Water scarcity
has led to social stress in both rural and urban areas. There is drinking
water crisis. Ever lengthening queues of buckets in front of public taps in
both rural and urban areas, loss of valuable work time due to shortage of
water and inadequate sanitation facilities are well documented. Government
hand pumps, public taps, canals and ponds dry up in summer. In several
rural areas poor people survive by drinking water from ditches while
developed multi-million dollar bottled water and beverages market is
attracting MNCs and Indias big corporate houses which earn more than
Rs 6000 crores per year. Water is being sold in water scarce areas and
water merchants are making hay while the sun shines.
2010
NCIWRD
2025
(BCM)
2010
2025
Low
High
Low
High
i) Irrigation
688
910
543
557
561
611
ii) Drinking
Water
56
73
42
43
55
62
iii) Industry
12
23
37
37
67
67
iv) Energy
15
18
19
31
33
v) Other
52
72
54
54
70
70
Total
813
1093
694
710
784
843
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July, 2015
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properly to cater to the requirements and has led to aggravation of these
problems.
The figures presented show that the problem of water is mainly linked
to agriculture. In India 80% plus water is used for agriculture, while worldwide figures are around 70%. Thus the main impact of management of
water will be on agriculture and food security. Those who argue that rapid
industrialization is accentuating the crises of water shortage are correct
to the extent that this is encroaching upon and displacing agricultural
operations.
There is an attempt by rulers to over propagate water scarcity to divert
attention from the govt.s lack of desire to properly manage water resources.
People are blamed for low consciousness on efficient and economical use,
over drawing and wastage. There is also an attempt to declare water as a
public property, i.e. deny the right of people, in order to impose govt. taxation
on it. It is the height of absurdity to claim that people living in deprivation
are not conscious of scarcity. If at all, wastage could be an issue only as
far as lack of care of infrastructure or with luxurious overuse by big
companies and in upper class facilities, but that too is minor in terms of
volume of water wasted. Also water is not something which people can
naturally overuse or waste unless one deliberately sets artificial limits to
individual use and natural needs. Of the major users, agriculture, overuse
will damage crops. Certainly there is no case of people wasting water. It is
a mischievously introduced concept in the battle for control over water
resources.
Discussions on this problem also finds the use of the term user group
and economic value. The idea is to declare some people or categories as
non users and deprive those who make uneconomic use of it. The idea is
to commodify the use of water, the justification being that any scarce
resource needs to be rationed and taxation is a way out. But this is another
absurdity introduced, as taxation will not solve the problem and will only
deprive the already deprived sections.
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from the east to the west. This means a massive transfer over a huge
stretch of land. It will be extremely capital intensive with very high
consumption of energy and operating and maintenance cost in a country
which is already short of its energy requirement. Moreover it will involve
huge displacement of people. Its long term benefits need detailed
evaluation. The first project undertaken was during the Vajpayee regime. It
was ill conceived and it proposed transfer of water from Ken to Betwa river,
both tributaries of Yamuna situated close to each other on UPMP border.
Both Betwa and Ken run absolutely dry from March onwards. The project
stands in abeyance. As happens with several such projects this project
too was planned without any evaluation of how much water the rivers have
to spare from local requirements during the lean summer months.
In the name of improving storage capacities of water bodies' the thrust
is on big dams with big reservoirs. The logic is explained in detail by the
World Bank. It recommends that India needs massive investments to build
per capita water storage which is only 200 cubic metres per person whereas
United States and Australia have over 5000 cubic meters'. India needs to
harness hydropower potential which is only 20 percent compared to 80%
in industrial countries.
Big dams create several problems of displacing people and submerging
valuable agricultural land, of damaging the river flow and embankments
upstream and drying up the areas downstream, of silting in the reservoirs
and the dam becoming non functional, of risks in earthquake prone areas,
etc. The following report is worth reading - Now farmers along the Nile
plant crops year round. In fact, the area has become one of the most
intensely cultivated pieces of land in the world. Because the Aswan Dam
traps 98% of the rivers rich sediments and prevents them from flowing
downstream, farmers along the Nile must now use large amounts of artificial
fertilizer. Another negative side-effect of the dam is that the Nile delta is
no longer being built up by the river sediments. As a result, this important
agricultural area is now struggling with erosion and dangerously high levels
of soil salinity. (The Water Page, Flood Control)
The rich historical experience with irrigation management and planning
in India during pre British times also points in this direction. Rain water
was harnessed to serve the scarcity during summers. Artificial lakes and
tanks were dug in large numbers. Weirs (small dams) were made across
rivers and aqueducts were made to permit flow of the raised river water into
July, 2015
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Indias agricultural economy while continuously increasing the taxes on
peasantry. As Marx wrote in his article, The British Rule in India (June
10, 1853) As in Egypt and India, inundations are used for fertilizing the
soil... Hence an economic function devolved upon all the Asiatic
Governments, the function of providing public works. ... This artificial
fertilization of soil, dependent on a Central Government, and immediately
decaying with the neglect of irrigation and drainage, explains the otherwise
strange fact that we now find whole territories barren and desert that were
once brilliantly cultivated... This story of neglect has also been noted in
the following passage, The initial steps of destruction were accomplished
... by the neglect of irrigation and public works, which had been maintained
under previous governments and were now allowed to fall into neglect: It is
with the same mindset that current policy on Water Resource Corporatization
and institution of water charges is being planned.
Current neglect of water harnessing, storage and irrigation is highlighted
by the following facts. Land under irrigation by tanks came down from
29,44,000 hectares in 1990-91 to 20,44,000 hectares (prov.) in 2006-07,
i.e. by 30.6 %. And during the same period land under canal irrigation
came down from 1,74,53,000 hectares to 1,53,51,000 hectares. (From
Shocking story of performance of large irrigation projects Source: Land
Use Statistics at a Glance 1997-98 to 2006-07. Directorate of Economics
& Statistics, Department of Agriculture and Cooperation, Ministry of
Agriculture, November 2008 Page: 36).
The area under irrigation from tanks in 8 districts of Telangana and
Andhra Pradesh- Prakasham, Kurnool, Anantapur, Cuddapah, Chittoor,
Rangareddy, Mahbubnagar and Nalgonda, came down from 2,94,789
hectares in 1959-62 to 2,13,380 hectares in 1986-89. According to this
write up increase in well irrigation might be a reason for lowering of ground
water table in many regions, with a resulting cutoff in recharge to tanks
from ground water and consequent drying up of some of the surface tanks.
(Dying Wisdom A publication by Centre for Science and Environment,
1997, quoted by Irrigation Engineering Principles, Version 2 CE IIT,
Kharagpur)
Mihir Shah has quoted the yet to be published 4th Minor Irrigation Census
(2006-07) to say that the country has 5.56 lakh water bodies, many of
which are Languishing in a state of disrepair and disuse.
July, 2015
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The victory in the municipal polls, which have been termed as the
semifinal before the Assembly polls due early next year, will act as a shot
in the arm for the TMC, which recently faced serious allegations of
corruption, including alleged involvement of some of its leaders in the
Saradha Chit Fund scam.
Although the TMC scored a big win, it got some blows too as several
heavyweights suffered defeat. Chairman of the outgoing KMC board
Sachidananda Banerjee, Deputy mayor Farzana Alam of TMC besides
prominent party councillor Paresh Pal were defeated.
The civic polls were held in 91 municipalities across the state on April
25 which recorded a voter turnout of 79 per cent. Voting for Kolkata Municipal
Corporation took place on April 18.
Repolling at 36 booths in over five districts took place after reports of
booth-jamming, booth-capturing, theft and damage of EVM machines from
these booths during the April 25 polling.Over 70 percent voter turnout was
recorded in repolling.
All the opposition parties stamped this election as a farce.The CPM
leaders claimed looting of votes and called a general strike on the day of
All India Transport workers Strike.Interestingly BJP supported the strike
by calling a Bandh on the same day and CPM leader Shyamal Chakraborty
welcomed the step. In a Demand charter related to general strike published
by CPM in their Bengali organ Ganashakti, was mentioned the need to
fight to bring more foreign investment to West Bengal to solve employment
problem ! Those left intellectuals who dream of forging a joint front against
Neoliberal regime with CPM should consider this seriously.
.There is no doubt that in all the recent municipal elections including
Kolkata Municipal Corporation, Trinamool Congress supporters misused
their government administration and police apparatus in rigging and for
terrorizing the opponent parties. In many constituencies CPM or other
opposition parties could have won but the overall picture does not show
that people have become completely disillusioned with Trinamool and are
turning towards CPM.On the contrary TMC has managed to retain its share
of votes.If CPIM talks about rigging & false voting by which TMC has
retained their share then it must be considered that during CPMs rule it
was the same tactics by which CPM also used to maintain its share. Any
July, 2015
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Act, the 1951 Calcutta Municipal Act, there were 100 Wards, the inclusion
of these areas raised the number of wards to 141. This strategy paid
dividends as will be seen later. But this did not stay long. Left front
government's anti people and pro-capitalist policies over years disillusioned
the citizens of greater Kolkata and in the absence of a revolutionary
alternative the void was filled by Congress and later on by Trinamool
Congress .
All these data shows that in spite of wild claims by CPM leaders and
those who are beating the drums for Left Front Govt.outside West Bengal
actually slum dwellers and common people of the city of Kolkata were
alienated from it and their interests were not materialized under LF rule.
They found CPM leaders to be as corrupt as other bourgeois party leaders.
CPM local committees in Kolkata were run by contractors-builder-party
boss nexus. This objective condition along with the subjective condition of
weakness of revolutionary forces helped TMC leaders under the leadership
of Ms. Mamata Banerjee to fill this vacuum with their militant populist
gestures and they gained support. Almost all the slums of Kolkata are now
controlled by Trinamool hooligans & ex CPM bosses & goons who have
changed their allegiance to TMC after TMC attained power in 2011.
July, 2015
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MASSIVE RALLY OF 15
THOUSAND FOR PODU LANDS
On June 29th the people living in the forest areas of Khammam marched
towards the District Collectors office with red flags. The purpose of the
rally was for land, Irrigation and allocation of funds in the budget for the
development of adivasis and dalits. The people participated in the rally
overcoming the restrictions and hurdles of the police and made their issue
known to the people.
The CPI (ML) New Democracy along with AIKMS organized this rally
raising the following demands from the Government.
1) Demanding pattadar pass books (Legal rights) as per Forest Rights Act
2006 for the forest lands cultivated by the adivasis.
2) To stop the frequent attacks of the police and the forest department on
the adivasis.
3) To fulfill the Governments promise of giving 3 acres of land to every SC
and ST person.
4) To complete all the pending irrigation projects in Khammam
(Dummugudem, Rudramkota, Sriramsagar, Munneru, Pulusubontha,
Tularam, Kinnerasani etc.)
As a preparation for this massive rally, 8 Jathas conducted publicity
and awareness campaigns throughout the district to gather people from all
over the district. Campaign was conducted in almost one thousand villages
including some mandals which were later merged in A.P. Besides this
campaign several group meetings were conducted with the purpose of
sending a message that we should acquire the legal rights on the lands
even at the cost of our lives as land is the only source that can feed the
adivasis.
On 5th June 2015, a general body meeting was conducted with 250
important party activists followed by 3 other divisional general bodies and
the outcome of these general bodies was that every activist of the party
should participate in the rally to make the programme a grand success.
July, 2015
started the rally. CPI, CPI(M) and Tudumdebba also supported the event.
On 19th June a rally of 250 members was held in Kothagudem. This was
started by RCS and Jatoth Krishna. In totality upto 28 th, 8 groups from 8
sides had taken up the campaign. These events were followed by Arunodaya
groups.
Hundreds of people took part in mandal centres' rallies which were held
in Yellandu, Burgampahad, Manuguru, Palvoncha, Velerupadu, Khammam,
Aswaraopeta, Dammapeta, Sathupally, Mulakalapally, Chandrugonda,
Bayyaram, Garla, Karepally, T-Palem, Kusumanchi and Tekulapally mandal
headquarters.
July, 2015
NEW DEMOCRACY
Forest officers in some areas took oppressive measures to threaten
the tribal people. In the end, on 29th Chalo Collectorate event was
successfully organized. Police tried their level best to stop this movement.
In some areas Act 30 was imposed along with Section 144 to stop the
tribal people. Notices were given to vehicle owners. Many volunteers were
searched by police trying to arrest them. However, men and women with
the red flag held in one hand and lunch box in another attended the rally.
In Khammam red shirts and flags were seen all over the town. In each
and every stop from Pavilion ground to Sardar Patel stadium through Wyra
Road slogans were being raised. Wyra road was filled with our party women.
Tribals and poor people raised their unfulfilled demands by giving slogans.
This rally was very enthusiastic.
Chalo collectorate programme was organized by CPI (ML) ND and
AIKMS. In it state leader Vemulapally Venkatramaiah said that people
massively came here to demand that land not be taken from us. Minister
Jogu Ramanna has been saying that 10 acres holders will be exempted as
per the forest law. But in the name of Haritha haaram, KCR is trying to grab
the tribal lands. Rachakonda gutta has been given to a Cinema house and
Pharmacists. CPI (ML) ND is demanding pattas to the tribal lands. Irrigation
projects are not being completed by KCR. We are not against Kotta Dindi
and Kaleshwaram Projects. We may die in protecting our land. Forest
department is confiscating all the lands all over state. As per the 2006 Act
pattas should be given. KCR will be held responsible for all the movements
which will come up in the coming days.
CPI (ML) ND Dist. Secretary P. Ranga Rao said that people who are
mostly tribals dependent on land are being replaced by land sellers. We
may lose our lives but will not give our land he said. Without promise of
land and water KCR would not have come to power. We fought for Telangana
for the people. KCRs family became ministers but they cannot take away
the lands from the poor. We are not against plantation programme, we are
only against plantation on our land. 1100 acres land has been given to ITC.
Tribals are against open cast mining. In the name of Polavaram 2 lakhs
acres is going away. Tribal hamlets are going to drown. Bayyaram mines
were given to Rakshana steels. Jindal company took away Bayyaram Steel
Plant. Forest is destroyed due to neglect of forest department. Tribals are
not land grabbers. War in Kurukshetra was for land and here for land the
fighting will go on he said.
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Historical Background
35
36
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the government is clearly fake. Even if we assume that it is true, even then
the poor administration of government exposes the truth of uneven market
access and the lack of basic facilities.
The Committee concludes by exposing the irregularities, thefts and
wastage of food-grains under the Public Distribution System. It is 46.7%
according to the 68th round of the National Sample Survey. It means about
half of the foodgrains are swallowed by food agents, corrupt bureaucracy
and political masters. It demonstrates the wide range of corruption in FCIs
public distribution system.
The government has fixed strategic reserves at 420 lakh tonnes in the
godowns while, according to the Committee, 840 lakh tonnes foodgrains
are stored there. The Committee presents the expenditure on its storage
as a heavy burden on the Treasury, while on the enactment of Food Security
Act 67% of total population was covered under it, according to which 550
lakh tonnes of foodgrains were required in the country which was much
more than the strategic reserves quota. But Modi government has only
released 388 lakh tones of foodrains for PDS and other schemes until
December 2014 under this Act. The conclusion of the Committee about
surplus food is exposed in the light of these facts. If we examine the market
in the context of price index there is continuous heavy inflation, particularly
food products are becoming costlier day by day and a common man is
forced to starve.
As against these facts Shanta Kumar Committee praises FCI for its
three basic purposes and recommends structural changes to give it a new
form and role. What are these recommendations? Are they in favour of the
public or not? To understand it, it is necessary to look at the system of
purchasing, storage and transportation of the crops, the structure of FCI,
the issues related to workers and public distribution system and the
recommendations of the committee.
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recommends review of Food Security Act 2013 and other Welfare schemes.
The Food Security Act covers 67% of the total population which needs
food aid. It was meant to provide food to these weaker sections of society
through Public Distribution System. But the Committee suggests reducing
its coverage to only 40% of the population which is considered below the
poverty line. It suggests distributing 7 kg foodgrain per person instead of 5
kg and 35 kg per family per month instead of 25kg.
To make subsidies rational the committee suggests that the price of
foodgrains should be increased to 22 rupees per kg from Rs. 1 to Rs. 3 or
it should be 50% of the minimum support price.
To cover Food Security Act or other welfare schemes, the committee
suggests that the foodgrains should be distributed bi-annually. Accordingly
wheat should be distributed after 30th of June and rice after 31st of March,
and beneficiaries should also be provided drums to store foodgrains.
To check irregularities in PDS, the Food Security Act should not be
implemented in those states in which the data of beneficiaries is not
uploaded online and which do not form vigilance committees for the
inspection of Public Distribution System.
The Shanta Kumar Committee suggests that the government should
pay direct cash subsidy instead of distributing foodgrains at low prices
through public distribution system. It should be 700 rupees per month per
family under Antodaya scheme and 500 rupees per month to the needy
families (five members each) and it can be increased according to the
rising inflation rate. It should be started with the cities with population of
more than one million and the states which produce surplus food and then
extended to the states with lower production with an alternative between
foodgrains at subsidized price or the cash subsidy. This cash subsidy
should be attached to the Prime Minister Jan Dhan Yojna account and the
Aadhar Card.
According to the Committee this can be helpful in reducing the burden
of Rs. 30 thousand crore subsidies on the exchequer.
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system. According to the Committee, incentives of the departmental
employees should be blocked or jammed up to 1.25% and they should be
encouraged to opt for voluntarily retirement scheme. Labour should be
recruited on the basis of no work no pay or on the contract system. It is
notable that a departmental employee earns more than Rs. 75000 per month
and a contractual worker only about ten thousand rupees.
More facilities should be given to improve the conditions of the
contractual workers.
The whole system should be computerized.
5. New Aim
The Committee has introduced a new aim in place of the three defined
aims of the FCI. It has recommended that FCI should be converted into an
agile agency which should be cost-effective. It should improve operational
efficiency and encourage private competition.
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the farmers are indebted to the banks and the banks will recover their
loans through this system,
The Committee proposes to re-define and rationalize the plan to cut
subsidy on food and agriculture to 10%. The proposal to decontrol prices
of urea and fertilizers and direct payment of subsidies on them is a step
towards minimizing subsidies. Reducing the coverage of Food Security
Act from 67% of population to 40% is not only to force poor people to die of
hunger but also ignorance of an admitted hard fact of starvation in India.
The entry of domestic and foreign companies in storage area will lead to
huge profits as well as increase in hoarding. It will further challenge our
food security resulting in high inflation as well as erosion of self dependence
in food grains.
The BJPs manifesto states that food security is equal to national
security. Modi daily speaks loudly in favour of so called nationalism. If his
government implements the recommendations of Shanta Kumar
Committees Report, which clearly points towards the imperialist backed
agenda to displace farmers and to push people to starvation, it will create
a further risk to national security. Then, why should a case of sedition not
be filed against Narendra Modi and his cabinet?
Workers, peasants as well as patriotic and democratic forces of this
country have to fight against the implementation of the recommendations
of Shanta Kumar Committee.
CPI(ML) Organs
New Democracy
Pratirodh Ka Swar
Voice of New Democracy
Biplabi Ganaline
Inquilabi Sada Rah
Lok Yudh
Sangrami Ekta
English
Hindi
Telugu
(Telengana)
Bengali
Punjabi
Marathi
Oriya
July, 2015
Underplayed, Inaccurate
yet Indicative
Aparna
Undertaken in the period of the UPA Govt, the figures of the rural socio
economic aspects of this Census were released by the NDA Govt through
Finance Minister Jaitley on 3rd July 2015. In this release were two
withholdings-one, the Caste census has not been released. It is no secret
that the immediate dictate for this is the impending Bihar elections. However,
in the longer term it is also expected to renew demands for changes in the
reservation quotas in educational institutions and in fast disappearing public
sector and govt. jobs. On the other hand, expecting an Opposition ruckus
in Parliament, the BJP is also preparing for its release by projecting Modi
as an OBC Prime Minister. Secondly, the urban socio economic census
has not been released, supposedly because the Cabinet has not finalized
how urban poor is to be determined. However, to cover up all these
considerations, the Govt. maintains that the rural figures have been released
earlier to allow targeting of anti poverty schemes.
The Socio Economic Caste Census (SECC) was conducted from 29 th
June 2011, through 2012 and also into some part of 2013. It covered all
640 districts of India like the Census does. It used a method of 24 lakh
enumeration block with approx. 125 households in each block which was
also used by Census 2011. The three Census components were conducted
by three separate authorities it appears the Dept of Rural Development
GOI conducted the rural part, the Urban Ministry the urban part and the
Home Ministry was concerned with the caste census. The co-ordination
has been done by the Dept of Rural Development of the Central Govt.
However the actual task of collection of data was left to the states.
This SECC (the prior caste census was conducted in 1931) is the first
paperless census in the country. It is stated to be based on answers of
the respondents. Since all its data was to be made available for public
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purposes (unlike Census figures where only final data is released), the
Report says that the delay in release was because, being a recording of
answers, the results were displayed for verification by households, village
panchayats and Gram Sabhas at the Gram Sabha offices. The objections
received were processed (over a lakh) and then the final information released.
Data of 277 districts has been finalized, but 99% of the complaints have
been processed. Apparently, mid track in 2012, all these processes of
calling for objections began to be followed, leading to delay in finalizing.
Here also lies the root of one of the objections being raised to the data
released that they were not verified by Gram Sabha meetings. The value
of both the procedure actually followed as well as of the objection, depends
on deciding whether data displayed at Gram Sabha offices are actually
accessible to respondents (do they get to know, can they read, did they
actually check, did someone record the complaint, or could all this only be
done by a section with the assets to do so). Regarding a meeting, it
depends on how much freedom of expression would be there and who would
be recording these are not gatherings of equals.
Secondly, when gathering of data was left to states there have been
many defects in this process itself. In Kerala for instance, in October 2014
it was found that the lists were so defective (3 lakh complaints) that they
could not be processed and the survey was abandoned. Now the Kerala
CM has stated that the entire rural data released is incorrect. (Hindu 15 th
July, 2015 article by ex-Census Commissioner) All in all it is clear that the
entire data collection was carelessly planned and carelessly undertaken.
This reflected the extreme reluctance of the Congress led UPA Govt. which
was forced by opposition parties to take up a caste Census.
The Report states that the data of SECC mostly corresponds to, but
cannot be fully imposed on i.e. does not exactly correspond, to the Census
2011. It says this is due to the time factor. Census 2011 was conducted
between 9th and 28th Feb. 2011 and findings may be different due to the
different durations. As the text will show, there are glaring differences
between the two in enumerating occupations Not only this, there are
important differences between this data and the agricultural census of 201213 which was conducted through 2012. The premise of the SECC is that it
is based 'on the answers of the respondents. It needs to be ascertained
whether the questioners were equipped or allowed to ask clarifying questions.
Whatever the reasons, the discrepancies are both significant and
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current data shows 16.5 lakh rural households in abject poverty but Antodaya
gives food to 20 lakh households.
ST
All India
33.06
19.64
179.1
54.67%
35.62%
38.27%
3.96%
4.38%
5%
83.56%
86.57%
74.49%
0.83%
0.97%
2.46%
Rural household
(millions)
July, 2015
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Illiteracy
After years of propaganda about rising literacy, with the NSSO
Employment round recording 8 mllion women missing from rural work force
because they had gone for education, now come some figures. 23.5% of
rural households have no literate adult above the age of 25 years. This
Census says 36% of rural people are illiterate. The 2011 Census recorded
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32% illiterate. Of the 64% literate, 3.4% of rural India are college graduates,
more than one fifth have not completed primary school and only 5.4%
complete high school.
Comments
Parameters chosen for assessing socio-economic status of the rural
people are inadequate. Health facilities accessed by them have not been
graded for instance, nor has something else so fundamental as whether
the households have electricity.
It is quite clear from this Census- however inaccurate the actual figuresthat the vast majority of rural households have to struggle hard merely for
subsistence. The entire concept of migration, so important to study the
socio economic situation of rural India where severe, prolonged, policy
driven, agrarian crisis has forced most able bodied males to combine work
on land with any sort of manual labour or jobs even in cities, has been
ignored. Also ignored is the common knowledge of multi tasking in peasant
households. Small peasants may be, besides cultivating their own land,
also taking land on lease or working as agricultural labour within any season.
Without factoring in all these issues, a complete picture of the socio
economic situation in rural India is not possible.
It is also surprising that no separate estimation has been made of
agricultural workers in compiling work profile. This is more so because in
recent years there has been debate that due to the well being in the
countryside, the number of agricultural labour is decreasing. Actually, their
households should be counted in agricultural households along with a
separate enumeration if necessary. However the All India Census lists
them separately. The Census 2011 recorded 144.3 million households as
agricultural labour and stated that this figure had increased since the last
census. The SECC 2011 merely says that in 51.8% or 91.6 million rural
households the main income earner works as casual or manual
labour.There is serious discrepancy in these figure especially since the
last figure is not reflective of only agricultural workers. In truth, there is a
serious and pervasive attempt by the ruling classes to dilute the role of
agriculture in rural India.
However, one point is clear. All the targeting, the MGNREGA, livelihood
schemes, the BPLs, the poverty lines and Antodayas have not been able
July, 2015
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