Académique Documents
Professionnel Documents
Culture Documents
in Qajar Iran
Rudolph P. Matthee
ecent years have seen a surge in scholarly attention to consumption in early modern times. A fair share of the resulting scholarship has been devoted to the study of stimulants, such as coffee and
tea, which are no longer viewed as mere commodities in the trade and
consumer revolutions, but are now explored as emblems and symbols
of religious practice, social relations, or political change. Scholars have
addressed the function of these beverages in religious imagery and
medical experimentation, examined their acceptance and distribution
as indices of social class and status, and focused on governmental reactions to their importation and dissemination, which ranged from legal
prohibition to fiscal stimulation.1 Sidney Mintz has studied the links
among the production, spread, and consumption of tea in conjunction
with the spread of sugar in eighteenth-century Britain.2 Wolfgang
Schivelbusch has shown how, in the various societies where it made
inroads, coffee in the early modern West embodied now the rational
spirit of the Enlightenment and capitalist enterprise, now the mood of
* I would like to thank Iraj Afshar and Abbas Amanat for reading and commenting on
an earlier version of this paper.
1 Recent social studies of coffee and other stimulants in European countries include the
contributions in Wandel der Volkskultur in Europa, vol. 1: Festschrift fr Gnter Wiegelmann
zum 60. Geburtstag, ed. Nils-Arvid Bringus et al. (Mnster, 1988); Daniela Ball, ed.,
Kaffee im Spiegel europischer Trinksitten (Zurich, 1991); Pim Reinders and Thera Wijsenbeek, Koffie in Nederland: Vier eeuwen cultuurgeschiedenis (Zutphen, 1994); and the special
issue on Kolonialwaren of Jahrbuch fr Wirtschaftsgeschichte (1994).
2 Sidney W. Mintz, Sweetness and Power: The Place of Sugar in the Modern World (New
York, 1985). See also Woodruff D. Smith, Complications of the Commonplace: Tea,
Sugar, and Imperialism, Journal of Interdisciplinary History 23 (1992): 25978.
Journal of World History, Vol. 7, No. 2
1996 by University of Hawaii Press
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200
an emerging bourgeois milieu.3 In a fascinating workthe only booklength study to date that seriously explores the historical causes and
repercussions of peoples preferences for coffee or tea according to
region and religionKarl Wasserberg discusses the interplay between
faith and government policy on the one hand, and a popular preference for either coffee or tea, on the other, in early modern Germany.4
Farther afield, R. E. F. Smith and David Christian have looked into
the symbolic meaning of food and beverages, including tea, in prerevolutionary Russia.5
With the exception of the original areas of cultivationYemen for
coffee and China for teathe non-European world has received short
shrift in this recent scholarship.6 Few attempts have been made to
explore connections between domestic consumer culture and its demands, on the one hand, and patterns of international trade with its
supply element, on the other, for those regions of the world that
resembled Europe in consuming rather than producing coffee and tea.
These connections are the focus of this essay, which places the reception and consumption of tea in Iran in a comparative perspective by
asking some of the same questions that scholars have posed in studying
tea in the West.
Together with China, Japan, Russia, England, and some of the
successor states of the Ottoman empire, most notably Turkey and Morocco, Iran is one of the worlds great tea-drinking nations. Iran resembles all those countries except China and Japan not only in a current
predilection for tea but also in the timing of the drinks introduction,
the commercial channels it followed, and its belated popularity. With
3 Wolfgang Schivelbusch, Das Paradies, der Geschmack und die Vernunft (Munich,
1981); translated as Tastes of Paradise: A Social History of Spices, Stimulants, and Intoxicants
(New York, 1992).
4 Karl Wassenberg, Tee in Ostfriesland: Vom religisen Wundertrank zum profanen Volksgetrnk (Leer, 1991). Wassenberg seeks to explain the peculiar predilection of east Frisians for
tea by referring to the context: a Calvinist environment that hailed the beverage as a quasicelestial drink, northwest Germanys exposure to the maritime trade that supplied the commodity, and the regions adversarial relationship with the centralizing Prussian state, which
promoted beer and coffee for the revenue it derived from them.
5 R. E. F. Smith and David Christian, Bread and Salt: A Social and Economic History of
Russia (Cambridge, 1984).
6 For Yemen, see C. G. Brouwer, Cauwa ende Comptanten: De Verenigde Oostindische
Compagnie in Jemen / Cowha and Cash: The Dutch East India Company in Yemen (Amsterdam, 1988). For coffee in the Ottoman empire, of which Yemen was a part as of the midsixteenth century, see Ralph S. Hattox, Coffee and Coffeehouses: The Origins of a Social Beverage in the Medieval Near East (Seattle, 1985). A recent study of tea in China is John C.
Evans, Tea in China: The History of Chinas National Drink (New York, 1992). See also Rudi
Matthee, Coffee in Safavid Iran: Commerce and Consumption, Journal of the Economic
and Social History of the Orient 37 (1994): 132.
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202
203
still standing. The shops that lined the square near the entrance of a
newly built bazaar included the coffeehouses that became famous
through descriptions by foreign visitors.11 In addition to those flanking
the main square, Isfahan boasted many coffeehouses elsewhere in the
city, and we know that provincial cities had coffeehouses as well.
Overall, however, it appears that the coffeehouse at this stage remained confined to the urban environment.12
Tea seems to have been introduced into Iran before coffee. The
supposedly oldest reference to tea in Europe involved an Iranian merchant, one Hajji Muhammad, who in the mid-sixteenth century informed the Venetian author and administrator Gianbattista Ramusio
11 Mulla Jalal al-Din Munajjim, Tarikh-i abbasi ya ruznamah-i Mulla Jalal (Tehran, 1366/
1987), pp. 23637.
12 See Matthee, Coffee in Safavid Iran, p. 23. The German physician-cum-traveler
Engelbert Kaempfer, who visited Iran between 1683 and 1685, noted that all over Iran, in
the bazaars and the roads, day laboreres could be seen grinding coffee. Neither he nor any
other source, however, confirms the existence of real coffeehouses outside the urban setting. See Engelbert Kaempfer, Die Reisetagebcher Engelbert Kaempfers, ed. Karl MeierLemgo (Wiesbaden, 1968), p. 115.
204
about tea in China.13 Tea may have been introduced into northeastern
Iran as early as the thirteenth century by the Mongols.14 It is not clear
whether in those early times the tea consumed in Iran was the black
brick tea, which nomads drank with salt and butterfat, or loose black
or green Chinese tea. There is no doubt, however, that by the 1600s
the latter, which is drunk with sugar, was known and enjoyed, since
the German traveler Adam Olearius, who visited Iran in the 1630s,
asserted that the Iranians put sugar in their tea.15
Coffee had been imported into Iran by Arab, Indian, and Iranian
merchants before the arrival of the East India Companies in the Persian Gulf in the early seventeenth century. Following Oleariuss claim
that tea entered Iran from China via Central Asia, carried overland by
Uzbeg Tatars, Chinese green or black tea similarly seems to have been
known before the arrival of European merchants on the shores of the
Persian Gulf. It may simply have become more widely available and
perhaps cheaper when these companies began to incorporate it in the
assortment of Asian wares they imported into Iran via the Indian
Ocean and Persian Gulf trade route. No references to tea are found in
the literature on the Portuguese trade with Iran or the records of the
activities of the English East India Company in the Persian Gulf. Only
the Dutch maritime documents from the second half of the century
contain various references to tea, all of them to Chinese tea.
The Dutch references do not specify the kind of tea imported by
the Dutch East India Company. The Dutch depended on the junk
trade from China for their supplies to their Asian headquarters in
Batavia, and the Chinese traders tended to furnish them with black
Bohea tea, so this is almost certainly the variety that found its way to
Iran.16 The Dutch sources also give various indications about the
extent of the demand for tea in Iranreflecting the habitual fluctuations of the marketbut on the whole suggest that the drink at this
point did not enjoy a consistently high level of popularity. Thus, in
1643 the Dutch were left with some 300 pounds of unsold tea in their
13 See Giovanni Gianbattista Ramusio, Delle navigationi e viaggi raccolte da M. Gio. Battista Ramusio, 3 vols. (Venice, 1559), 2:15.
14 Berthold Laufer, Sino-Iranica: Chinese Contributions to the History of Civilization in
Ancient Iran with Special Reference to the History of Cultivated Plants and Products (Chicago,
1919), pp. 55354.
15 Adam Olearius, Vermehrte newe Beschreibung der muscowitischen und persischen Reyse
(Schleswig, 1656), p. 599.
16 For the Dutch role in the East Asian tea trade, see Roderich Ptak, Die Rolle der
Chinesen, Portugiesen und Hollnder im Teehandel zwischen China und Sdostasien (ca.
16001750), Jahrbuch fr Wirtschaftsgeschichte (1994): 89105.
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206
207
more from dramatic political and economic changes than from government intervention or clerical indictment. In the early eighteenth
century Iran was invaded by Afghan tribesmen, who in 1722 captured
Isfahan and overthrew the Safavid dynasty. The Afghan occupation
ushered in a long period of political instability and even anarchy,
marked by severe economic dislocation. This continued until well
after the rise to power of the Qajar dynasty at the turn of the nineteenth century. The result was prolonged disruption of trade routes
and widespread impoverishment, which led to a combined increase in
prices and a decrease in the purchasing power of many former coffee
consumers.
Just as important was the effect on public life of the violence, insecurity, and sheer destruction to which the country was subjected in the
course of the eighteenth century. The French traveler G. A. Olivier,
who visited Iran in the closing years of that century, compared the coffeehouses he saw with what he knew about the situation in Safavid
times from reading seventeenth-century travelers such as Jean Chardin and Jean-Baptiste Tavernier. Formerly coffeehouses had been spacious and elegant public establishments full of lively debate and
entertainment, while the ones Olivier encountered were less numerous, less well attended, and less beautiful. His explanation for this was
that during the civil wars the Iranians had ceased to go to these public
places, where they could no longer converse in liberty and where they
could not even go without risking questioning and scrutiny with possibly nasty consequences. He noted that while in neighboring Turkey
coffee consumption increased daily and everyone drank it on all occasions and at all hours of the day, in Iran people offered sharbat and
sweetmeats to their guests, and passed around the waterpipe (nargilah),
but rarely offered coffee.27
Oliviers theory is attractive and deserves serious consideration for
its implication of a growing inward-looking tendency in Iranian society. Contrary to simultaneous developments in European societies,
where increasing emphasis on the private sphere reflected an inexorable embourgeoisement,28 the Iranian situation had all the elements of
extreme social and economic disruption leading to peoples involuntary withdrawal into the confines of the private realm. Because little is
27 G. A. Olivier, Voyage dans Lempire Othoman, lEgypte et la Perse, 6 vols. (Paris,
1807), 5:27577.
28 For this transformation in France, see Robert Darnton, The Great Cat Massacre and
Other Episodes in French Cultural History (New York, 1984), chap. 3, The Bourgeois Puts
His World in Order: The World as a Text, pp. 10744.
208
known about the social history of the period between the demise of
Safavid rule and the rise of the Qajar, we cannot tell much about the
precise nature of this retrenchment of public life. As far as coffee is
concerned, a rare reference in the Persian-language sources for the
entire period concerns the building of a coffeehouse near Qandahar at
the orders of Nadir Shah (r. 173649).29
Although direct contemporary corroboration of Oliviers thesis is
lacking, circumstantial evidence supports his observation. For example, following the fall of Isfahan and its sack by the Afghans in 1722,
nothing more was heard of the famous coffeehouses that had flanked
the maydan-i naqsh-i jahan in Isfahan since the reign of Shah Abbas I.
The Italian missionary F. Leandro di S. Cecilia, who visited the city in
1738, does not mention coffeehouses in his description of the square.30
By the early nineteenth century little had changed in the former capital. James Morier, who accompanied the English diplomat Harford
Jones to the Qajar court, said of the houses that used to surround the
square that they were no longer inhabited, adding that the very
doors are all blocked up, so that there is now only a dead row of arches
to be seen all around. The great market, he continued, is now confined to one corner near the Nokara Khaneh. All the rest is quite
empty; scarcely a person is seen to pass along.31 Kerr Porter in 1818
conveyed exactly the same image when he noted that the streets were
everywhere in ruin, the bazars silent and abandoned, the caravanserais
equally forsaken.32
None of this means that coffeeor, for that matter, teadisappeared from the Iranian diet. In addition to the reference to the coffeehouse built by Nadir Shah, we have a remark by the English Russia
Company agent James Spilman, who in 1739 was treated to coffee and
tea by the vizier of Languaon (Langarud near Rasht?) in Gilan, a
region south of the Caspian Sea.33 Jonas Hanway in the 1740s said of
Iranians that they drink coffee in small quantities with the lees.
More than a generation later William Francklin claimed that Iranians
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210
Of Hamadan, the next town he visited on his way to Tehran, Buckingham similarly noted that it did not have a single coffeehouse.38
Finally, in his comments on the meal he enjoyed at the residence of
the governor of Isfahan during his stay in that city, he noted the
absence of coffee, a beverage he claimed the Persians did not usually
drink either in public or in private.39
No early nineteenth-century source contests or contradicts Buckinghams observation about public consumption of coffee. No foreign
observer between 1800 and 1840 alludes to the existence of coffeehouses anywhere in Iran. The Frenchman C. Blanger, who visited the
country in the 1820s, said that cabarets, where wine and liquor were
consumed, had taken the place of coffeehouses ever since the coffeehouses had been shut by Shah Abbas II in the mid-seventeenth century.40 Evidence from other sources suggests that this claim was an
exaggeration, but not as far as the absence of coffeehouses in this
period is concerned. James Fraser, who traveled extensively throughout Iran in the same period, did not mention the existence of coffeehouses.
As in other parts of the Middle East, in Safavid Iran coffeehouses
may never have existed in the countryside outside the urban centers.41
In any case, rural coffeehouses were not common even in the midnineteenth century, at least in the northern region. The RussianFrench orientalist Nicolas de Khanikoff, traveling in the northeast
between Nishapur and Mashhad in the 1860s, passed some villages
that he called prosperous. What distinguished them from ordinary
Iranian villages, he remarked, was the presence of numerous coffeehouses, on whose front porch waterpipes (qaliyan in Persian), Russian
samovars of brass, and German and English tea sets were arranged.42
Buckinghams remark about the private sphere contradicts the
experience of other travelers who enjoyed the hospitality of Iranians
in the same period. A case in point is the Frenchman Gaspard Drouville, who noted in the second decade of the nineteenth century that
the Persian taste for coffee borders on frenzy. He added that he did
Ibid., 1:194.
Ibid., 1:380.
40 C. Blanger, Voyage aux Indes orientales par le nord de lEurope, les provinces du Caucase, la Gorgie, lArmnie, et la Perse pendant les annes 18251829, 3 vols. and 3 atlases
(Paris, 183338), 2:2:342.
41 See Michel Tuchscherer, Caf et cafs dans lEgypte ottomane, XVIIeXVIIIe sicles, in Contributions au thme du et des cafs, ed. Desmet-Grgoire, p. 55.
42 Nicolas de Khanikoff, Mmoire sur la partie mridionale de lAsie centrale, Recueil
de voyages et de mmoires publis pour la Socit de Gographie 7 (1861): 330.
38
39
211
not believe there was one person in the country who did not drink the
beverage several times a day, something that was all the easier since
coffee was very inexpensive. According to Drouville, the traveler who
was not able to consume as much coffee as he desired carried some of it
in ground form with him in a kind of tobacco pouch, which enabled
him to enjoy some, mixed with honey or opium, on the road.43
The Distribution of Tea and Coffee
Clearly, we should treat generalizations by foreign travelers with
circumspection. More specifically, contrasting or contradictory statements, such as those cited above, point up the important issue of
geographical and societal distribution with regard to patterns of
consumption. That different foreign travelers mentioned different
beverages could be a result of their having visited different parts
of the country and having taken their own observations and experience as typical of Iran and all Iranians. Thus, when we read Drouvilles statement that coffee was both widely available and cheap,
the questions we should ask are which parts of Iran he visited,
whether his journey took him to just the main cities and the roads
connecting them or into rural and nomadic territory as well, in what
company he traveled, and what were his standards for comparing
prices.
When we take into account the three variables of geography,
the urban-rural division, and social status coupled with financial
means, the variety of observations becomes less bewildering, simple
notions of coffee versus tea disappear, and a new, more varied picture emerges. What stands out most clearly from this picture is that
the distribution of the consumption of coffee and tea in Iran in
the first half of the nineteenth century was, first and foremost, a
matter of financial means. Outside the monied classes, tea was available mostly in the north, while coffee figured predominantly in the
south.
Numerous travelers from the early to the mid-nineteenth century
report being offered both coffee and tea at once. Invariably, such references are to receptions and invitations by high officials, ranging from
the shah himself to local khans. The Frenchman P. Amde Jaubert
43 Gaspard Drouville, Voyage en Perse fait en 1812 et 1813, 2 vols. (St. Petersburg,
181920), 1:78.
212
213
55 Peter Gordon, Fragment of the Journal of a Tour through Persia in 1820 (London,
1833), p. 100.
56 James B. Fraser, Travels and Adventures in the Persian Provinces on the Southern Banks of
the Caspian Sea (London, 1826), p. 105.
57 Ibid.
58 For nineteenth-century references to tea among the Uzbegs, see M. Elphinstone, An
Account of the Kingdom of Caubul (London, 1815), p. 470; Arthur Conolly, Journey to the
North of India Overland from England through Russia, Persia, and Affghaunistan, 2 vols.
(London, 1834), 1:5455; and Lieutenant Alexander Burnes, Travels to Bokhara, Being an
Account of a Journey from India to Cabool, Tartary, and Persia . . . in the Years 1831, 1832,
and 1833, 3 vols. (London, 1834), 1:221, 2:43637. See Xavier Hommaire de Hell, Les
steppes de la mer caspienne, 2 vols. (Paris, 1843), 2:104, for tea drinking among the Kalmyks.
59 See James B. Fraser, Narrative of a Journey into Khorasan in the Years 1821 and 1822
(London, 1825), p. 489; Conolly, Journey to the North of India, 1:301.
214
his observations to Armenia and Azerbaijan.60 That tea was uncommon in the northwest is further suggested by the absence of a reference
to either by Freygangs wife in her letters from Tiflis, then still a mass
of ruins, and other places in the Caucasus. Some of these letters
include references to food. Her description of an elaborate dinner
would surely have mentioned tea had it been offered.61 Caucasian
peoples, such as the Karatchai and the Ossetes, did not consume tea
either in this period.62
A similar situation emerges from Gilan and Mazandaran, the two
Caspian provinces that were separated from the rest of Iran by high
mountains and where Fraser noted the general absence of either tea or
coffee in the early 1820s. He was able to procure a small quantity of tea
only with great difficulty and at a high price. When he asked local
inhabitants about coffee, he wrote, they were ignorant of the name.63
William Richard Holmes, who traveled through Azerbaijan, Gilan,
and Mazandaran twenty years later, repeatedly told of receptions by
local khans that included tea, but he never referred to tea being sold in
the market or being available in the public sphere.64 According to
him, only a very small quantity of tea was imported from Russia to
Astarabad, Irans gateway from Turkistan.65
There seems to be a clear correlation between geography and the
degree of penetration and distribution of tea, with the examples of
Gilan and Mazandaran suggesting the obstacles posed by inaccessible
terrain. At the same time, these travelers observations also illustrate
the differentiating effect of financial means. The visitors failure to
find tea in the markets implies that common people did not consume
tea. More specifically, Frasers remarks about the eating habits of the
Turkmen tribes of Khorasan suggest that the diet of the poorer
nomadic population of the north did not include tea. The Turkmens,
he noted, consumed only what they themselves produced, except for
sugar. They drank a mixture of buttermilk and water (dugh) with their
215
meals.66 This drink even accompanied the use of the waterpipe, a role
elsewhere invariably reserved for tea or coffee.67
The difference between the consumptive patterns of Turkmens and
Uzbegs may have been the result of financial means and affordability.
Until the mid-twentieth century, when Iran cultivated its own tea, the
poor in the countrys remote parts could not afford tea. In the nineteenth century, when all tea was imported, many more people must
have been unable to afford it. Various observers in the 1800s attest to
its high cost. Edward Sterling noted that tea was brought via Bukhara
from the northern parts of China and cost forty rupees per mann (13
pounds). As far as he knew, coffee was seldom offered for sale and was
not to be found in the market.68
The south resembled the north in terms of the social distribution of
caffeinated beverages. While traveling from Khuzistan, in the southwest of Isfahan, through Bakhtiyari territory in 1831, the English traveler J. H. Siddon noted that the diet of the Bakhtiyari tribes consisted
of mast (yogurt), goat meat, goat milk, and acorns. The implication
that the Bakhtiyari did not drink either tea or coffee is reinforced by
the same observers remark that the traveler in these areas was bound
to fast rather frequently during his journey, as accident alone will
bring him to a tenanted spot, where a little mas and milk will be
obtained.69 The impression that in the early to mid-nineteenth century neither coffee nor tea was common among Irans nomads is
strengthened by Baron de Bodes observation that the favored drink of
the nomads in the southwest was a mixture of sour milk, water, and
salt.70
With these caveats, it can still be argued that tea was a northern
drink, while coffee was mainly encountered in the south, the southwest, and the western regions bordering on Ottoman territory.
W. Hollingbery was offered coffee in Shiraz in 1800.71 Scott Waring
drank coffee in Bushihr on the Persian Gulf in 1802.72 Henry Pottinger
66 James B. Fraser, A Winters Journey from Constantinople to Tehran, 2 vols. (London,
1838), 2:151; Fraser, Narrative of a Journey into Khorasan, pp. 264, 283.
67 Fraser, Narrative of a Journey into Khorasan, p. 603.
68 Edward Sterling, The Journals of Edward Sterling in Persia and Afghanistan 18281829,
ed. Jonathan L. Lee (Naples, 1991), p. 179.
69 J. H. Stocqeler (pseudonym of J. H. Siddon), Fifteen Months Pilgrimage through
Untrodden Tracts of Khuzistan and Persia, 2 vols. (London, 1832), 1:119, 121.
70 Baron C. de Bode, Travels in Luristan and Arabistan, 2 vols. (London, 1845), 2:108.
71 W. Hollingbery, A Journal of Observations Made during the British Embassy to the Court
of Persia in the Years 17991801 (Calcutta, 1814), p. 50.
72 Edward Scott Waring, A Tour to Sheeraz (London, 1817), p. 8.
216
Henry Pottinger, Travels to Beloochistan and Sinde (London, 1816), pp. 21011.
Claudius James Rich, Narrative of a Residence in Koordistan, 2 vols. (London, 1836),
1:203.
75 Stocqeler, Pilgrimage, 1:75, 99100, noted that coffee in Behbehan was not drunk but
eaten as a kind of bon-bon in a powdered and roasted state, without having had any connexion with hot water. Fine coffee in Iran was commonly eaten in this manner. See
G. Troll, Die Genussmittel des Orients: Kaffee, sterreichische Monatschrift fr den Orient
16 (1890): 59.
76 William Ashton Shepherd, From Bombay to Bushire, and Bussora (London, 1857), pp.
134135, 148.
77 Stocqeler, Pilgrimage, pp. 21314.
217
drastically significant because it occurred within a culture of consumption first revolutionized by coffee.78 Others have similarly minimized the differences between the two drinks by drawing attention to
the fact that both are nonfermented and caffeinated.79 This view, however, perhaps focuses too narrowly on consumption and fails to take
into account patterns of social, economic, and political life, at the
intersection of which stimulants tend to operate.
A survey of sources suggests that metropolitan Iran did witness,
first, a gradual phasing out of coffee as a regularly consumed beverage
and, second, an overall increase in tea consumption and a greater
availability of tea throughout the country, including places where it
had not previously been common. Iran thus resembles England in first
taking to coffee and only turning to tea at a later perioda development exemplified by the fact that the ubiquitous Iranian qahvahkhanah, or coffeehouse, has long served tea rather than coffee. Although Fraser was not able to find tea in Mazandaran in the 1820s,
Richard Wilbraham was treated to an excellent tea in the provincial
capital Barforush (modern Babol) in 1838.80 The same traveler referred to tea in Tiflis, where twenty years earlier Freygangs wife had
failed to mention it.81 While Tancoigne and Porter in the early decades
of the century had mentioned coffee in connection with breakfast,82
Robert B. M. Binning in 1851 noted that breakfast was taken with
tea.83 A final example of the profound changes that took place in the
first half of the 1800s is found in the contrast between a passage on
coffee written by John Malcolm in 1800 and one on tea written sixty
years later by Lycklama a Nijeholt. Malcolm failed to mention tea but
expressed astonishment at how the ritual of offering and consuming
tobacco and coffee reflected the intricacies of social rank and intimacy
in Iran.84 The careful observer Lycklama a Nijeholt, by contrast, did
not mention coffee as a common drink in Iran. Instead, he noted how
tea . . . forms the ordinary drink of the various inhabitants of Persia.85
Schivelbusch, Tastes of Paradise, p. 83.
Hlne Desmet, Approches mthodologiques pour ltude des cafs dans les socits
du Proche-Orient, in Contributions au thme du et des cafs, ed. Desmet-Grgoire, p. 35.
80 Richard Wilbraham, Travels in the Transcaucasian Provinces of Russia (London, 1839),
p. 466.
81 Ibid., p. 179.
82 Tancoigne, Narrative, p. 175; Porter, Travels, 1:241.
83 Robert B. M. Binning, A Journal of Two Years Travel in Persia, Ceylon, etc., 2 vols.
(London, 1857), 1:317.
84 Sir John Malcolm, Sketches of Persia from the Journals of a Traveller in the East (Philadelphia, 1828), pp. 7980.
85 Lycklama a Nijeholt, Voyage, 2:105, 243.
78
79
218
219
220
221
Figure 2. Ismail Jalair, Ladies around a Samovar, third quarter of the nineteenth century. Courtesy of Victoria and Albert Museum, London.
222
fusion from the court down. A further conduit for the switch from
coffee to tea must be sought in the enhanced political and social interaction between Iran and the outside worldmost notably tea-drinking Russia and England, the very trade partners that accounted for the
growing importation of tea. The growth in Russian influence on Iran
dates from the early nineteenth century, the period of the emergence
of the Qajar dynasty and of Russias southward expansion. As Russia
conquered Georgia and Turkistan and integrated these areas into the
political and economic sphere of its metropolitan area, Irans center of
gravity moved north with the establishment of Tehran as the capital of
the Qajars, who were themselves northern in origin. The precise effect
on Iranian taste of the rapid Russian conversion to tea in the nineteenth century remains a matter of speculation, but references to the
existence of a Russian merchant community in Tabriz and its use of
samovars seem to indicate that labor migration and expanding commercial ties fostered a certain convergence in consumption habits.101
Many Iranians also took up residence in Russia. The Italian botanist
F. de Filippi in 1862 estimated that at least fifty thousand Iranians
lived in Transcaucasia, having migrated there in search of work.102 In
addition, as of the 1830s, when Russia allowed the export of specie to
Central Asia and Iran, Iranian merchants began to visit the annual
summer fair of Nizhnii Novgorod, where Chinese tea was one of the
main commodities.103 By the 1880s they were said to be the largest group
of Asian merchants visiting the fair.104 Conversely, as of the 1830s
more and more Russians, most of whom were engaged in trade, were
living in towns in northern Iran, such as Tabriz, Rasht, Anzali,
Ardabil, Astarabad, and Tehran, and they often stayed for years. The
spread of the samovar in Iran was no doubt a function of all these
developments. The British resident Colonel Pelly in 186162 was
struck all along the route of North Persia with the unvarying presence
of Russian lumbersome tea-urns (Samawar) brought from the great
fairs beyond the Caspian.105 No comparable pattern of influence can
See Afshar, Gushah-i az tarikh-i chay, p. 768.
F. de Filippi, Note di un viaggio in Persia nel 1862 (Milan, 1865), p. 51.
103 N. G. Kukanova, Ocherki po istorii russko-iranskikh torgovykh otnoshenii v XVII-pervoi
polovinie XIX veka (Saransk, 1977), p. 205; and M. v. Bulmerincq, Die Jahrmrkte Russlands, insbesondere jener von Nischni-Nowgorod, Globus, illustrierte Zeitschrift fr Lnderund Vlkerkunde 6 (1864): 298301; and Anne Lincoln Fitzpatrick, The Great Russian Fair:
Nizhnii Novgorod, 184090 (Basingstoke, 1990), pp. 82, 91.
104 Nicolaus v. Nassakin, Von der Messe in Nishni-Nowgorod, sterreichische
Monatschrift fr den Orient 12 (1886): 168.
105 Lieutenant Colonel Lewis Pelly, Remarks on the Tribes, Trade and Resources
around the Shore Line of the Persian Gulf, Transactions of the Bombay Geographical Society
17 (186364):55.
101
102
223
vols.
224
and Ceylon.109 Some shipments entered the country via the Persian
Gulf ports, while others were probably carried overland via the Baghdad route, which in the late eighteenth century was an important and
perhaps the principal commercial connection between Iran and the
outside world.110 As late as the 1820s Iran apparently imported some
coffee from Baghdad via Sulaymaniya.111 The predominantly southern
spread of coffee in the early nineteenth century appears logical in light
of the provenance of the beans and the main channels of importation.
Tea traditionally came from China, but in the 1800s it also arrived
from Bengal and Coromandel. Khorasan in the northeast and the central parts of the country as far south as Kerman continued to receive
tea from Bukhara in Central Asia in the early years of the century.112
Although the importation of tea from India to Bushihr is recorded as
early as the turn of the nineteenth century,113 the quantities involved
for the time being were too small to affect the predominance of coffee
in the south.
Until the early nineteenth century these import patterns remained
fairly stable. Change, when it came, occurred under the influence of
several economic, political, and social developments. The most important of these was a greatly increased volume of trade between Iran and
the outside world. In the 1820s Iran was opened up to foreign merchants, and Russia was the first beneficiary of this policy. In the aftermath of the tsarist military expansion into the Caucasus, culminating
in the Treaty of Turkomanchay of 1828, and the Russian institution of
a short-lived tax-free transit trade to Iran in 1821, commercial traffic
with Iran increased tremendously. A great volume of European goods
began to be transported into Iran via the Russian Black Sea ports and
through Tiflis and other points in Transcaucasia. Thus, the volume of
goods imported into Iran through Russia increased from 397,000 rubles
in 1825 to almost 2 million in 1829.114 Eager to secure a preeminent
commercial position in Central Asia as well, Russia similarly began to
vols. (London, 1813), 1:123, 129. See also Fraser, Travels and Adventures, p. 371, who
stated: Coffee is, I believe, entirely brought from Arabia by the ports of the Gulf. I do not
know if any attempt has been made to introduce this article from other quarters.
109 Jaubert, Voyage, pp. 28687.
110 Issawi, Economic History, p. 74.
111 Rich, Narrative, 1:305.
112 Pottinger, Travels, p. 226.
113 A. Dupr, Voyage en Perse fait dans les annes 1807, 1808, 1809, 2 vols. (Paris, 1819),
2:43.
114 N. G. Kukanova, Russko-iranskaya torgovlya 3050-e gody XIX veka (Sbornik dokumentov) (Moscow, 1984), pp. 67.
225
extend its trade lines across the Caspian Sea from Astrakhan and
Orenburg. The effects on the tea trade were noted by Arthur Conolly,
who observed how the large tea supplies coming in from Russia were
edging out the traditional supply into northeastern Iran via Bukhara in
Central Asia.115
As a result of this change, Mignan in the 1830s could claim that
the Iranian tea trade was monopolized by the Russians.116 The main
participants in the trade, however, were neither Russians nor Iranians
but Georgian and Armenian merchants, who in the 1830s began to
import the leaves from Germanywhere the annual fair of Leipzig
became an important marketand later from England, which became
a source for transshipment for tea destined for the Russian market as
well. The term chay namsah (German, literally Austrian, tea) used in
Iran for high-quality tea suggests that much of the early tea supply
came via Germany.117
The Russian transit route did not retain its monopoly for long. In
1831 the Russian government, concerned about foreign competition,
imposed custom duties on the Transcaucasian transit trade. This measure did not stem the flow of goods; it merely prompted merchants to
find different outlets for their commerce. Much of the international
transit trade between Europe and Iran was transferred to the southern
shores of the Black Sea in the 1830s, when the Ottoman government
opened its ports to foreign shipping, thus allowing merchants to ship
their wares across as far as the port of Trabzon, from where they were
transported overland to Iran.118 Agents of Greek trading houses, Caucasian Armenians, Iranians, and Russian merchants thus transported
tea from England via Constantinople and Erzurum to Tabriz.119 Tabriz
and Khoi, Irans gateways in the northwestern province of Azerbaijan,
became the busiest entrept markets for transit trade from Trabzon and
Georgia.120
In 1846 the Russians lowered import tariffs on the Transcaucasian
226
Value
Year
Value
1878
1879
1880
1881
1882
34,870
26,928
40,176
19,064
25,880
1883
1884
1885
1886
1887
43,928
65,440
81,120
75,200
96,600
Source: E. Fg. Law, British Trade and Foreign Competition in North Persia, Constantinople, 6 December 1888, in British Documents on Foreign Affairs: Reports and Papers from the
Foreign Office Confidential Print, part 1, series B, vol. 13: Persia, Britain and Russia 18861907, ed.
David Gillard, appendix 4, p. 45.
route in an attempt to regain their market share, but by that time the
northern supply line had already begun to be challenged, and not just
by the Trabzon trade. Following the signing of the Anglo-Persian
Commercial Treaty of 1841, the British increased their share in trade
with Iran until they dominated the Iranian market with supplies of
cheap Indian tea. Tea began to be imported from India to Bushihr and
from there to Muhammarah (Khorramshahr) on the Shatt al-Arab, as
well as to Bandar Abbas and from there to places like Yazd in the interior. The annual supply via the latter channel around 1850 is given as
from fifteen hundred to two thousand cases of 474 mann (6,162
pounds) each.121 A growing volume of tea imported by Iran came from
India, carried via the maritime route and even overland via Qandahar.
In the Persian Gulf Bushihr became the most important port of entry.
The rising figures for tea imports through this and other southern ports
illustrate the trend. Thus, in 1863 tea in the amount of 80,000 rupees
was imported from India to Iran via Bushihr.122 Table 1 shows the
growing volume of tea exported from England to Iran between 1878
and 1887.
121 Trade Report by Mr. Consul Abbott in 184950, in Cities and Trade: Consul Abbott
on the Economy and Society of Iran 18471866, ed. Abbas Amanat (London, 1983), pp. 91,
107.
122 For the import figures from Russia in the latter part of the century, see Marvin
Entner, Russo-Persian Commercial Relations, 18281914 (Gainesville, 1965), pp. 10, 66, 70.
Tea and coffee imports in 1863 are found in Pelly, Remarks on the Tribes, p. 47. This
source, pp. 5455, only notes the overland tea connection. For figures of goods imported
through the various entry points for the period 187882, see also F. Stolze and F. C.
Andreas, Die Handelsverhltnisse Persiens, mit besonderer Bercksichtigung der deutschen Interessen, Ergnzungsheft 77 zu Petermanns Mittheilungen (1885): 6983.
227
228
from Russia and destined either for Iran or for the Trans-Caspian
region of Russian Turkistan.127 This trade revival is reflected in the
Russian share in Irans tea supplynearly 40 percent by 1910.128 There
was no fundamental change, however, in the provenance of the tea.
Most of the tea now entering Iran, even supplies transshipped via
Russia, continued to originate in British India, Indian tea having replaced Chinese tea as the most popular kind, even in Central Asia.129
There is little doubt that the diminishing price of tea as a result of
lower transportation costs contributed greatly to the rapid spread of
the drink in late nineteenth-century Iran. The same was true even in
Russia, where cheaper sea-borne tea is said to have been an important
factor in the growing popularity of tea in the same period.130
The shift in commercial and political patterns that is visible in the
shifting importation and consumption of tea in Iran reflects a secular
change of global import: the extension of Western economic and
political hegemony to parts of the world where Europeans had hitherto
played a minor, or at least a less than dominant, role. Iran was one of
those areas. Although the country had been the object of European
commercial penetration since the seventeenth century, it had never
become fully integrated into the expanding world market. This situation changed in the second half of the nineteenth century. Although
Iran was never formally colonized, it lost economic independence and
became incorporated into a European-dominated trading network that
spanned the entire Asian continent. The main players in this network,
England and Russia, had both become tea-consuming societies in the
course of the nineteenth century, in part because their commercial
empires extended predominantly to regions where tea was or might be
cultivated. The nature of their home market made both countries
active in the tea trade, and by the mid-nineteenth century they
imported vast quantities of tea. The demand for tea in both cases led
to efforts toward import substitution. England in the 1830s began to
encourage tea production in its Indian dominions. In 1853 Russia
229
230
Beyond a possible cultural predisposition toward teathe sweettoothed Iranians had long consumed tea with sugarseveral sources
intimate that the growing popularity of tea involved issues of status
and changing taste. Although the presentation of samovars to the
royal court did not literally reintroduce tea to Iran, it did publicize
the drink and its preparation. Tea, moreover, was as expensive as the
sugar that invariably accompanied it, so that both were initially consumed primarily by the elite strata of society. The drink seems to have
evolved from a luxury into a staple and a necessity, a process epitomized by the tea-purveying coffeehouses that emerged in the countrys urban centers sometime in the 1850s. Unfortunately, we lack
detailed information about the nature and the stages of this process.
A further evolution toward an Iranian consumer society can be
seen in the 1870s and 1880s. Yet demand-oriented causes do not suffice to explain the rapid spread of tea in this period. Given the vulnerability of Iran to outside influence and the lack of internal economic
dynamism, an equally important stimulus has to be sought in the market and, more specifically, in the impact of changing international
delivery channels. Iran in the nineteenth century became incorporated into the world economy and began to interact commercially
with the Asian continent under the aegis of its two superpowers,
England and Russia. This trading network was at first dominated by
Russia, which initially drew Iran into its orbit. Russias hegemony
came to an end, however, when merchants began to explore the Trabzon route and when Great Britain opened up the Persian Gulf for its
commerce and thus established a direct and inexpensive link between
producers in India and consumers in Iran. For Iran to be drawn into
the Russian or the British sphere of influence made no difference as far
as its changing taste in caffeinated beverages was concerned: in either
case, the conversion to tea was a historical inevitability.