Vous êtes sur la page 1sur 21

The Oxford Handbook of the Ancien Rgime

William Doyle

Print publication date: Sep 2012


Print ISBN-13: 9780199291205
Published to Oxford Handbooks Online: Sep-12
Subject: History, Gender
DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199291205.001.0001

Gender
Julie Hardwick

DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199291205.013.0011

Abstract and Keywords


The historiography of gender in the Ancien Rgime has explored two sets
of interrelated issues. One is the question of the changing nature of men's
and women's experiences and the ways in which they related to each other.
Another is the way in which gender had an integral role in shifting cultural,
political, andexplored to a much lesser extent this fareconomic patterns.
In both cases, historians have debated whether gender hierarchy intensified
and women's opportunities became more constrained, whether changing
patterns reformulated gendered expectations but not in a way that a better
or worse paradigm is appropriate, or whether new forms of gender relations
created new opportunities. In the Ancien Rgime, gender made a difference:
for all social ranks whether peasants, artisans, or nobles, for economic
matters as market practices intensified and a consumer revolution ushered
in new fashions for Parisians and peasants alike, for cultural processes
as traditional categories were problematized and new possibilities were
debated, and for political debates as novel forms of politics as well as
innovative ideas about sovereignty and authority emerged.
gender, Ancien Rgime, economic patterns, gender relations, consumer revolution, cultural
processes

When I was an undergraduate in the early 1980s, there was no gender in the
old regime. Very few women existed in the pre-modern France of my college
education. Now gender is one of the central pivots for any exploration of the
dynamics of old regime France. Twenty-five years or more of pioneering work
Page 1 of 21

Gender

PRINTED FROM OXFORD HANDBOOKS ONLINE (www.oxfordhandbooks.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2013. All Rights
Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out a PDF of a single chapter of a title in Oxford
Handbooks Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy).
Subscriber: Fundacao Getulio Vargas%2F RJ; date: 12 June 2013

has positioned gender not only as a critical variant in life course, in many
aspects of daily life, in social rank, in spirituality, and in work experience, but
as a crucial signifier in the debates and decisions that transformed political
culture in the hundred years or so before the Revolution. While the early
obliviousness to gender is a characteristic of old regime historiography
shared with the historiographies of many other times and regions, perhaps
nowhere has gender become so central as in work that seeks to explain the
events of the decades that led up to the Revolution.1
In the emergence of gender, that is of the ways in which differences between
men and women are socially and culturally constructed in ways that were
integral to political, religious, economic, and cultural developments as well as
individual lived experiences, historians of old regime France have explored to
great effect both gender as a key part of the lives of many groups of women
and the rhetorical deployment of gender as a powerful form of political
critique. We know much less, however, about masculinity as a gender
construct, a void that contrasts with the rich literature British historians of
the same period have produced.2 Likewise, from Lake Ponchartrain to Port au
Prince to Pondicherry, across the vast expanse of the French colonial world,
gender remains far less explored as an imperial category than in the parallel
British, Spanish, or Portuguese domains. This chapter, therefore, reflects that
unevenness while aiming to highlight some of the areas for possible future
projects.
The historiography of gender in the Ancien Rgime (which I will take here
to mean approximately the mid-seventeenth century to 1789) has explored
two sets of inter-related issues. One is the question of the changing nature of
men's and women's experiences and the ways in which they related to each
other. Another is the way in which gender had an integral role in shifting
cultural, political, andexplored to a much lesser extent this fareconomic
patterns. In both cases, historians have debated whether gender hierarchy
intensified and women's opportunities became more constrained, whether
changing patterns reformulated gendered expectations but not in a way that
a better or worse paradigm is appropriate, or whether new forms of gender
relations created new opportunities.
In the Ancien Rgime, gender made a difference: for all social ranks whether
peasants, artisans, or nobles, for economic matters as market practices
intensified and a consumer revolution ushered in new fashions for Parisians
and peasants alike, for cultural processes as traditional categories were
problematized and new possibilities were debated, and for political debates
Page 2 of 21

Gender

PRINTED FROM OXFORD HANDBOOKS ONLINE (www.oxfordhandbooks.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2013. All Rights
Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out a PDF of a single chapter of a title in Oxford
Handbooks Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy).
Subscriber: Fundacao Getulio Vargas%2F RJ; date: 12 June 2013

as novel forms of politics as well as innovative ideas about sovereignty


and authority emerged. Gender freighted sexual difference with meanings
that shaped religious lives and legal ones, aristocracy as well as poverty,
micropolitics and national movements.
Social
The historians associated with Fernand Braudel and the journal Annales who
provided an extraordinary foundation for the social history of working people
in pre-modern France from the early 1960s were famouslyor infamously
blind to gender. Women rarely appeared in early Annaliste work and there
was no attention to questions of differential power within families or extrafamilial roles. Yet the ground-breaking work they did provided information
and raised new topics as subjects of legitimate historical enquiry that were
crucial to the development of modern understandings about gender in the
Ancien Rgime: about family, sexuality, demography, deviance, popular
culture, and rank.3 Our questions and answers may be different today but
the pioneering efforts of Annaliste historians made possible our current
understanding of the social world of the old order, and the role of gender in
it.
Even today, our grasp of old regime society remains uneven. We know far
more about men than womenalthough surprisingly little about masculinity
as a construct in that historians of France who work on gender have primarily
focused on its implications for women. Elite women have received more
attention than working women, and urban women's lives have been more
closely scrutinized than those of rural women. Robert Forster's groundbreaking work on the eighteenth-century French nobility in the 1960s,
heavily influenced by the Annalistes, spearheaded the emergence of family
history as a discipline and the roles of women and marriage as foundations
of rank and status. The Toulousain noble widows who efficiently ran their
estates and the issues about access to the national marriage market
centred at Versaillesor lack thereofthat determined the fortunes of
Burgundian elites opened up a raft of subsequent work on the French noble
families of various different ranks and in different parts of France. Elite
women were central to the creation of kinship networks and the patronage
circles which often built on them, on the dowries they brought as defining
elements of family patrimonies and fortunes, and in the conspicuous
consumption patterns that ever more forcefully divided great aristocrats from
petty nobles who were hardly distinguishable from their non-noble peers.4

Page 3 of 21

Gender

PRINTED FROM OXFORD HANDBOOKS ONLINE (www.oxfordhandbooks.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2013. All Rights
Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out a PDF of a single chapter of a title in Oxford
Handbooks Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy).
Subscriber: Fundacao Getulio Vargas%2F RJ; date: 12 June 2013

Urban working people began to come to the forefront of historiography


perhaps a generation later, starting with the skilled workers who were
guild members. We learnt much about the work, sociability, and marriage
patterns of bakers and hatters in Paris, for instance, and rather less about
the parallel experiences of their sisters, daughters, and wives. Recently,
however, books by Claire Crowston on Parisian seamstresses, Daryl Hafter on
women guild workers in Rouen and Lyon, and Janine Lanza on guild widows
in Paris have remade the picture of gender and guild work. Crowston and
Lanza persuasively demonstrate in eighteenth-century Paris how lively one
important women's guild was and how widows rights to be masters in the
wake of their husbands deaths were actively protected in almost all guilds
through the eighteenth century. Hafter shows how important female workers
were in one of the major industries of the old regime, Lyon silk production, in
a city dominated by the huge silkworkers guild called the fabrique.5
However, the fact remains that most female urban workers, like many
workers of all stripes, were not members of guilds, and it remains to be
seen if the generally optimistic representation of female work and status
laid out by Crowston, Hafter, and Lanza extended more broadly to the vast
majority of women whose working lives were spent outside the privileges
of the guild framework. Women worked in many occupations in urban
areas, some perhaps surprising, such as the involvement of women in
the construction trades in Brittany traced by Elizabeth Musgrave. She
demonstrates how women worked as plumbers and glazers, and served as
contractors, albeit at a participation rate and wage level lower than their
male contemporaries.6 Women also dominated secondhand selling (a pivotal
sector of old regime commercial life), petty marketing of other kinds, and
provisioning trades. Young women and widows worked as servants. That
is they, like men who were outside of guilds, were central cogs in urban
economies even if their activities are less obvious and more difficult to
recover. These non-guild occupations offered their own opportunities as
well as perils, but without the legal standing guild work provided, the vast
majority of working women certainly did the best they couldbut with a not
very attractive set of options.7 It is important to note in this regard that we
still know very little about men who did manual work coded as unskilled,
that is non-guild, in French towns and citiesperhaps even less than about
unskilled women at this point. They too lacked access to guild privileges,
legal standing, confraternities, and the networks of sociability and assistance
these provided. When we know more about them, we may think gender
was less significant as a variable than access to these resources, although
Arlette Farge's empathetic and lively description of the domestic and working
Page 4 of 21

Gender

PRINTED FROM OXFORD HANDBOOKS ONLINE (www.oxfordhandbooks.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2013. All Rights
Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out a PDF of a single chapter of a title in Oxford
Handbooks Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy).
Subscriber: Fundacao Getulio Vargas%2F RJ; date: 12 June 2013

lives of eighteenth-century Parisian men and women, many non-guild,


emphasizes both the centrality of female labour in working communities and
how distinctively gendered men's and women's experiences were.8
While the demographics of peasant households have been much studied, we
still know surprising little about the dynamics of gender among rural working
families. Many of the issues raised about gender in village communities
by Natalie Davis in The Return of Martin Guerre with its microhistorical
explanation of the implications of the mnage--trois of Bertrande de Rol,
Martin Guerre, and Arnaud du Tihl in the late sixteenth century may still have
pertained in the eighteenth century. Marital status and inheritance practices
continued to be important definers of status, experience, and opportunity.
Yet the eighteenth-century peasantry was coming under new pressures that
may have affected men and women differently and in which we see gender
roles being altered. Cynthia Bouton's work on the Flour War in the regions
around Paris in the 1770s, for example, has observed that in food riots,
long a female preserve in early modern Europe, men became increasingly
active. She argues that men who were small rural producers experienced a
particularly sharp dislocation as production and supply networks shifted to
feed the ever growing needs of Paris. The resulting loss of status marked a
kind of de facto feminization that explains their new level of participation in
the popular politics of revolt around subsistence issues.9
Indeed demography and law provided powerful common gender axes across
region, whether province to province or rural to urban, and even across rank
to a degree. Elite men and women often married young as teenagers in
marriages that were part of noble families patrimonial strategies to preserve
and enhance all their forms of capital, financial, social, and political. Yet
younger brothers and sisters often did not marry in aristocratic or urban
elite families where primogeniture privileged the prospects of the oldest
son, leaving the others to careers in army, church, or domestic support for
their families.10 Working men and women, rural and urban, married later in
their mid to late twenties in the now classic west European marriage pattern.
While working parents clearly had the right to veto children's marriages
following the new marriage formation legislation of the late sixteenth and
early seventeenth centuries, these marriages were never arranged and it
remains unclear how often working parents ever invoked their legal ability to
object. In non-elite families, strict and widely observed rules about partible
inheritance meant that daughters as well as sons received shares of parental
estates, however small, and perhaps because of the costs of entering

Page 5 of 21

Gender

PRINTED FROM OXFORD HANDBOOKS ONLINE (www.oxfordhandbooks.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2013. All Rights
Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out a PDF of a single chapter of a title in Oxford
Handbooks Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy).
Subscriber: Fundacao Getulio Vargas%2F RJ; date: 12 June 2013

convents or even minor officers posts in the army, working people may have
been less likely to remain single than elites.
For women of all social ranks, age of marriage was the primary effective
means to control fertility, despite ample evidence that female desire to
control fertility was powerful. Thus repeated pregnancies and high rates of
infant and childhood mortality shaped the lives of every woman in the old
regime. Managing those pressures was challenging, especially for working
women whose families had few resources and whose labour was essential
to household survival. In elite families, wet nurses were recruited who
came to live in with their charges. The differing options and pressures
women faced led them to make a range of choices, as the widespread
practice of putting infants out to paid wet nurses illustrates. For urban
working women, sending their newborns to wet nurses allowed them to
resume the challenge of making a living more quickly. For rural women
seeking to supplement their households resources, taking in infants for pay,
however low paid and unreliable, seemed like an option only attractive in
the context of very limited possibilities. The human costs, to mothers who
sent their newborns away, to the foster mothers who received them, and
to the psychological development of the babies reared in this way (if they
survivedmortality rates among wet-nursed children were notoriously high,
perhaps as high as 80 per cent) have yet to be explored, not least because
of very scanty evidence of any kind beyond the demographic. The occasional
surviving archival glimpse illuminates the harshness of the choices for all
involved. Parents sent layettes with their babies to wet nurses, indicating
a desire to provide, but regular payments, much less visits, did not always
follow. The wet nurse who wrote (or likely had someone write for her) to the
parents of her charge to report both that he at the age of twenty months
was just starting to walk and was so charming and funny that he would
make his parents laugh if they saw him, also noted that she had not been
paid for three months and would have to put him out of her house if she
did not receive money immediately, revealing how the practice allowed for
complicated equations of interest and emotion on every side.11
The Ancien Rgime did see some striking shifts in patterns of marriage and
motherhood. By the second half of the eighteenth century, if not before, new
ideas about matrimony were taking hold, at least among elites and urban
families. The pragmatic partnerships based on property and mutual interest
in a sustainable household that were typical of early modern marriages
were increasingly replaced, at least rhetorically, by new emphases on
romantic love and personal choice of soulmates as the appropriate bases
Page 6 of 21

Gender

PRINTED FROM OXFORD HANDBOOKS ONLINE (www.oxfordhandbooks.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2013. All Rights
Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out a PDF of a single chapter of a title in Oxford
Handbooks Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy).
Subscriber: Fundacao Getulio Vargas%2F RJ; date: 12 June 2013

for choice of spouses. The much discussed rise of companionate marriage


reframed domestic expectations between men and women, andas we
have seenwas inextricably linked to political debates too. This shift was
accompanied in France, although tantalizingly inexplicably not in other
western countries where modern marriage ideals emerged at the same
time, by the first noticeable shift in fertility patterns. Marital fertility did
begin to drop in France, even in rural parts of Normandy, for example, from
the mid-eighteenth century and did not do so until much later in other
western countries. How can we explain this? Is there a correlation between
the shift in fertility and the rise of companionate marriage or are they
coincidentally parallel developments? The explanations continue to elude
demographers and historians. No new contraceptive technology became
available, which suggests spousal practices must have changed. JeanJacques Rousseau, the master articulator of new marriage, railed against
wet nursing and advocated maternal breastfeeding as a key to domestic
and political change. Certainly, in pre-modern diets that were low in fats and
many nutrients, breast feeding had a contraceptive effect. But Rousseau's
Emile, the most popular representation of a different model of marriage,
was not published until the 1760s when shifts in marital fertility had already
started to occur and, for all its popularity, it is difficult to find this link broadly
persuasive. Effective contraception, especially without new technology, has
often been seen as requiring spousal cooperation, which perhaps hints at
a correlation to companionate marriage, but leaves aside the question of
why new expectations about marriage would quickly contribute to declining
marital fertility in France but not elsewhere. We still it seems have not
advanced past the kind of observation typified by David Kertzer in his 2001
History of the European Family: Fertility began to drop, provoked by the
decision of a growing number of families to limit the number of children they
produced.12 The how, why, and who of this decision remain elusive.
Whether new expectations led to greater happiness is difficult to assess,
even for contemporaries, much less by modern indications like high divorce
rates. Dena Goodman's recent analysis of the marital expectations and
experiences of two Ancien Rgime couples is based no doubt on a tiny
and unrepresentative sample, but the spousal letters provide an unusually
rich and suggestive window into the gap between promise and reality.
The marriage of a couple whose choice had been based on traditional
pragmatism about property and family seemed more successful than that of
a couple swept into matrimony on the currents of romantic love.13 Domestic
violence persisted and may have become less visible, separations became
harder to get, property remained very important even as discussion about
Page 7 of 21

Gender

PRINTED FROM OXFORD HANDBOOKS ONLINE (www.oxfordhandbooks.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2013. All Rights
Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out a PDF of a single chapter of a title in Oxford
Handbooks Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy).
Subscriber: Fundacao Getulio Vargas%2F RJ; date: 12 June 2013

it became more coded.14 Even today marriage may seem to be all about
romantic love at weddings, but divorces make clear how large property
continues to loom in conjugal affairs, as do pre-nuptial contracts.
Moreover other changes, like the exploding rate of child abandonment
through the eighteenth century, highlight the ambiguous consequences of
shifts in gendered expectations about relationships. Although premarital
conception rates were high in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries (30
per cent or more in some areas), illegitimacy rates were very low at 3 per
cent or less. Throughout the eighteenth century, illegitimacy rates increased
dramatically as did the frequency of babies being abandoned. The reasons
for this strikingly new pattern were undoubtedly complex and have yet to be
fully elucidated, and paralleled other shifts in sexuality that remain shadowy,
such as the emergence of homosexual subcultures in eighteenth-century
Paris and the spectrum of sex for pay practices evident in many varieties
of forms of prostitution. Yet the apparently increased vulnerability of single
women who found themselves pregnant, not to mention the cost to their
infants, suggests again that the new emphasis on personal choice of partners
based on love and romanceor simply desiredid not easily translate into
improved circumstances or more harmonious gender relations.15
Economy
Gender was integrally linked with all aspects of the Ancien Rgime economy,
from household budgeting to important shifts in production and consumption
patterns that we characterize today (albeit with oversimplification) with
terms like the consumer revolution, the industrious revolution, or the
transition to capitalism. Household production remained the mainstay of
manufacturing, and even the largest enterprises like the production of silk
in Lyon dispersed production among numerous household sites, but gender
structured the organization of work and the changes in that organization.
Consumption patterns were transformed in the century or so before the
Revolution, and gender was at the centre of those shifts too.
Olwen Hufton's brilliant 1975 insight about the centrality of women and
family economies for survival in the old regime has framed subsequent
debates about gender in households.16 Hufton's thesis that survival
depended on the pooled contributions of all household members, women
as well as men, imagined Ancien Rgime households in what became a
classic family economy model where husbands worked at an identity-defining
occupation, and wives assisted their husbands as best they could, either
directly or when times were pressing through a range of makeshifts (any
Page 8 of 21

Gender

PRINTED FROM OXFORD HANDBOOKS ONLINE (www.oxfordhandbooks.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2013. All Rights
Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out a PDF of a single chapter of a title in Oxford
Handbooks Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy).
Subscriber: Fundacao Getulio Vargas%2F RJ; date: 12 June 2013

work that would produce income) or expedients (begging or even theft).


It has become clear that family economies were more varied than Hufton
anticipated, as many married women followed their own occupations in
what we might now call two-income households (especially when or even
when their husbands were not guild masters), while single women who lived
together comprised another version of family economy (a phenomenon
Hufton noticed and termed spinster clustering, although the reality of single
women who chose to live together rather than marry has been elucidated by
Crowston among others).17
Some regions of France did participate in proto-industrial production in
the eighteenth century, and the expansion of manufacturing through rural
households in this way depended on the reallocation and specialization of
the labour of women and children. Pierre Deyon's work on northern France
and Jan De Vries's broader overview that includes parts of France as well
as many other western European regions in the shifts that he characterized
as an industrious revolution (to explain and encapsulate how a dramatic
expansion of manufacturing took place before industrialization) emphasize
not only the way in which a gendered specialization of labour underlay
economic growth, but argue that the shift increased the spending power
of families and lowered the age of marriage in ways that bettered the lot
of rural households and strengthened wives position by enhancing their
importance as cash producers and consumers. There remains room for
scepticism about this reading of a changing gender power dynamic rooted
in spouses evolving relationship to rural manufacturing. Gay Gullickson's
work on proto-industrial families in the nineteenth century, for example,
argued that such shifts in wage earning increased domestic violence. Rural
households bought many items on credit, even from pedlars as Laurence
Fontaine has shown, so cash was not essential for their entry into the
world of expanded consumption and in fact other needs rather than wants,
especially tax bills, may have had a primary claim on any increased cash
income.18
Moreover, if the ways in which gender shaped and was impacted by such
shifts in production remain an open question, the centrality of gender in
every aspect of changes in attitudes and practices surrounding consumption
have been elaborately and persuasively framed out. Historians disagree
about when the consumer revolution happened in France and about issues
such as whether it preceded or succeeded the contemporaneous remaking of
consumption patterns in England, but concur that gender was pivotal to the

Page 9 of 21

Gender

PRINTED FROM OXFORD HANDBOOKS ONLINE (www.oxfordhandbooks.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2013. All Rights
Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out a PDF of a single chapter of a title in Oxford
Handbooks Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy).
Subscriber: Fundacao Getulio Vargas%2F RJ; date: 12 June 2013

new central place consumption has assumed by the later eighteenth century
as profession, pastime, performance of identity, and political football.19
Women shaped the emergence of consumer culture in the old regime and
consumption as an economic and political project was profoundly gendered.
The new Parisian female shopkeepers, the marchandes de mode, and the
young female retail specialists who worked for them became the arbiters
of style joined in a newly democratized world of dress where their peers
took up window shopping, and fashion became a pastime and means of
self-expression for all French women, and not only the prerogative of elites.
The volume of men's clothes doubled in the eighteenth century, but the
quantity of dresses women owned increased exponentially. In vogue dress
shapes, colours, and fabrics began to evolve quickly as consumption became
gendered specifically as female. As women became devoted wives and
mothers or seamstresses by nature, so they too became natural shoppers.20
Consumption became as heavily coded a signifier of economic productivity
as companionate marriage or political corruption and financial turbulence:
as such, the task of consuming became a perilous project for women who
might either skilfully demonstrate their wifely skills and husband-pleasing
success in Rousseauian terms or inappropriately imperil the very stability
of the economy and perhaps even the nation as well as risk the ruin of their
families. Eighteenth-century authors could find the new consumption as
the key to economic progress or the proof of looming economic disaster.
The archetype of the dangerous consumer became the French Queen,
Marie Antoinette, whose extravagant spending and expensive obsession
with the latest fashions were pilloried in the popular press of the 1780s,
especially in terms of her relationship with the reigning Parisian marchande
de mode, Rose Bertin. Clare Crowston has demonstrated how the entangled
connections between the monarch and her minister of fashion conflated
conspicuous consumption and political liabilitywith inappropriate female
weakness as well as wantonness as the linking pivot.21
Religion
The history of Ancien Rgime religion has become a perhaps unlikely site
of intense work in terms of gender, whether in terms of the significance of
women's experiences (much less on men's) or of developments in political
culture. Elizabeth Rapley and Mita Choudhury, among other historians, have
transformed our knowledge about and understandings of the lives of female
religious in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.22 Alas we know

Page 10 of 21

Gender

PRINTED FROM OXFORD HANDBOOKS ONLINE (www.oxfordhandbooks.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2013. All Rights
Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out a PDF of a single chapter of a title in Oxford
Handbooks Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy).
Subscriber: Fundacao Getulio Vargas%2F RJ; date: 12 June 2013

much less about male religious per se, and even less about the gendered or
political significations of their experiences.
A striking aspect of the religious life of France in the Ancien Rgime is
the large increase in the number of nuns. The emphasis on enclosure
associated with the Council of Trent reforms of Catholic practice encouraged
a modern tendency to presuppose that women would have been less
attracted to religious life post-Trent than earlier. Yet in France, a veritable
conventual invasion began in the early seventeenth century at a time when
traditional female religious communities were at a very low ebb in terms of
property and population.23 A plethora of new foundations, contemplative
and teaching, mushroomed up across France. While the number of men
entering monasteries also increased, both contemporaries and historians
have been especially struck by the proportionally larger number of new
female foundations and of nuns. While overall numbers are difficult to
estimate, certainly tens of thousands of women lived as nuns in France by
the eighteenth century.
The women associated with these foundations not only experienced a
particularly potent form of spiritual life, but as historians have increasingly
argued, they actively imprinted the religious culture of the Ancien Rgime.
Despite the emphasis of the leaders of the Catholic Reformation on female
enclosure, and certainly many women who lived as nuns observed enclosure
and devoted their lives to contemplation, in seventeenth-century France
new active orders of nuns appeared that became part of the fabric of French
society. In particular the Ursulines, a teaching order originally founded in
Italy that established itself in France early in the seventeenth century, and
the Daughters of Charity, a native French project of nuns devoted to poor
relief that was founded in the 1630s, offered many female religious the
possibility of active lives within the church, and the services they provided
became integral to the pedagogical and philanthropic endeavours of the
nation. For these women at least, the religious foundations of the Ancien
Rgime provided expanded opportunities, even ifas Susan Dinan notes
their acceptance despite the neglect of strict enclosure was due in large part
not only to the value of the services they provided but to the fact that in their
modesty, deferential speech, and service to others nobody perceived them
as a threat to the larger political or gender order.24
Yet female religious and their actions also became vehicles for intense
political debates about the nature of authority and the future of France.
Abbesses in particular were the subject of close scrutiny and sometimes
Page 11 of 21

Gender

PRINTED FROM OXFORD HANDBOOKS ONLINE (www.oxfordhandbooks.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2013. All Rights
Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out a PDF of a single chapter of a title in Oxford
Handbooks Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy).
Subscriber: Fundacao Getulio Vargas%2F RJ; date: 12 June 2013

vitriolic attacks in print where they were portrayed as the worst examples
of abusive female and aristocratic power conflated. Mita Choudury's work
has interrogated the role of nuns as key figures in eighteenth-century
political culture who, for critics from the 1730s onwards, exemplified tyranny
and social disorder in ways that broader critiques of aristocratic women,
above all Queen Marie Antoinette, were to do later in the century.25 These
representations of gendered behaviour conveyed meanings far beyond the
practices of female religious.
Political Culture
The ways in which the language of gender and family and ideas about
the right kind of gender roles and family life were integrally linked to the
right political order provided a fertile site for political debate throughout
the old regime. If women had no official role in the institutional politics of
bureaucracies and judiciary, they were important actors in legal processes
that were highly politicized and gender issues were at the centre of
evolutions in political culture. In the seventeenth century, broad agreement
existed about the local and national benefits of patriarchal households writ
small and large from the individual to the household of the nation. Over the
course of the subsequent decades, as Choudury, Sarah Maza, and others
have shown, reworkings of family order were integral to possible reworkings
of political order.
By the last decades of the seventeenth century, the monarchical government
and local communities invested in strong families that provided foundations
for cultural morality, economic productivity, and political stability. JeanBaptiste Colbert, Louis XIV's chief minister, promoted an explicitly pronatal
policy in instituting the 1666 edict that offered tax exemptions to the fathers
of ten living children, and the Paris Foundling hospital was established in
which unwanted babies were positioned as the children of the state.26
Political rhetoric was filled with familial references: families, to take only
three examples, were the seminaries of the state, the fecund sources from
which the strength and greatness of the state derives, and the natural
reverence of children for parents linked the legitimate obedience of subjects
towards their sovereign.27
As new ideas about gender, families, and politics began to emerge in the
later seventeenth century, the Parisian salons that became an important
site of Enlightenment debate and patronage quickly established women
in prominent roles as hostesses, formulators of new gender expectations,
and as social arbitrators. Carolyn Lougee explored how early salonnires
Page 12 of 21

Gender

PRINTED FROM OXFORD HANDBOOKS ONLINE (www.oxfordhandbooks.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2013. All Rights
Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out a PDF of a single chapter of a title in Oxford
Handbooks Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy).
Subscriber: Fundacao Getulio Vargas%2F RJ; date: 12 June 2013

articulated new bases for spousal relationships in which love replaced


interest. However, these new marriages would be part of larger social
changes and in particular they also provided new vehicles for social mobility
through marriages between newcomers and the hereditary nobility. Salons
offered a site for the creation of a new elite that assimilated suitably talented
aristocrats and on the rise families on the basis of manners and money, then
a novel way of defining merit.28
As the influence of salons reached its peak in the 1760s and 1770s, when
the men who were the lions of the Enlightenment frequently attended the
salons that various elite women hosted daily in Paris, a similar dynamic
prevailed. Salonnires governed the salons, controlling invitations, managing
conversations, and often providing financial support for writers. Joan Landes
strikingly highlighted Jean-Jacques Rousseau as the primary source of the
eighteenth-century emergence of a highly gendered new public sphere from
which women were excluded as democratic imperatives challenged absolute
monarchy. Yet work on salon culture more broadly, notably Dena Goodman's
The Republic of Letters, has argued that many other leading philosophes
participated in the drawing rooms where the High Enlightenment took shape.
Rousseau did not dominate these gatherings or the polite conversations
that framed intellectual debate, supervised by female patrons like Suzanne
Necker and Madame Geoffrin, and others. From this perspective, the
intellectual sociability of the salons had an ethos of gender equality absent
from Rousseau.29
Nor were these family politics debates only top down. Individual households
and local communities likewise invested in stable family life, and not merely
in emulation of elite imperatives. In the seventeenth century, family litigation
over marriage, borrowing, and violence demonstrated the intense energy
devoted to associating order of all kinds with particular gender roles and
hierarchies at grassroots too. Occasionally, explicit political language could
be mobilized, as when wives described themselves as slaves and their
husbands as tyrants. Wives as well as husbands and their neighbours
constantly mobilized the spectre of familial disorderwhether caused by
spouses who squandered their families resources instead of working to
increase them, husbands whose violence towards their wives disrupted
households they were supposed to discipline, or creditors whose threats
to seize goods to cover unpaid debts put families on the street or made
them charges on their communities. In resorting to local courts to authorize
and legitimize opinion about the right and wrong kind of family, wives and
husbands made politics personal and the personal political.30 On local streets
Page 13 of 21

Gender

PRINTED FROM OXFORD HANDBOOKS ONLINE (www.oxfordhandbooks.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2013. All Rights
Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out a PDF of a single chapter of a title in Oxford
Handbooks Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy).
Subscriber: Fundacao Getulio Vargas%2F RJ; date: 12 June 2013

as well as in ministerial offices at Versailles and Parisian salons, the right kind
of gendered family was essential to the right ordering of polity, economy,
and society.
Evolving ideas about gender difference also had roots beyond Enlightenment
reasoning and debates about the political shortcomings of the monarchy and
elites. Claire Crowston has emphasized the ways in which working women
and mendeveloped new ideas about gender difference from the late
seventeenth century and that these popular notions had as much to do with
changing perceptions as those of elites. She argues that seamstresses in
Paris who sought to justify privileges and monopolies for their guild drove
the emerging sense of biological difference naturally suiting men and
women to different tasks. While the contemporary appeal of Rousseau and
of the version of family life he rhapsodized in Emilewith wives devoted to
developing charms that pleased husbandscan seem elusive to modern
observers for whom the limitations of remaking of old gender roles into
new but equally hierarchical forms seem paramount, the resonance of his
new familial vision to middling French men and women at the time is clear.
Dena Goodman has recently explored the 1780s marriage of an army officer,
Bernard de Bonnard, and his wife, the all too aptly named, Sophie Silvestre.
Their letters to each other represent them as the model new conjugal
spouses, enamoured with each other and the task of childrearing. Bonnard's
diary recorded that he and his Sophie spent every evening reading Emile
(where the idealized wife was also named Sophie), and took to heart the
advice Rousseau gave about maternal breastfeeding while awaiting the birth
of their first child.31 We may be too quick to read such evidence as indicating
the influence of Rousseau rather than framing it in terms of his ability to
resonate with patterns that were already emerging.
Likewise, debates about appropriate family life and gender roles also
became a primary vehicle across many forums far beyond the traditional
Enlightenment in the eighteenth century for proponents of political reform:
Rousseau's Emile, lawyers who made causes clbres out of domestic
disputes, or Grub Street writers who made salacious attacks on the alleged
improprieties, sexual and otherwise, of leading nobles, royal mistresses,
and above all Marie Antoinette, wife of Louis XVI and queen of France as
his consort from 1774. The gender politics of these sites seem more clearly
antagonistic, and fixed on remaking gendered dynamics in different but still
clearly hierarchical forms rather than in the egalitarian impulse of the salons.

Page 14 of 21

Gender

PRINTED FROM OXFORD HANDBOOKS ONLINE (www.oxfordhandbooks.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2013. All Rights
Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out a PDF of a single chapter of a title in Oxford
Handbooks Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy).
Subscriber: Fundacao Getulio Vargas%2F RJ; date: 12 June 2013

Some unlikely heroes of new family and new politics emerged in these
varied genres, especially in the new sites of public opinion and scurrilous
mass media. Rousseau himself, a father who abandoned the five children
born to his long out-of-wedlock relationship with a former servant, Thrse
Levasseur, became in Emile (published in 1762) the chief immensely
popular and popularizing articulator of new marriages on which new
republics could be built. In this version of family politics, spouses married
for love, complemented each other's natural aptitudes, and wives devoted
themselves to raising sons to be citizens and daughters to be domestic
paragons. The Count de Sanois, a crabby, financially maladroit noble who
abandoned his wife, children, and France to flee to Switzerland to escape the
chaos of his finances and family was artfully represented by his politically
ambitious lawyer, Pierre-Louis de Lacretelle, in the courtroom and in widely
circulated published legal briefs about his case as a maligned father whose
vulnerability in the face of a shrewish, social-climbing wife foisted on him
through arranged marriage symbolized the inappropriate feminized noble
privilege of the old regime. Marie Antoinette was an easy target as villain
but the virulence of the highly sexualized attacks on her as the epitome of
a bad wife (adulterer), a bad mother (committer of incest), and aristocratic
impotence and sterility (lesbian affairs) breathtakingly and poisonously
conflated the wrong kind of wife with political corruption.32 Who could argue
against regime change in the face of such potent emblems of women who
undermined the state instead of making it stronger? If a patriarchal family
was integral to a monarchical state, companionate marriage based on
conjugal mutuality could provide the essential basis for a reformed political
order.
Conclusion
Almost twenty-five years ago, Joan Scott, in a famous call to arms for a
new paradigm to end the marginalization represented in such stereotypical
framings as My understanding of the French Revolution is not changed by
knowing that women participated in it, lamented the tendency to segment
feminist history into a separate subgenre where work on women did little to
impact larger historiographical debates or historians metanarratives. Scott
advocated a focus on how gender was a primary but historically specific
signifier of power.33 In the intervening years, historians have demonstrated
how gender was a centre of all aspects of the Ancien Rgime in ways that
have transformed our disciplinary understanding of the characteristics
and changes of the decades before the Revolution. Whether as symbol,
discourse, shaper of economic patterns, or lived experience, gender has
Page 15 of 21

Gender

PRINTED FROM OXFORD HANDBOOKS ONLINE (www.oxfordhandbooks.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2013. All Rights
Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out a PDF of a single chapter of a title in Oxford
Handbooks Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy).
Subscriber: Fundacao Getulio Vargas%2F RJ; date: 12 June 2013

become essential to understandings of eighteenth-century France, as in fact


it was to contemporary experiences and culture, both popular and elite.

Bibliography
Adams, Christine, A Taste for Comfort and Status: A Bourgeois Family in
Eighteenth Century France (University Park, Pa., 1999).
Find This Resource

Worldcat

Google Preview
Desan, Suzanne, and Merrick, Jeffrey (eds.) Family, Gender, and Law in Early
Modern France (University Park, Pa., 2009).
Find This Resource

Worldcat

Google Preview
Hardwick, Julie, The Practice of Patriarchy: Gender and the Politics of
Household Authority in Early Modern France (University Park, Pa., 1998).
Find This Resource

Worldcat

Google Preview
Family Business: Litigation and the Political Economics of Daily Life in
Early Modern France (Oxford, 2009).
Find This Resource

Worldcat

Google Preview
Hufton, Olwen, The Prospect Before Her: A History of Women in Western
Europe, i. 15001800 (London, 1995).
Find This Resource

Worldcat

Google Preview
Ketzer, David, and Barbagli, Marcio, The History of the European Family in
Early Modern Times, 15001800 (New Haven, Conn., 2001).
Page 16 of 21

Gender

PRINTED FROM OXFORD HANDBOOKS ONLINE (www.oxfordhandbooks.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2013. All Rights
Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out a PDF of a single chapter of a title in Oxford
Handbooks Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy).
Subscriber: Fundacao Getulio Vargas%2F RJ; date: 12 June 2013

Find This Resource

Worldcat

Google Preview
Landes, Joan B., Women and the Public Sphere in the Age of the French
Revolution (Ithaca, NY, 1988).
Find This Resource

Worldcat

Google Preview
Scott, Joan, Gender: A Useful Category of Historical Analysis, American
Historical Review (1986).
Find This Resource

Worldcat

Google Preview
Spencer, Samia I. (ed.), French Women and the Age of Enlightenment
(Bloomington, Ind., 1984).
Find This Resource

Worldcat

Google Preview

Notes:
(1.) In this sense, I have some reservations about my own assignment here,
i.e. to write about gender as a separate category rather than as an issue
integral to the topics covered in the other essays in this collection.
(2.) For only one example, see the essays and bibliography in Tim Hitchcock
(ed.), English Masculinities, 16601800 (London, 1999). A rare but interesting
and suggestive exception is Gary Kates's work on a notorious 18th-cent.
cross-dresser, Monsieur DEon. See Gary Kates, Monsieur DEon is a Woman:
A Tale of Political Intrigue and Sexual Masquerade (New York, 1995).
(3.) Much of this work first became widely available and visible to
Anglophone audiences in multiple volumes edited by Robert Forster and
Orest Ranum. See e.g. the articles in Forster and Ranum (eds.), Family and
Society: Selections from the Annales conomies, Socits, Civilisations, tr.
Page 17 of 21

Gender

PRINTED FROM OXFORD HANDBOOKS ONLINE (www.oxfordhandbooks.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2013. All Rights
Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out a PDF of a single chapter of a title in Oxford
Handbooks Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy).
Subscriber: Fundacao Getulio Vargas%2F RJ; date: 12 June 2013

E. Forster and P. M. Ranum (Baltimore, Md., 1976). For the shortcomings of


the historical work associated with the Annales in terms of gender, see Susan
Mosher Stuard, The Annales School and Feminist History: Opening Dialogue
with the American Stepchild, Signs, 7 (1981).
(4.) Robert Forster, The Nobility of Toulouse in the Eighteenth Century: A
Social and Economic Study (Baltimore, Md., 1960) and The House of SaulxTavanes: Versailles and Burgundy, 17301810 (Baltimore, Md., 1971). See
also Jonathan Dewald, Pont-St-Pierre, 13981789: Lordship, Community, and
Capitalism in Early Modern France (Berkeley, Calif., 1987) and The European
Nobility, 14001800 (Cambridge, 1996).
(5.) Claire Crowston, Fabricating Women: The Seamstresses of Old Regime
France, 16751791 (Durham, 2001); Daryl Hafter, Women at Work in
PreIndustrial France (University Park, Pa., 2007); Janine Lanza, From Wives to
Widows in Early Modern Paris: Gender, Economy, and Law (London, 2007).
(6.) Elizabeth C. Musgrave, Women in the Male World of Work: The Building
Industries of Eighteenth-Century Brittany, French History, 7 (1993), 3052.
(7.) On the need for caution about highlighting one kind of work or shift in
opportunities for women too optimistically, see the work of Judith Bennett
who concludes that the majority of such situationsalthough they might
constitute a good job for a womanshared low pay, low status, and the
perception of low skill. Judith Bennett, Ale, Beer and Brewsters: Women's
Work in a Changing World, 14001600 (New York, 1996), and History Matters:
Patriarchy and the Challenge of Feminism (Philadelphia, 2006).
(8.) Arlette Farge, Fragile Lives: Violence, Power and Solidarity in EighteenthCentury Paris (Cambridge, Mass., 1993).
(9.) Natalie Zemon Davis, The Return of Martin Guerre (Cambridge, Mass.,
1984); Cynthia Bouton, The Flour War: Gender, Class, and Community in Late
Ancien Regime French Society (University Park, Pa., 1993).
(10.) For unusually careful attention to the roles of siblings, see Christine
Adams, A Taste for Comfort and Status: A Bourgeois Family in EighteenthCentury France (University Park, Pa., 1999.
(11.) Archives Dpartementales du Rhone 8B724, 8 May 1742.
(12.) David Kertzer and Marcio Barbagli, The History of the European Family
in Early Modern Times, 15001789 (New Haven, Conn., 2001), 174.
Page 18 of 21

Gender

PRINTED FROM OXFORD HANDBOOKS ONLINE (www.oxfordhandbooks.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2013. All Rights
Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out a PDF of a single chapter of a title in Oxford
Handbooks Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy).
Subscriber: Fundacao Getulio Vargas%2F RJ; date: 12 June 2013

(13.) Goodman, Marriage Choice and Marital Success, in Suzanne Desan


and Jeffrey D. Merrick (eds.), Family and State in Early Modern France
(University Park, Pa., 2009), 2661.
(14.) Hardwick, Family Business.
(15.) Matthew Gerber's forthcoming book, The End of Bastardy: Politics,
Family and Law in Early Modern France, ch.4, for the 18th-cent.
abandonment crisis as illegitimacy rates increased. However the focus of
this book is on illegitimacy as a political and legal problem rather than its
social or gender aspects. Older explanations, reviewed in Gerber, seem
clearly partial or outright misplaced, as in Edward Shorter's famous assertion
that the rise in illegitimacy was tied to the liberation of women's libido
that resulted from their shift to industrial work. For the emergence of
a homosexual subculture in 18th-cent. Paris, see Bryant T. Ragan, The
Enlightenment Confronts Homosexuality, in Jeffrey Merrick and Bryant
T. Ragan, Homosexuality in Modern France (Oxford, 1996). For 18thcent. prostitution, see Nina Kushner, Unkept Women: Elite Prostitution
in Eighteenth-Century Paris, 17471771 (Ph.D. dissertation, Columbia
University, 2005).
(16.) Olwen Hufton, Women and the Family Economy in Eighteenth-Century
France, French Historical Studies, 9 (1975), 122.
(17.) For the varieties of family economy now evident, see e.g. James R. Farr,
Artisans in Europe, 14001900 (Cambridge, 2000), and Crowston, Fabricating
Women.
(18.) Pierre Deyon, Protoindustrialization in France, in Sheilagh Levine
and Markus Cerman (eds.), European Proto-Industrialization (Cambridge,
1996); Jan De Vries, The Industrious Revolution: Consumer Behavior and the
Household (Cambridge, 2008); Gay Gullickson, The Spinners and Weavers
of Auffay: Rural Industry and the Sexual Division of Labor in a French
Village (Cambridge, 1986); Laurence Fontaine, History of Peddlers in Europe
(Durham, 1996).
(19.) Daniel Roche pioneered work on consumption patterns in 18th-cent.
France with subsequent work by Cissie Fairchilds, Clare Haru Crowston, and
Jennifer Jones among others redefining our understanding of the 18thcent.
economy and of relationship of women and gender to those shifts. See Daniel
Roche, The People of Paris: An Essay in Popular Culture in the Eighteenth
Century (Berkeley, Calif., 1987), The Culture of Clothing: Dress and Fashion
Page 19 of 21

Gender

PRINTED FROM OXFORD HANDBOOKS ONLINE (www.oxfordhandbooks.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2013. All Rights
Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out a PDF of a single chapter of a title in Oxford
Handbooks Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy).
Subscriber: Fundacao Getulio Vargas%2F RJ; date: 12 June 2013

in the Ancien Regime (Cambridge, 1994), and History of Everyday Things:


The Birth of Consumption in France (Cambridge, 2000); Cissie Fairchilds,
The Production and Marketing of Populuxe Goods in Eighteenth-Century
Paris, in John Brewer and Roy Porter (eds.), Consumption and the World of
Goods (London, 1993); Crowston, Fabricating Women; Jennifer Jones, Sexing
La Mode: Gender, Fashion and Commercial Culture in Old Regime France
(Oxford and New York, 2004).
(20.) One of the ways in which masculinity remains under-explored in the
Old Regime pertains to consumption. While women became arch consumers
of fashion and other new household goods like crockery, men certainly
became specialized consumers too e.g. as collectors, and we know much less
about the forms of consumption coded as masculine.
(21.) Clare Haru Crowston, The Queen and her Minister of Fashion: Gender,
Credit and Politics in PreRevolutionary France, Gender and History, 14
(2002), 92116.
(22.) See e.g. Mita Choudhury, Convents and Nuns in Eighteenth-Century
French Politics and Culture (Ithaca, NY, 2004) and Elizabeth Rapley, A Social
History of the Cloister: Daily Life in the Teaching Monasteries of the Old
Regime (Toronto, 2001). Barbra Diefendorf's From Penitence to Charity: Pious
Women and the Catholic Reformation in Paris (New York and Oxford, 2004)
deals with an earlier period than this essay but makes a critically important
argument about the role of women in shaping the Catholic Reformation in
France.
(23.) The phrase conventual invasion is J. P. Bardet's, quoted in Rapley,
Social History, 16.
(24.) Susan Dinan, Women and Poor Relief in Seventeenth-Century France
(Aldershot, 2006), 45.
(25.) Mita Choudhury, Women. Gender, and the Image of the EighteenthCentury Aristocracy, in Jay. M. Smith (ed.), The French Nobility in the
Eighteenth Century: Reassessments and New Approaches (University Park,
Pa., 2006) and Convents and Nuns.
(26.) For the establishment of the Edict of 1666 and the subsequent history
of pronatalist rhetoric and policy, see Leslie Tuttle, Conceiving the Old
Regime: Pronatalism and the Politics of Reproduction in Early Modern France
(Oxford, 2010); for the Foundling Hospital, see Matthew Gerber's forthcoming
Page 20 of 21

Gender

PRINTED FROM OXFORD HANDBOOKS ONLINE (www.oxfordhandbooks.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2013. All Rights
Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out a PDF of a single chapter of a title in Oxford
Handbooks Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy).
Subscriber: Fundacao Getulio Vargas%2F RJ; date: 12 June 2013

book, The End of Bastardy: Politics, Family and Law in Early Modern France.
I thank Professors Tuttle and Gerber for permission to cite their forthcoming
work.
(27.) Julie Hardwick, Family Business: Litigation and the Political Economies
of Daily Life in Early Modern France (Oxford, 2009), 67.
(28.) Carolyn Lougee, Le paradis des femmes: Women, Salons, and Social
Stratification in Seventeenth-Century France (Princeton, 1986).
(29.) Joan B. Landes, Women and the Public Sphere in the Age of the French
Revolution (Ithaca, NY, 1988); Dena Goodman, The Republic of Letters: A
Cultural History of the French Enlightenment (Ithaca, NY, 1994).
(30.) Hardwick, Family Business.
(31.) Clare Crowston, Fabricating Women: The Seamstresses of Old Regime
France, 16751791 (Durham, 2001), 11 and passim; Dena Goodman,
Marriage Choice and Marital Success: Reasoning about Marriage, Love, and
Happiness, in Suzanne Desan and Jeffrey Merrick (eds.), Family, Gender and
Law in Early Modern France (University Park, Pa., 2009).
(32.) For the Count de Sanois and other causes clbres, see Sarah Maza,
Private Lives and Public Affairs: The Cause Celebres of Pre-Revolutionary
France (Berkeley, Calif., 1993); ibid., for the Grub Street attacks on Marie
Antoinette, and Lynn Hunt, The Family Romance of the French Revolution
(Berkeley, Calif., 1992).
(33.) Joan Scott, Gender: A Useful Category of Historical Analysis, American
Historical Review, 91 (Dec. 1986), 105375.

Page 21 of 21

Gender

PRINTED FROM OXFORD HANDBOOKS ONLINE (www.oxfordhandbooks.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2013. All Rights
Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out a PDF of a single chapter of a title in Oxford
Handbooks Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy).
Subscriber: Fundacao Getulio Vargas%2F RJ; date: 12 June 2013