Objectives

Following are the objectives:

1. To study the socio-economic characteristics of the respondents.
2. To explore the social and economic factors causing watta satta
marriages.
3. To identify the consequences of watta satta marriages.

Hypothesis:
1. Greater the poverty, greater will be watta satta.
2. Higher the literacy rate, higher will be watta satta.

LITERATURE REVIEWS
The important of review literature lies in the fact that it provides background
knowledge of problem to be studied. The review of literature further orientation to
the problem and at the same time eliminates the possibilities of unnecessary
duplication of effort. In addition valuable information and research techniques
may be gained from report of previous results. Purpose of this chapter is to review
the available literature related to the topic under study.
Saeed (2005) observed that watta satta or exchange marriage custom was
widely followed in tribal villages of Sulaiman mountain range. There were
different reasons of following that custom in tribal villages. Girls were considered
burden on family because of their marriage problems. Without Watta-Satta
custom, girls would never get married whereas outside families demanded dowry
and it saved them from dowry curse. In such situation both families gave dowry
according to their capacity and did not write anything in NikahNama except
Mehar. Otherwise, dowry was demanded or given on equal basis. It was done so
that girl s in laws could nbot quarrel and she lived with dignity and prestige.
Hence, following the cutom, males sister would also get punishment so he
thought several times before doing violence against his wife. One major reason of
following the custom was property so that a stranger might not get share of his
wife s inherited property. The marriage under the custom was done with a notion
that whenever men like could marry again. However, if a man went for second
marriage, the other also and if not the relatives out cast him from the tribe.
Consequently, the woman came back to parents or brothers home who took care
of her. It was practiced in all families including educated people and they had
successful life. Mostly followed it with the consent of parents thus it was right.
However, some men gave opinion that if the customs was abolished the poor
would not be able to arrange jewellery and amount for Mehar and therefore could
not marry children. Those who did not have match (sisters or daughters) would
not get married.

Oxfam (2005) reported that exchange marriage (watta Satta) is centuries

old custom and still very common practice in the Rural Baluchistan. In BLS
focused area 86.59% of the women had exchanged marriages (Watta Satta).
Discussions, probing, discussed with the respondents revealed that exchanged
marriages had its social, political and physical consequences in the lives of
women.
World Bank (2005) reported that Exchanged marriage might also serve as
a mechanism for cancelling out dowry assets (from a son) and liabilities ( from a
daughter) in the parental balance sheet. The advantage of marrying ones
daughter into ones son s wife s family was that there was no need, in principle,
to exchange dowry assets at all. World bank also reported that one qualification
was that some of the rents accruing to women whose families were able to
arrange a watta satta marriage might be appropriated by their brothers via a
reallocation of parental transfers in favour of sons. Even if utilities were perfectly
transferable, however, women in watta eligible families would still share in the
overall wealth effect.
Chaudhry (2006) observed that in many early marriages or engagements
were performed under watta-satta custom. Early age marriage was reported
widespread due to socio economic reason and in the name of religion. Girls were
married when they reached the age of puberty. A man could marry out of the
familyor relatives but with the consent of parents. Marriage of own choice was not
accepted by many families. Watta Satta was followed because girls were
considered a burden on the family. It was practiced in all families. Watta satta was
the major reason behind divorce. Many women participants believed that a few
women knew their rights but they didi not raise voice due to scare of men. He
reported that among the conventional customs and practices reciprocal marriage
(Watta-Satta) was a common practice (64 percent) in tehsils but it was very
common in Tehsil Taunsa and Jatoi . However, it was least practiced in Multan
and Muzaffargarh

Jacoby and Mansuri (2006) mentioned in the paper, Bride Exchange and
Womens Welfare in Rural Pakistan, conducted by the World Bank stated that a
bride exchange accompanied by mutual retaliatory threats could be mechanism to
coordinate the actions of two sets of in-laws, each of whom wished to restrain
their son-in-laws, but only had the ability to restrain their sons. According to the
paper, the likelihood of marital discord was lower in watta satta arrangements as
compared to conventional marriages. This result emerged most strongly in the
case of estrangement, the clearest and most publicly observable expression of
marital discord. They found that there was no difference in the rate of divorce or
separation (around 1.5 percent) between women in watta satta marriages and those
in conventional marriages. They stressed that exchange marriage might serve as
mechanism to curtail the financial burden of dowry. It added that if dowry was
principally a price for husbands, the advantage of marrying a daughter into her
sister-in-laws family was clear: it established a double coincidence of wants,
obviating the need to exchange money or wealth at the time of the join marriage.
A vast majority of watta satta marriages (94 percent) involved at least one brother
sister pair, and most (72 percent) involved a brother sister pair on both sides.
The second most popular watta satta arrangement (16 percent) was when at least
one of the households (but rarely both) contributed an uncle-niece pair. The study
added that various other combinations occurred as well, though none in
significance numbers. Even more striking was the extent of marriage with in the
clan and caste: 77 percent women were married a blood relative mostly, mostly
first cousins with a preference for the paternal side; 4.13 percent was married
someone not related by blood but within the same caste.
World Bank

(2006) policy research paper found that Watta Satta

marriages, a years old practice of bartering bride for bride, helped to reduce the
probability of domestic abuse and was clearly in the interest of women regard less
of whether the institution was motivated by parent s altruism towards their
daughters or by their desire to maintain family honor.
Sivananthi&Jyothirmai (2006) traditional form of mirage held together by
the concept of honors mostly traditional societies are involved in this practice.

He also said that the main cause of adoption of watta satta marriage system to
prevent the property out of family so on the cousin marriages are designed to
prevent the outbreak of property as the size of land and property is associated with
power and status.
Khawar&Noshirwani (2006) stated that the dowry system is very common,
which encourages parents to save money for a girls marriage, thereby denying her
right and expenses for education. Marriage traditions and customs force young
girls to get married as soon as they attain puberty so that parents are relieved of a
girls burden. In addition, Watta-Sattais very common and customary in the rural
areas.. This is the best and most effective way to secure and guarantee mutual
rights to each others families. However, in most cases a disagreement, separation,
or divorce between one pair affects the relationship of the other, which is
detrimental as it affects and creates multiple problems for the families. Middle and
working class families marry within their tribes. The elite, upper class, and
educated families sometimes do consider marriages outside their tribe.
Charsley (2007) stated that watta satta epitomized the dangers of the
double rishta. It carried dangers, running the risk of directe revenge being taken
on your daughter should your sonssmarriage run into difficulty. Watta satta
represented the point where the balance shifted in the risk s and benefits of close
kin marriage; where an attempt to reduce dangers by marrying close kin ended up
producing other equally serious risks. Rifts within the family were a hazard of all
unsuccessful consanguineous marriages, but in watta satta each side had the
potential to inflict a direct blow to the other s family honor and caused suffering
to a daughter of the other s house.
Mumtaz and Noshirwani (2007) stated that cousin marriages and watta
satta (exchange marriage where by one set of brother and sister are married to
another) marriages were designed to prevent break up of property as the size of
land and property was associated power and status.

Cheema (2008) pointed out that watta satta and cousin marriages were
designed to prevent break up of property. Aside from deprivation of right to
acquire and own property, women themselves were treated as as property.
Jafri (2008) Reported that these notions about a woman, particularly in
rural areas, make her role and status in the society very restricted. Thus, she is
expected to stay inside the house at most
Zaman (2008) Often the families of this agrarian community give priority
to exchange marriages of their young, leaving limited options for the avoidance of
family control, since social security concerns normally prevail. Main factors of
exchange marriage are particle, feudal system and Jirga.

Mobeen (2008) said that watta satta marriage ensures the protection of
economic and social power between both families do watta satta marriage. Family
life in Pakistan is such that when a daughter is wed, she must leave her fathers
house and move in with an utterly new family, i.e. the family of her husband. Now
this family may or may not welcome the newcomer with open arms, but what is
certain is that the family of the girl will always be at a disadvantage, in
comparison with the family of the son.
Mahendra (2009) claimed that there are different reasons of following this
custom. An old woman said that girls are considered burden on family because of
their marriage problems. Another woman stated that without Watta-Satta custom,
our girls would never get married whereas outside families demand dowry and it
saves them from dowry curse. In such situation both families give dowry
according to their capacity and do not write anything in the Nikah Nameexcept
Mehar. Otherwise, dowry is demanded or given on equal basis. It is done so that
the girls in laws could not quarrel and she lives with dignity and prestige if not,
they consider the girl bad character sand do violence. Therefore following the
custom, males sister also gets punishment so he thinks several times before doing
violence on his wife. One major reason of following the go for second marriage,

the other also and if not the relatives outcast him from the tribe. Consequently, the
woman comes back to parents or brothers home who take care of her. Custom is
property so that a stranger may not get share of his wifes inherited property. The
marriage under the custom is done with a notionorunderstanding that whenever
men like can marry again.
Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (2009) pointed out that Dowry has
also been used to let parents out of inheritance obligations; for example, if a father
has already paid dowry in marriage, he is not required to provide inheritance to his
daughter. It is major factor of watta satta marige mostly parent are unable to give
the to their daughter so the parents exchanged their daughters with the other
family having equal status Although a dowry can provide a financial starting
ground for married couples and protect women against the loss of their husbands,
it also implies that women are in need of this help or assistance from their families
and have no economic contribution of their own to make.
Nasreen(2009) talking about the legal front Asma advocates the
abolishment of the discriminatory laws against women such as the Hudood
ordinance and the jirga system. "The jirga system is based on cruelty where the
local sardars and feudal lords can pass verdicts which almost always have a
complementary clause ending or destroying the life of innocent women. So poor
people avoid the arrange marriage and love marriage, they preference to watta
watta marriage they do not like this discriminatory system of law.
United Nations (2009) pointed out that the exchange marriage is known as
Watta Satta where two families agree to marry each other girls. The reason behind
this practice is poverty, where both the families cannot afford to give dowry article
to their girls. Another cause of the exchange marriage is the wish of a father or
brother to marry a second wife at the cost his own minor daughter or sister.
Sania (2010) said that Pakistan is the prevalence of some horrific crimes
like watta satta marriages .However, what is not fully appreciated is the role that
many other systemic factors play in perpetuating these traditions of watta satta

marriage. Poverty, illiteracy, and social exclusion have a chicken and egg
relationship with organized vested interests, of which feudalism is a part, and
which promote state capture. A democratic dispensation should be able to break
through the strongholds of vested interest, but unfortunately it sometimes helps to
strengthen it.
NeshayNajam (2010) Found that a major thought is the young woman's
future inheritance rights over family property or assets. In Pakistan, feudal and
tribal customs say that property be kept in the family. It is not special for girls to
be married to a fatherly uncle or aunt's sons so that control over the land (jagir) is
weakened which would happen if a daughter married an outsider. Feudal do not
want their jagirs dismembered on every relation. . He also says that there are many
causes involving in watta satta marriage system like Tribalization of formal laws,
Brutalization of society, Awareness-one of the reasons, Economic Decline.
Amna (2010) postulated that in Pakistan, there are cultural institutions,
beliefs and practices that undermine women's autonomy and contribute to genderbased violence. Marriage practices candisadvantage women, especially when
customs such as dowry and bride's price, Watta Satta and marriage to the Quran a
custom in Sindh where girls remain unmarried like nuns to retain family property
in the family exist. In recent years dowry has become the expected part of
marriage. This increasing demand for dowry, both before and after marriage, can
escalate into harassment, physical violence and emotional abuse.
Saba (2010) told that Watta Satta marriage and Marriage to Quran are also
very critical issues and having no Islamic Basis. The woman is either forced to
marry off with brother's brother-in-law or to Quran just for the sake of property
issues and for the honor of their Families. Dowry is a specific amount of money or
other things that bride's family has to pay for marriage. Dowry custom has no
Islamic basis; Islam does not put any financial burden on father of a girl. The
practice of dowry among ignorant Muslims cause violence in society they live.
Due to this reason some people neglect girls and prefer boys women chose to

terminate their pregnancies when expecting daughters and carry when expecting
sons.
Dawn (2011) Reported that thepoor, rural parents are forced their
daughters for welfare and safeguards they want. As for women who may be forced
into exchange marriages by their parents for selfish reasons to protect land
holdings for their male. The barter of free will for a small benefit in welfare is
never a fair agreement. The tradition is planned both to exercise some control over
the money a girl takes out of her own family on marriage, and the amount that
comes in with her brothers bride. We can negotiate such matters equitably in
cases of such marriages, and avoid tensions over dowry and so on. In Pakistan, the
womans dowry is often a huge financial burden for families.
South Punjab News (2011) Reported whereas poor uneducated parents
may choose watta satta marriages for their children for economic reasons, the
landed rural gentry may also choose similar unions in order to maintain their land
holdings intact.
Rabia (2011)stated that major of watta satta marriage are armed conflict,
deepening poverty, violence against women, and lack of good governance. The
armed conflict in Pakistan has threatened the very survival of the state. Central to
the politics and ideology of the conflict is the role and status of women. In the
Khyber pakhtoonkhaw, the Taliban have enforced their version of Islamic law by
blowing up girls schools, forcing women to wear the veil, flogging and beheading
of women accused of immoral activities.
Mobarak (2011) described about the factors of watta satta marriage in
Bangladesh .he used difference-in-difference specifications to deed that protected
households became less likely to marry biological relatives. he try to understand
the structural changes that Led to this drop in consanguinity, and find that
liquidity-constrained households use within family marriage as a form of credit to
meet up-front dowry demands, and the wealth shock relaxed this need for taking
an adverse biological risk. Consanguinity carries health risks for offspring, but is

the special form of marriage in countries that host a billion people, and it is
therefore important to determine the socio-economic roots of the practice. So
people started watta satta marriage. He also explore other changes in the marriage
market following the wealth shock, including increased segregation by wealth and
the ability of protected households to command larger dowries, but there is no
change in age at marriage or spousal age gaps.

Staunton (2011)Told that watta satta and forced marriage are complex,
interrelatedand dependent on individual circumstances and context. Thepractice is
driven by factors that include gender inequality, poverty, negative traditional or
religious norms, weak enforcement of law, and the pressure caused by conflict and
natural disasters.
Juliette, Harvey et al. (2011) explained that the causes of watta satta and
forced marriage are complex, interrelated and dependent on individual
circumstances and context. The practice is driven by factors that include gender
inequality, poverty, negative traditional or religious norms, weak enforcement of
law, and the pressure caused by conflict and natural disasters and migration
support to the watta satta marriage. Mostly migratory perform these type of
marriages.