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The Power Motive, Power, and Fear of


Weakness
Victor Nell & D.J.W. Strumpfer
Published online: 10 Jun 2010.

To cite this article: Victor Nell & D.J.W. Strumpfer (1978) The Power Motive, Power, and Fear of
Weakness, Journal of Personality Assessment, 42:1, 56-62, DOI: 10.1207/s15327752jpa4201_8
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1207/s15327752jpa4201_8

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Journal of Personalit-v Assessmenr, 1978, 42, J

The Power Motive, n Power, and Fear of Weakness


VlCTOR N E L L and D. .I. W. S T R ~ M P F E R
University of Port Elizabeth
South Africa

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Summar,: Among 85 male undergraduates, h ~ g hneed for power as measured by the 1968
Winter scoring system is shown to I-elate to high drinking frequency @ < .01). high alcohol consumption ((,< .05). and taking the first drinkat age 16orless@< .05);to the Disinhibition("Sw1nger") factor on Zuckerman's Sensation Seeking Scale @ < .05): to poor academic performance
(/, < .05); and to generate a regrewon equation with the California Psychological Inventory
that suggests qualities of personal disorderliness and intellectual aggression. These findings.
considered in terms of power motive theory, are seen as replicating earlier elidence that h ~ g h
n Power is maladaptie. voyeuristic and power avoidant.

The power motive is one of the three


principal fantasy-based motive measures (achievement, affiliation and power
motives; Atkinson, 1958) developed by
McClelland and his co-workers in the
1950s. Though both Veroff (1958) and
Winter (1973) formulated their measures
of the power motive in terms of social
forcefulness and leadership, the action
correlates of high need for power (n
Power) remained unclear. The numerous studies Winter reviews to support the
proposition that "persons with high need
for power would more often seek and
occupy positions of high social power"
(Winter, 1973, p. 38) are counterbalanced
by many others (Veroff & Veroff. 197 1 )
indicating that
power motivation occurs in status groups
that are concerned about their weakness;
. ..is correlated with positive social performance and adjustment when the power demands are not publicly salient;...and can
lead to avoidance of the power situation,
including self-destruction. (p.59).
Also see Veroff and Feld (1970. especially p. 283; Veroff & Veroff, 1972).
This paper attempts, in the light of current theory, to resolve some of these difficulties by distinguishing between the
power motive and n Power, and then
by defining some of the anomalies in
the n Power scoring systems. It presents
new findings on the link between n Power
and fear of weakness and suggests that
maladaptive need for power is reinforced by inputs from the mass communication media.

Although the terms "power motive"


and "need tor power" are used in the
literature as interchangeable synonyms.
they are not equivalent. Implicit in the
most recent study (McClelland, 1975) is
the suggestion that the power motive is
a universal human attribute expressed
in one of four modalities at each of four
different levels of maturity. Need for
power, on the other hand, as measured
by the content analysis of fantasy protocols, is biased towards the self-expressive modalities of assertive power (McClelland, 1975, p. 41). Need for power
should therefore be seen as only one
expression of the power motive. rather
than as co-extensive with it.
The tension between "high social
power" and "concern with weakness"
and indeed between the power motive
and n Power--may be traced to anomalies in all three need for power scoring
systems (Veroff, 1958; Winter. 1973; Note
1) which, despite claims to the contrary.
produce almost identical scores (Nell.
1975). These anomalies relate to four
broad areas. Both the Veroff and Winter
manuals make it clear the "power" they
refer to is phenomenal power in the real
world of people and events. Yet the construct validit?. of their measure is not
tested against external criterion groups
rated as (or seen to be) high on the motive as defined. Moreover. Winter's requirement that a series of arousal procedures be used, "each sampling the
broad domain of power in a slightly different way" (1973, p. 39), has not been
met: Indeed. the arousal procedures

VICTOR NELL and D. J. W. S T R U M P F E R

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used by Veroff and by Winter to develop


power-sensitive scoring systems have
been widely criticised (Minton, 1967;
Uleman, 1972; Veroff & Veroff, 197 1,
1972). Thirdly, the content analysis procedures laid down by the scoring manuals fail to distinguish between hero
and victim (Skolnick, 1966b, p. 39 I), and
between latent and manifest power
(Minton, 1967); and they admit "psychologically irrelevant" material (Murray, 1943, p. 14) for scoring, thus further
confounding the complex relations between fantasv ~ r o d u c t sand behavior
Skolnick, 1966a).
Finallv,
- bv- tracing the origins of the
scoring manuals t o - ~ u r r a v ' i Explorations & Personality (1938),-from which
they derive their nomenclature and working hypotheses, certain contradictions
inherent in the n Power measure may be
demonstrated. Though Murray assigned
discrete status to the needs for achievement and affiliation, power is not separately named and described. Almost the
entire content of n Power in the Veroff
and the Winter manuals derives from a
cluster offive needs set out as two pairs of
opposites (Dominance and Deference;
Aggression and Abasement) on either side
of Autonomy (Murray, 1938, Chap. 3).
Some attributes of Murray's n Dominance,
which may readily be traced in both the
Winter and Veroff scoring systems, are:
t o control one's human environment; t o
influence or direct others by suggestion,
seduction, persuasion or command; and
to convince others of the rightness of one's
opinion. Futher power imagery catagories derive from Murray's n Aggression,
n Sex and n Exhibition. But the traits
which are semantically -and behaviorally -opposed to Dominance and Aggression also supply some power imagery criteria: n Deference (to admire and support
a superior, to yield eagerly t o influence,
to hero-worship, elect to high office) besides forming part of Winter's Category 1
power imagery (strong, forceful actions)
also parallels Category 2 (arousing strong
emotions); n Abasement (to submit passively, t o admit inferiority, error or defeat) parallels Category 3 power imagery
(concern for reputation or position).

57

The cumulative effect of these anomalies has not been t o vitiate the n Power
measure entirely, but t o render it almost
exclusively sensitive to the fantasy component of power -that despondent striving, peculiar to the ineffectual, for impact
and influence, which nervously shies away
from the actual exercise of control or aggression. Recent studies have demonstrated two separate components in the
power motive termed either "personalized" and "socialized" power (McClelland,
Davis, Kalin, & Wanner, 1972) or "hope
of power" and "fear of power" (Winter,
1973). McClelland et al. (1972) havedemonstrated an important link between lowinhibition, personalized power and heavy
drinking (see Klebanoff, 1947, for an early
indication of the alcohol-power fantasy
link). However, even the unfractionated
measure of power has been shown (Winter, 1973, p. 81) t o predict the behaviors
associated with "hope of power."One of
the aims of the present study was to show
that this unfractionated measure, despite
its overt associations with dominance and
influence, is an indicator of behavior that
is personally, socially and academically
maladaptive, power avoidant and voyeuristic.
Method
Subjects
The subjects were 85 English-speaking
male undergraduates (mean age 19.2 years,
SD = 1.2), a subgroup of all first-year
students participating in a compulsory
orientation program conducted by the
University of Port Elizabeth in the week
before commencement. Femalesand Afrikaans speakers were excluded from t he
present study because of the difficulties
associated with the interpretation of female fantasy protocols (McClelland,
1966; Veroff, Atkinson, Feld, & Gurin,
1960), and value and attitude differences
between English and Afrikaans speakers
(e.g. Morse & Orpen, 1975).

Procedure
A six-item test battery was administered in the following sequence: biographical questionnaire; picture story test for
the power motive; Protestant Ethic Scale
(Mirels & Garrett, 1971); Sensation Seek-

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58

Power Motive, n Pok'er, and Fear yf Weakness

ing Scale (Zuckerman, 1971); Child Report of Parent Behavior Inventory (Schaefer,
1965); and the California Psychological
Inventory (CPI) (Gough, 1957).The first
five items were administered during a twohour morning session and the CPI on the
afternoon of the same day. All subjects
completed the tests except for eight incomplete CPI, seven Parent Behavior Inventory and four Sensation Seeking Scale
protocols.
In 1975, an average academic score was
computed for each subject based on final
examination results calculated separately
for the subjects' first and third years of
study (1972 and 1974); the normal study
period for a South African bachelor degree is three years. Students who did not
write examinations in either 1972 or 1974
were assigned a zero grade for that year.
The biographical questionnaire was
compiled to elicit information in areas
which, according to the literature, were
relevant to the need for power - drinking habits, sport and committee activity,
and reading habitc
The picture story test consisted of seven
pictures presented in the followingsequence:
1. Conference group with seven men around
table (83); 2. Four soldiers in battle gear;
3. Lawyer's office, two men talking (5);
4. Ship's captain at wheel talking to man
In suit; 5. Man and woman in resturant,
violin player behind them; 6. Father and
children seated at breakfast table (102);
7. Mad scientist examining test tube by
the light of a candle.
The numbers in brackets refer to the
listing of sources in Atkinson (1958, App. 3),
while pictures 2,4,5, and 7 are described
in Winter (1973, Note I ) . The originals of
2 , 4 , and 5 were unobtainable at the time
of testing and a skilled graphic artist was
commissioned to draw pictures matching the descriptions in the Winter practice materials. Of these substitutes (available on request), Picture 2 had near zero
cue value and was not scored, while pictures 4 and 5 functioned well, eliciting
52.9% and 30.6% power imagery respectively. Mean power imagery for the SIX
pictures scored was 42% ( S D = 10.46).
The instructions to subjects were adapted
from Atkinson (1958, p. 48), and scoring
was carried out by the first author, who

met the criteria for reliability in Feld &


Smith (1958). Two n Power scores were
computed for each subject: imagery only,
by counting one for each protocol that
was scored for power imagery, regardless
of subcategory scoring; and total score,
by summing imagery and subcategories
on each protocol. The first of these scores
(i.e. disregarding subcategories) correlated highly with the total scores and had
a slightly higher split-half reliability; it
was therefore used in all subsequent computations.
Although the experimental design
called for administration of the test to subjects whose power motivation had not
been experimentally aroused, it isdoubtful whether a non-aroused state exists in
relation to thematic apperception because
of this method's notorious sensitivity to
environmental cues and mood fluctuations. In the present study, subjects'concerns at the time of testing were clearly
reflected in protocol content, notably concern with academic success standards,
with a n emphasis on social rather than
autonomous achievement values (Striimpfer, 1975); and anxiety at being away from
home (44% of subjects were living in oncampus hostels or in lodgings). Accordingly, the Mad Scientist (Picture 7) was
respectfully described as a professor or a
cancer researcher whose work would be
of great significance to humanity. Similarly, in protocols to Picture 4 (Ship's Cap
tain), the student-passengers frequently
sought reassurance from the helmsman.
asking him if the boat was off course and
if it would survive the coming storm.
Others tried to persuade the helmsman
to turn back because they were on the
wrong boat o r had forgotten their identity documents ashore. The emphasis on
good luck and on being in the hands ofunknown authority figures both underscore
the significance of Rotter's external locus
of control dimension in power-cued protocols (Rotter, 1966).

Results
Significant relationships were found
between n Power scores and items on the
biographical questionnaire. CPI and Sensation Seeking Scale. and with the 1972

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VICTOR NELL and D. J. W. S T R ~ ~ M P F E R


average academic score. None were found
with the Protestant Ethic Scale, Parent
Behavior Inventory or 1974 average academic score.
On the biographical questionnaire, n
Power means were significantly higher
(df= 84 in all instances) for subjects with
highdrinkingfrequency (t = 2.849,pc .0 I),
high alcohol consumption per session
(t = 2.603, p < .05) and for subjects who
had taken their first drinkat age 16or less
rather than at a later age, or who did not
recall their starting age (Ullman, 1952)
( t = 2.234,p< .05). Forbothdrinkingfrequency and quantity the cut-off points
used in computation o f t were selected a
priori. For frequency, it fell between once
a week or more often and once a month
or less often; and for quantity consumed
per session, the cut-off was between three
or more drinks per session and one or less.
Contrary to Winter's findings (1973), no
significant differences in mean n Power
scores were found for subjects whose
mothers had more years of education than
their fathers; for the number of sports
played, frequency of playing, or type of
sport (loner, team, or exhibitionist); nor
with the number of nonfiction books or
of novels that subjects read.
Pearson correlations (df= 75 in all instances) between CPIscalesandn Power
were significant for Flexibility (r = .30,
p < .01), Self-control (r = -.29,p < .01),
and Well-Being (r = -.26,p < .05). Good
Impression ( r = -. 19) and Communality
(r = -.21) correlated at p < .lo. Gough
argues that "a yield of low-magnitude relationships is frequently encountered with
criteria not bearing a one-to-one relationship to any single scale of the inventory" (1968b, p. 23). To select the optimum subset of CPI scales for identifying
subjects high on n Power, a multiplestepwise regression analysis (following Gough,
1968a; 1968b; 1969) was carried out and
the following equation, restricted to the
best five variables, was computed:
n Power = 7.022 + .068 Flexibility - .089
Self-Control+ ,136 Tolerance - .074 intellectual Efficiency - ,105 Communality.
The constant of 7.022 is such that thecomputed CPI scale values for an array of subjects will tend to converge on that group's

mean n Power score. Inserting the sample mean values for the given five CPI
scales in the above equation yields a value
of 2.469, slightly higher than the true n
Power mean of 2.455, but within acceptable limits for a five term regression on
an 18-item matrix.
The equation's direction of weighting
favors Tolerance and Flexibility, disfavoring Communality, Self-control and
lntellectual Efficiency. Reference to the
adjective pools which Gough(1957; 1968b)
has assembled for high and low scorers
on the CPI scales allows the followingimpressionistic resume of high scorers on
the regression equation: adventurous, with
broad and varied interests; informal and
lacking in self-discipline, impulsive, and
disorderly; intellectually able, clear-thinking and insightful, but also aggressive,
assertive, shrewd, deceitful, and cynical,
overemphasizing personal pleasure and
self-gain. These adjectives appear to relate to dimensions of personal disorderliness and of intellectual aggression. The
picture that emerges is of an intellectually
gifted and emotionally rich person at war
with himself, with insight turned to guile
and assertiveness to cynical selfishness.
The portrayal is supported by drawing a
CPI profile of the mean scale scores of the
seven subjects in the 90th centile of the
power score distribution. The profile peaks
on Self Acceptance, Social Presence and
Flexibility, and reaches its lowest point
on Responsibility; it is depressed across
all the measures of socialization, maturity and responsibility (Gough's Class I1
measures). In this context, it should also
be noted that the power motive does not
relate to the CPI leadership index developed by Gough (1969).
On the Sensation Seeking Scale, n
Power correlated significantly with the
Disinhibition factor, r (79) = .24,p < .05.
Zuckerman terms this the"Swinger"factor, expressing the hedonistic"P1ayboy"
philosophy of "heavy social drinking, variety in sexual partners, wild parties and
gambling" (Zuckerman, 1971, p. 47).
Need for power related to averageacademic score at the end of the first year of
study, yielding significant negative correlations for all faculties combined, r (8 1)

60

Power Motive, n Power, a n d Fear qf Weakness

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= -.23. p < .05. and for students of commerce, r (1 9) = -.53, p < .02. Relations

for other faculties (general humanities.


law, science, and engineering) were nonsignificant though all negative. None of
the relations between n Power and average academic score in the final year of study
were significant.
Discussion
The CPI characterisation of n Power
as conflicted and undersocialized, and
its relation to poor academic performance, tend to support the view that the
power motive should be seen as concern
with weakness. Moreover, thefinding by
McClelland et al. (1972) that Winter's "stud
behaviors" (exploitive sex, prestige possessions, gambling, fast driving and vicarious experience e s p e c i a l l y through
reading erotic "girlie" magazines) are identified with low-inhibition power, is supported in the present study both by the
link between n Power and drinking frequency, quantity and early starting age;
and by the relationship betweenn Power
and the Sensation Seeking Scale's Disinhibition factor, whichincorporates most
of the stud behaviors. Indeed, these ostensibly assertive and virile activities may
be more correctly conceptualized as voyeuristic, that is, low-risk activities with a high
stimulus value.
The foregoing findings on n Power furnish a striking parallel with the "Don Juan
modality" first described by Winter (1973).
and later characterized by McClelland in
the following terms: "He brags, lies, deceives, tricks, disguises himself, seduces
women and murders rivalsW(1975,p. 20).
The present findings are also consistent
with McClelland's recent conclusion
(1975, p. 37) that among college freshmen, the modal expression of power is at
the early (Stage 11) maturity level at which
the source of power is found in the selfand
the individual satisfies his need to feel
stronger through prestige possessions or
by better control over his body; at this
stage, men reject institutional responsibility, control anger and spend more time
with the opposite sex at parties.
Conclusions
Despite the shortcomings of the fantasy-

based method, arbitrary scoring and inadequate validation, the Veroff-Winter


measure of n Power consistently predicts
a coherent behavior-cluster
even in
the present culturally distinct sample of
South African undergraduates. Among
these behaviors are violence, assertiveness and deceit, which aregoal-effective
in fantasy, but maladaptive in real life.
producing the extensively documented
approach-avoidance conflict characteristic of the power motivated (McClelland
et al., 1972; Skolnick, 1966a; Veroff &
Feld, 1970; Veroff & Veroff, 1972; Winter, 1972). Its barroom symbol is the
clenched fist of anger raised against an
adversary who has already walked out of
the door.
It might prove fruitful to speculate that
the cultural antecedents of this widespread
and behaviorally coherent pattern are to
be sought in the ubiquitous inputs of the
mass communication media. Clearly. the
values central to the need for power are
mediated by the news and entertainment
media: that violence is masculine and problem-solving, that casual sex is more fun
than commitment, that impact and acclaim are more valuable than constancy
and responsibility, that dull reality falls
short of the gee-whiz newsmaker's world
of ephemera (Boorstin, 1964). Because
the power scoring manual is a way of life
for journalists (they offer unsolicited help
and advice, persuade and regulate others,
arouse strong emotions, and are highly
concerned with reputation and position)
it may be hypothesized that journalists'
power fantasies (cf. Pool & Shulman,
1959; Talese, 1970), projected through
the mass media, shape the fantasy life of
susceptible others towards a n internalization of power motive valuesand action
patterns through a process that might be
termed media motivation. An important
effect of the mass media may thus lie in
the formation of authoritative (though
maladaptive) value systems. At thesame
time, the media-created folklore of power
supports the prestige-possessions industries (i.e. those that make cuff links or
motor cars whose form and price are unrelated to their function, but say of their
owner: "See who I am: I amsomebody");
and supports the alcohol-and-girlie
--

VICTOR NELL and D. J. W. STRUMPFER


branch of the entertainment industry,
which in its bars, brothels, cabarets, and
casinos links the fantasy-rich worlds of
alcohol, sex, and gambling.
Reference Note
1 . Winter, D. G. A revised scoring .sj~stemjorrhe
need,forpowr. Unpublished manuscript, Wesleyan University. 1968.

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197 1.36. 45-52.
South .Af'r~ca

Downloaded by [ECU Libraries] at 07:47 05 August 2015

Received: January 5. 1977


Revised: M a v 7. 1977

of Weakness

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