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CULTURAL PERFORMANCE AND ORGANIZATIONAL TRANSFORMATION: A CASE

STUDY OF THE UTAH STATE UNIVERSITY FOOTBALL PROGRAM


_____________________________________________
A Thesis
Presented to the Faculty in Communication and Leadership Studies
School of Professional Studies
Gonzaga University
_____________________________________________
Under the Supervision of Professor Nobuya Inagaki
Under the Mentorship of Dr. Pavel Shlossberg
____________________________________________
In Partial Fulfillment
Of the requirements for the Degree
Master of Arts in Communication and Leadership Studies
___________________________________________
By
Marques Chavez
December 2013

Abstract
Methods of communication are often a significant reason for achieving organizational
transformation. The primary aim of this study is to explain a case of organizational
transformation by examining the cultural performances of organizational membersparticularly
the performance of ritual. The Utah State University football program served as the case study
while qualitative interviews and narrative research provided the methodology for gathering and
analyzing data. Communication expressed in the performance of ritual significantly contributed
to fostering an environment of unity and trust within the organization which, in turn, spurred
transformation. While rituals were key to fostering this environment, true sincerity from
leadership was also necessary to ensure the rituals were effective. The data offered is also
evidence that personal identity can be shaped by the organizational experience.

Table of Contents
CHAPTER1: INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................... 1
Importance of Study ........................................................................................................................ 1
Statement of Purpose ...................................................................................................................... 2
Definition of Terms Used ............................................................................................................... 2
Organization of Following Chapters ............................................................................................... 3
CHAPTER 2: REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE ......................................................................... 5
Philosophical Assumptions ............................................................................................................. 5
Theoretical Basis ............................................................................................................................. 5
The Literature.................................................................................................................................. 8
Ritual ......................................................................................................................................... 10
Personal Rituals ..................................................................................................................... 11
Task Rituals ........................................................................................................................... 11
Social Rituals ......................................................................................................................... 11
Organizational Rituals ........................................................................................................... 12
Enculteration ............................................................................................................................. 12
Sociality ..................................................................................................................................... 13
Politics ....................................................................................................................................... 13
Passion ....................................................................................................................................... 14
Leaders, Cultural Approach, and Organizational Change ............................................................ 15
Rationale ....................................................................................................................................... 17
Research Questions ....................................................................................................................... 18
CHAPTER 3: SCOPE AND METHODOLOGY ......................................................................... 19
Scope of the Project ...................................................................................................................... 19
Methodology ................................................................................................................................. 19
Sampling.................................................................................................................................... 19
Qualitative Interviews: A Component of Ethnography ............................................................. 20
Interview Questions................................................................................................................... 22
Data Analysis ................................................................................................................................ 23
Ethical Considerations .................................................................................................................. 24
CHAPTER 4: THE STUDY ......................................................................................................... 26
Introduction ................................................................................................................................... 26
Results of the Study: The Rituals.................................................................................................. 27
Organizational Ritual ................................................................................................................ 27
Weekly Meetings and Setting Goals ..................................................................................... 27
Big Brother Program ............................................................................................................. 30
Champions Meeting............................................................................................................... 32
Task Ritual ................................................................................................................................ 33
Player-Run Practices ............................................................................................................. 33
Social Ritual .............................................................................................................................. 34
Community Car ..................................................................................................................... 34
Analysis......................................................................................................................................... 35

The Narratives ........................................................................................................................... 35


Players Make Plays. Players Win Games .............................................................................. 36
Mentors in Life ...................................................................................................................... 37
100 Percent Effort 100 Percent of the Time .......................................................................... 38
Discussion ..................................................................................................................................... 39
CHAPTER 5: SUMMARIES AND CONCLUSIONS ................................................................. 42
Limitations of the Study................................................................................................................ 42
Recommendations for Further Study ............................................................................................ 43
Conclusion .................................................................................................................................... 44
REFERENCES ............................................................................................................................. 46

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CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION
Importance of the Study
Communication can serve as a significant catalyst for organizational change and this
study examines that conceptspecifically the role cultural performances play in transformation.
It employs Michael Pacanowskys theory of cultural approach to organizations as the basis for
exploring organizational transformation. Pacanowsky and ODonnell-Trujillo (1982) explained
that cultural performances are methods of expressed communication that reveal identity both of
the individual and the organization (p. 3). Ritual is listed as one of five specific cultural
performances by Pacanowsky and ODonnell-Trujillo. The transformation the Utah State
University (USU) football program over the last five years is the case study for exploring the role
ritual can have in organizational change.
In 2008, the USU football program was named the worst Football Bowl Subdivision
(FBS) program in the country (Sports Illustrated, 2008). It had been a failing program for nearly
50 years having secured only two bowl game appearances since 1962. However, over the last
five seasons, USU has experienced a dramatic turnaround by qualifying for three straight bowl
games, winning a division title, and winning an outright conference title.
This study examines the turnaround from a communications perspective and the results
will offer an explanation as to the role communication plays in organizational transformation.
The study identifies the rituals and narratives employed by USU coaches that spurred the
transformation of the football program. It argues that the institutional rituals incorporated by the
new coaching staff starting in 2008 not only played a significant factor in the recent success of
the USU football program, they also helped in shaping the identity of the organization and its
members.

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The study also examines the narratives that developed as a result of the rituals. The
discussion regarding ritual, communication, and the shaping of personal and organizational
identity can serve as context for other organizational leaders looking to encourage
transformation. The communication concepts identified as fostering organization transformation
are proven to be incredibly versatile and can be effective in nearly every organizational setting.
Statement of the Purpose
Defining how communication ushers in transformation can be difficult. This study looks
to explain how and why communication spurs organizational transformation by isolating the
institutional rituals implemented by leaders and members. The study will attempt to answer the
following questions: how did the cultural performance of ritual contribute to the transformation
the USU football program? What narratives were revealed as a result of the rituals instituted in
the program?
Definition of Terms Used
Cultural Approach: A theory of communication claiming that organizational culture is revealed
through communication, specifically cultural performances (Pacanowsky & ODonnell-Trujillo,
1982).
Cultural Performance: Methods of expressed communication that reveal the culture of the
organization (Pacanowsky & ODonnell-Trujillo, 1982, p. 3). There are five distinct cultural
performances: ritual, enculturation, passion, sociality, and politics (Pacanowsky & ODonnellTrujillo, 1982).
Ritual: A repeated cultural performance that helps members of the organization earn and build a
reputation, learn the ropes of the organization, identify a members status, and reveals the
features of an organization (Pacanowsky & ODonnell-Trujillo, 1982, p. 15).

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Personal Ritual: The unique way of doing things for individual organizational members that also
has social significance (Pacanowsky & ODonnell-Trujillo, 1982, p. 16).
Task Ritual: Day-to-day routines people perform to call themselves members of an organization
(Pacanowsky & ODonnell-Trujillo, 1982, p. 18).
Social Rituals: Acts that serve as a function of identifying membership status in a group or
organization (Pacanowsky & ODonnell-Trujillo, 1982, p. 19).
Organizational Ritual: Organizational routines that articulate multiple aspects of the organization
and reveal the global features of the organizational culture (Pacanowsky & ODonnell-Trujillo,
1982, p. 20).
Enculteration: A cultural performance that refers to the processes by which organizational
members acquire the social knowledge and skills necessary to behave as competent members
(Pacanowsky & ODonnell-Trujillo, 1982, pp. 32-33).
Narratives: Symbolic actions that have sequence and meaning for those who live, create, or
interpret them (Fisher, 1984, p. 2).
Organization of Following Chapters
This study is organized into five chapters with the first being an introduction to the study,
the research questions, and an overview of the approach of the study. The second chapter is a
review of the literature starting with Pacanowskys communication theory of cultural approach to
organizations. Chapter two will also examine other studies that used cultural and relational
concepts to help foster an environment for organizational transformation. Chapter three is a
review of the scope and methodology of the study with an explanation of the qualitative methods
that were employed for gathering data as well as the use of narrative research as a process for
data analysis. The fourth chapter is the presentation of the study, the identification of the rituals,

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analysis of the data, and the discussion of the implications the data presents. Chapter five is an
explanation of the limitations of the study, recommendations for future research, as well as
concluding observations of the study.

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CHAPTER 2: REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE
Philosophical Assumptions
Ontology is an explicit specification of a conceptualization (Gruber, 1993, p. 199). A
conceptualization refers to an abstract model of how people think about things in the world,
usually restricted to a particular subject area (Gruninger & Lee, 2002, p. 39). It is the concept of
how a person or subject views reality.
This study focuses on the role cultural performances play in organizational change.
Cultural performance refers to the theatricality of performance and the process of bringing about
completion (Pacanowsky & ODonnell-Trujillo, 1982, p. 5). The execution of cultural
performances forms the ontological construction of organizational reality for both the observer
and the participants in the performance (Pacanowsky & ODonnell-Trujillo, 1982, p. 5). What
one person perceives as reality, and the reasons for that reality, may not be the same to
everybody else in the organization. This study assumes that reality is indeed subjective and the
organizational leader that is best able to articulate a focused vision, execute and reinforce that
vision through cultural performance, and have organizational members come to a consensus of
reality will be effective in instituting organizational change.
Theoretical Basis
As stated previously, this study is based primarily on Pacanowskys theory of cultural
approach to organizationsthat it is through communication that the culture and identity of both
the organization and the individual is revealed. More specifically, the study is an examination of
the cultural performance of ritual and how this performance serves as an agent of organizational
transformation. The study identifies rituals that were implemented by both leadership and

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organizational members to spur transformation in an organization that had achieved little success
over several decades.
Explaining organizational culture through cultural performance has its roots in
anthropology. Clifford Geertz (1973) was an anthropologist who identified culture as "webs of
significance that man himself has spun (p. 5). Pacanowskys communication theory of cultural
approach to organizations builds upon the work of Geertz. Pacanowsky and ODonnell-Trujillo
(1982) explained that we should not only be concerned about these webs, but the process of how
the webs are spun (p. 4). An organizations culture is the collection of values shared by people in
an organization that control the way they interact with each other and with stakeholders
(Appelbaum, Mitraud, Gailleur, Gerbasi, Iacovella & Ivanova, 2011, p. 24). The shared values
that constitute the web referenced by Pacanowsky are expressed through the process of
communication, which give an insight to the organization's culture (Meyer, 1995, p. 210). Not
only is communication the process of how culture is developed, it is the process by which culture
is revealed.
Edgar Schein (1983) argued that organizational culture is a pattern of basic assumptions
that a group has developed to cope with its problems of external adaptation and internal
integration (p. 14). The formation of the organizational culture follows a fairly basic pattern.
When a group faces a problem, a member proposes a solution and if the group views that
solution as effective, it is adopted (Schein, 1983, p. 21). As the proposed solutions are accepted
and considered valid, they are viewed as the correct way to perceive, think, and feel; and are
taught to newcomers to the organization (Schein, 1983, p. 14). This description is relevant to the
work of Pacanowsky because the shared assumptions and solutions described by Scheinor the

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cultural performances as described by Pacanowskyoffer an insight to the culture and the
identity of the organization and its members.
One of the unique assertions made by Pacanowsky (1982) is that we could as easily
concentrate on the organizational identities people develop as a consequence of their
organizational experience (p. 31). He argued that personal identities are a consequence of
organizational experiencethat the organization makes products of its personnel (Pacanowsky,
1982, pp. 19-20).
This concept fits with the theory of transformational leadership. Transformational
leadership results in both the leader and follower raising one another to higher levels of
motivation and morality (Burns, 1978, p. 20). This means that both the leader and the follower
transform together. As transformational leadership within an organization occurs, so does the
transformation of both the organization and the individuals. Burns explanation offers support to
Pacanowskys assertion that identities are shaped through organizational experiences.
Pacanowsky (1982) further offered:
We need to recognize that when people work, and when they talk at work and about
work, they are doing more than getting a job done, or greasing the social machinery to get
a job done. They are, in addition, presenting themselves as people with particular
organizationally-produced identities, and this presentation of organizational self occurs as
they locate themselves through their talk in particular relation to their work, to their
coworkers, to their communities, and to themselves as people. (p. 20)
The bond between the organization and its individual members has significantly more
meaning than the superfluous obligation of completing tasks required for membership. Because
of this stronger correlation, individual identity, as revealed through cultural performances,

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reveals the wants, desires, frustrations, and other emotions of both the leaders and subordinates
of an organization. Personal identity being shaped by organizational experience means the
members of the organization are personally invested in the organization far more than they may
actually realize. Cultural performances reveal what values the organization and its members hold
as priority. What follows is a review of the literature that examines Pacanowskys theory of
cultural approach to organizations by identifying and defining the different components of the
theory.
The Literature
Those who ascribe to cultural approach to organizations believe that organizations do not
have a culture, they are the cultureand that culture is revealed through communication
(Pacanowsky & ODonnell-Trujillo, 1982; Trujillo, 1992; Schein, 1983). These acts of
communication can also be viewed as symbols. Communication is the construction of signs in
use (Rothenbuhler, 2006, p. 18). In their work on organizational symbolism, Dandridge, Mitroff
and Joyce (1980) explained that symbolism expresses the underlying character, ideology, or
value system of an organization (p. 77). The symbolism actually reveals the members
unconscious feelings, images, and values (Dandridge et al., 1980, p. 77). In his study, Meyer
(2005) concluded that isolating narratives from organization members' accounts of their work
lives, and categorizing narratives by major theme, led to an understanding of the values most
often stressed by members (p. 220). The literature relays the theme that it is through an
organizational members communication that identityof both the member and the
organizationis revealed. The different methods of communication that are expressed to reveal
identity are what Pacanowsky and ODonnell-Trujillo (1982) described as cultural performance
(p. 3).

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Cultural performance allows us to more fully exploit our understanding of
communication as a process and culture as a social construction continually re-constructed
(Pacanowsky & ODonnell-Trujillo, 1982, p. 3). The communication among organizational
members can be likened to a performance between different actors on a stage (Pacanowsky &
ODonnell-Trujillo, 1982, p. 7). The person who observes communication among organizational
members, much like an observer of a play on stage, is given a window into the culture of that
organization. It must be understood, however, that the term performance does not equate to an
act or ruse. These actions are not inauthentic nor superficial; they are the very things which
bring to completion a sense of reality (Pacanowsky & ODonnell-Trujillo, 1982, p. 8).
As stated previously in this chapter, there are two meanings to performance that help
clarify this designation. The first meaning refers to the theatricality of performance; and the
second meaning refers to the process of bringing about completion (Pacanowsky & ODonnellTrujillo, 1982, p. 5). These two streams of thought come together for us as we conceive of
performances as those situationally relative and variable interactions by which organizational
members construct organizational reality (Pacanowsky & ODonnell-Trujillo, 1982, p. 5).
Pacanowsky and ODonnell-Trujillo argued that cultural performances reveal the actors reality,
or what they have constructed as reality. This concept infers that reality can be a subjective
experience. What is reality to one member of the organization may not be reality for another.
Through cultural performance, a true understanding of the organizational members ontological
perspective is gained.
Cultural performances are interactional, contextual, episodic, and improvisational
(Pacanowsky & ODonnell-Trujillo, 1982). They are interactional because they are not
soliloquies but dialogues requiring more than one person. They are contextual in the sense that

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they are embedded in organizational history and make sense of what is disclosed in the
performances (Pacanowsky & ODonnell-Trujillo, 1982, p. 11). Performances are also distinct
events easily able to identify; and in what distinctly separates them from theatrical productions is
the fact that organizational members, unlike actors' lines, are not tightly scripted (Pacanowsky
& ODonnell-Trujillo, 1982, pp. 9-13). Although some performances may be structured and the
actors may have general expectations about what others might say, they never know with exact
certainty what the upcoming lines of those actors might be (Pacanowsky & ODonnell-Trujillo,
1982, p. 14).
Schein (1996b) asserted that behavior alone cannot be used to decipher culture because
situational contingencies will make the members of the organization behave in a manner that is
inconsistent with their deeper values and assumptions (p. 11). The key for the observer, then, is
to understand the different types of cultural performances in order to determine what they
actually mean. Pacanowsky and ODonnell-Trujillo (1982) described five distinct cultural
performances: ritual, enculturation, passion, sociality, and politics (p. 16). An explanation of
each performance follows but given that this study focuses primarily on ritual, a more detailed
explanation of each component of that performance will be offered.
Ritual
Organizational culture is constituted in the various rituals regularly performed by
members of the organization (Pacanowsky & ODonnell-Trujillo, 1982, p. 16). Nearly all
communicationincluding greeting, parting, and boundary maintenancehas ritualistic
function and character (Rothenbuhler, 2006, p. 15). These rituals help the members of the
organization earn and build a reputation, learn the ropes of the organization, identify a members
status, and reveal the features of an organization (Pacanowsky & ODonnell-Trujillo, 1982).

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Rituals are a deliberate form of communication executed in a performance. There are four
different types of rituals: personal, tasking, social, and organizational.
Personal rituals. Organizational members develop their own unique ways of doing
things, and these unique ways become endowed with a social significance that elevates them to
the status of personal ritual (Pacanowsky & ODonnell-Trujillo, 1982, p. 16). These
trademark performances not only reveal organizational identity, they also serve as personality
displays that orient others of the persons identity (Pacanowsky & ODonnell-Trujillo, 1982, p.
16). For example, how a leader manages meetingsconfrontational, inviting, encouraging of
open conversation, etc.is a revealing personal ritual. They are critical incidents which we
draw on when we talk about and make sense of particular organizational member (Pacanowsky
& ODonnell-Trujillo, 1982, p. 17).
Task rituals. Task rituals are those day-to-day routines members perform to call
themselves members of the organization (Pacanowsky & ODonnell-Trujillo, 1982, p. 18). These
tasks are usually assigned by supervisors in the beginning but as organizational members learn
the ropes, the tasks are adapted (Pacanowsky & ODonnell-Trujillo, 1982, p. 18). Cultural
approach to organizations suggests that the significance of these tasks transcends the managerial
notions of productivity (Pacanowsky & ODonnell-Trujillo, 1982, p. 18).
Social rituals. Social rituals can serve as a function of identifying membership status in a
group or organization (Pacanowsky & ODonnell-Trujillo, 1982, p. 19). Social rituals may
include weekly happy hour gatherings, individuals eating lunch together on a regular basis, or
practical jokes being played among co-workers. Participating in these social rituals displays the
unity or oneness of a group (Pacanowsky & ODonnell-Trujillo, 1982, p. 19).

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Organizational rituals. Organizational rituals may include the company picnic,
Christmas party, or regularly-scheduled department meetings. They articulate multiple aspects of
the organization and reveal the global features of the organizational culture (Pacanowsky &
ODonnell-Trujillo, 1982, p. 20). While the original intent of the ritual is revealing, so, too, is
the actual execution of the performance of organizational rituals.
Enculteration
A performance that is similar to ritual is enculturation, which refers to those processes
by which organizational members acquire the social knowledge and skills necessary to behave as
competent members (Pacanowsky & ODonnell-Trujillo, 1982, pp. 32-33). This is the learning
process for newcomers, although it does also continue throughout the career of the member of
the organization (Pacanowsky & ODonnell-Trujillo, 1982, p. 32). There are two specific aspects
of enculturation: learning the ropes and learning the roles. While learning the ropes refers to
teaching a newcomer how things are done in the organization; learning the roles teaches the
newcomer his place in the organization (Pacanowsky & ODonnell-Trujillo, 1982, p. 32). As the
culture of the organization changes, so does the performance of enculturation. For example, if an
organization has implemented standards to help increase production, in all likelihood, the
enculturation of newcomers has also shifted so as to sustain the positive change. A reminder of
Scheins pattern of organizational culture is helpful for understanding. He stated that as
proposed solutions are considered valid, it is viewed as the correct way to perceive, think and
feel and is taught to newcomers to the organization (Schein, 1983, p. 14). Positive momentum
in an organization would only be short-term unless effective organizational leaders are able to
recognize and reinforce the positive actions so the momentum can be maintained (Jansen, 2004,
p. 292).

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Sociality
The organization is also a thriving hub of sociality. It brings together many different
people from different walks of life supposedly united in accomplishing a similar goal. Sociality
is formalized in organizational codes of behavior and guides to etiquette (Pacanowsky &
ODonnell-Trujillo, 1982, p. 26). A reminder of organizational symbolism is helpful to explain
these codes. Dandridge, Mitroff, and Joyce (1980) explained:
Organizational symbolism refers to those aspects of an organization that its members use
to reveal or make comprehendible the unconscious feelings, images, and values that are
inherent in that organization. Sociality is a significant avenue in which organizational
symbolism is evident among organizational members. (p. 77)
Sociality includes courtesies, pleasantries, sociabilitieswhich include joke-telling and
bitch sessionsand privacies, or closed-door meetings (Pacanowsky & ODonnell-Trujillo,
1982, p. 26). While sociality does have unwritten rules of etiquette, the adherence to these rules
is often improvisational. For example, the act of two co-workers complaining about a supervisor
often begins as an improvisational act. However, this can lead to the calculated use of sociality,
which then can then lead to the performance of politics.
Politics
Just as social interaction is inherent in each organization, so is the attempt of members to
gain and exert power. This is the political nature of cultural approach recognizing that many
organizational performances are aimed at influencing others (Pacanowsky & ODonnellTrujillo, 1982, p. 29). The performance of politics includes showing personal strength,
cementing allies, and bargaining (Pacanowsky & ODonnell-Trujillo, 1982, p. 29). Politics is a
process by which a person reveals identity regarding his or her priorities within the organization,

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standing among peers, and the execution of power. It also reveals how members view the
organization and how they can increase their standing within it.
Passion
Passion refers to the transformation of mundane events within the organization. The
telling of these events is not so much constituted in the organizational activities themselves, but
in the heightened descriptions of these activities (Pacanowsky & ODonnell-Trujillo, 1982, p.
22). What is key to this performance is that it is the actual representation of how the members of
the organization view what has transpired. Myrsiades (1987) stated that organizational stories
create and sustain organizational groups (p.112). Hansen (2007) further explained that
narratives frame the way historical agents make sense of their surroundings and in doing so,
they offer resources for, as well as constraints on, human choices (p. 927). Even if the stories
told by organizational members are exaggeratedand in many cases they arethey still serve as
an accurate representation because they reveal the ontological reality of the storyteller. They do
not merely transmit information or guide behavior; they are themselves as symbolic realities
extended real-life metaphors (Myrsiades, 1987, p. 112). Pacanowsky and ODonnell-Trujillo
(1982) listed three types of storytelling: personal stories, collegial stories, and corporate stories
(pp. 23-25).
Personal stories are those which individuals tell about themselves and often embellish
organizational identities, particularly of the storyteller (Pacanowsky & ODonnell-Trujillo, 1982,
p. 23). These narratives explain identities and are embedded and revelatory of the organizations
culture (Hansen, 2007). The performance of personal stories reiterates the fact that identity is a
construct that actors change over time (Hansen, 2007, p. 926).

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Similarly, collegial stories are narratives shared about other organizational members
(Pacanowsky & ODonnell-Trujillo, 1982, p. 23). The stories can include communication
relating to all the cultural performances listed in this study that have been executed by other
members of the organization. While personal stories often embellish the role of the storyteller,
collegial stories are not typically sanctioned by management and often present the passions
underlying the way the organization really works from the view of the members (Pacanowsky
& ODonnell-Trujillo, 1982, pp. 23-24).
Corporate stories are narratives presenting the ideology of management in an effort to
substantiate organizational procedures (Pacanowsky & ODonnell-Trujillo, 1982, p. 25). It is
critical to understand the role historical narratives play in organizational change. Hansen (2007)
stated that an organization with an unsubstantiated history or narrative will be more likely to
change than an organization with a strong history (p. 949). Organizations with strong, wellestablished historiesboth positive and negativeare less likely to change. The concept
highlights how narratives can both enhance or restrict positive organizational transformation.
Leaders, Cultural Approach, and Organizational Change
Trujillo (1992) explained that the true promise of interpretive research in organizations
is to explicate multiple senses of reality (including power and ideology) and to reveal the
multiple (not just managerial) voices which assign meaning to these senses of reality (p. 366).
Even with a thorough understanding of cultural approach and how it helps explain organizational
transformation, there still needs to be an understanding as to why it matters. Schein (1996b)
stated that we must recognize and accept how deeply embedded the shared assumptions of
organizational members are at all levels (p. 19). The organizational leader that is able to identify
the meanings of cultural performances so as to promote shared assumptions will be able to

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institute successful strategies for the organization. Jansen (2004) further elaborated on the
importance of understanding the shared assumptions, or narratives, within an organization.
In contrast to the adage that no news is good news when trying to maintain momentum,
the message may be the more news relevant to the focal change the better. At a
minimum, it may be beneficial to refresh the message to maintain momentum. (p. 292)
The obvious implication is that there will be shared assumptions among organizational
members whether or not leadership is actively engaging in fostering an environment of
organizational transformationor trying at least to maintain its current perceptions. However,
the cultural performances of the members of the organization will provide an opportunity for the
leader to know whether or not the strategies implemented in the organization are effective in
what it is trying to achieve.
Tucker and Russell (2004) argued that relational behavior affects the performance of an
organization (p. 105). Perhaps the biggest error a manager can make is to accept the conflict
within the organization as normal and leading members of each culture to devalue the concerns
of the other rather than looking for integrative solutions that will benefit both (Schein, 1996b, p.
19). However, understanding conflicts, or different ontological perceptions of reality, can be
accomplished by interpreting the cultural performances of the members of the organization. The
performances serve as communicative text that can be read to foster positive transformation
(Rothenbuhler, 2006, p. 14). Once the identification of the realities is achieved and progress
begins, leaders and other organizational members begin to understand how to create similar
cultural milieux, incentive and control systems that operate in the same way (Schein, 1996a, p.
234).

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Before instituting strategies or rituals to inspire organizational change, an assessment of
the organizational environment should occur. For example, Sarros, Cooper, and Santora (2008)
conducted a study to determine which support systems are most conducive to building a climate
of innovation within organizations:
The evidence in this study suggests that transformational leadership is associated with
organizational culture, primarily through the processes of articulating a vision, and to a
lesser extent through the setting of high performance expectations and providing
individual support to workers. (p. 155)
This study not only asserts that the organizational culture can be identified, it affirms that
certain actions can be taken to influence that culture; or to put it another way, strategies (or
rituals) can be implemented to improve the organizational environment.
Rationale
The literature reviewed for this study expounds upon the significant aspect of
organizational culture. It has defined organizational culture as the shared meaning of
assumptions and meanings within an organization (Schein, 1983). An explanation of
Pacanowskys cultural approach to organizations was offered as a means to help determine those
shared meanings within the organizational culture. The literature described how an
understanding of cultural performance can help usher in organizational transformation. It also
explained that individual identities are products of the organization, relaying the power and
responsibility the organization has to its members. Cultural approach to organizations offers an
understanding of cultural performances, explains their meaning, and can ultimately lead to the
identification of the pathway toward organizational transformation. As members of the

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organizationparticularly those with significant influencecome to understand these
principles, they will be better positioned to enact positive change with long-reaching effects.
Research Questions
RQ1: How did the cultural performance of ritual lead to the transformation the Utah State
University football program?
RQ2: What narratives were revealed as a result of the new rituals instituted in the program?

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CHAPTER 3: SCOPE AND METHODOLOGY
Scope of the Project
This study examined two aspects of an organization: communication and culture. From a
theoretical context, Pacanowskys theory of cultural approach to organizationsspecifically the
cultural performance of ritualwill be employed to explain the role culture and communication
play in facilitating organizational transformation (Pacanowsky & ODonnell-Trujillo, 1982, p.
32). There are additional performances described by Pacanowsky as part of his theory that will
also be referenced. The focus on the specific performance of ritual is a result of time constraints
on the thesis as well as the specific focus on qualitative interviews as a methodology. A brief
examination of the role of transformational leadership is also offered in this study.
The scope and the methodology outlined were applied to explore the transformation of the
USU football program between the years of 2008-2013. Data was gathered from coaches,
players, and other administrators who were members of the organization during that time. Data
was also gathered from those who were members of the organization prior to 2008 so as to
contrast approaches used prior to the transformation.
Methodology
Sampling
Qualitative research tends to use nonprobability or nonrandom samples (Neuman, 2005,
p. 220). Additionally, the qualitative researcher selects cases gradually with the specific content
of the case determining whether it is chosen (Neuman, 2005, p. 220). In this study, qualitative
research with a nonprobability sampling process is utilized in the methodology. The study of the
USU football program also dictated the technique of nonprobability sampling that was engaged.

20
Purposive or judgmental sampling uses the judgment of the researcher or expert in
selecting cases or it selects cases with a specific purpose in mind (Neuman, 2005, p. 222).
Neuman (2005) further elaborated that purposive sampling also occurs when a researcher wants
to identify particular cases for in-depth investigation (p. 222). The specific casesor
organizational memberswere identified and I conducted an in-depth investigation with a
specific purpose in mind. The organizational members range from administrators, to coaches, to
individual players. As the research proceeded, the data revealed specific cases that provided
unique insight. As such, purposive sampling was the technique most applicable for this study.
Qualitative Interviews: A Component of Ethnography
Qualitative research methods were employed in gathering data. Two methods of research
were utilized, one serving as a primary method and another as a supplemental method in data
analysis. The preferred methodology for cultural communication and cultural approach to
organizations is ethnography. Ethnography refers to a research methodology that has been
developed for the study of cultures and culture sense-making (Eriksson & Kovalainen, 2008, p.
137). It originated from cultural anthropology and means describing a culture and
understanding another way of life from a native point of view (Neuman, 2005, p. 381). Given
logistical and time constraints, a full ethnography, which requires prolonged, firsthand
observation of the culture being studied, was not feasible. However, this is a culture with which I
have a significant understanding given that I completed my undergraduate degree at USU,
including serving as a sports reporter for the campus television news programs. As such,
elements of authoethnography, or using the personal and reflective perspective of the researcher,
served to assist in the study (Eriksson & Kovalainen, 2008, p. 139). The primary method of
gathering data is a component of ethnography: qualitative interviews.

21
Eriksson & Kovalainen (2008) argued that a whole ethnographic study can be based on
qualitative interviews (p. 145). It is with qualitative interviews that purposive sampling came
into play on this study. As stated previous, members of the coaching staff and the athletic
directors office offered unique data regarding the approaches and rituals instigated at USU.
Qualitative interviews were also conducted with players, starting with those who have been
members of the organization since 2009. These players have witnessed the transformation and
were able to offer valuable insight as to the rituals, narratives, and approaches used by the
coaches that spurred change. Members of the program prior to 2008 under previous coaches
were also interviewed to serve as a contrast.
As with any study requiring the use of ethnographic elements, the research began with
the selection of a potential field site (Eriksson & Kovalainen, 2008, p. 141). When the field site
is determined, the researcher must negotiate access in order to begin participant observation
(Eriksson & Kovalainen, 2008, p. 141). Consequently, once the football program of Utah State
University was selected as the case study, I contacted the university with two requests: first, to
ask permission to use the universitys football program as the focus of this study; and second, to
request permission to conduct interviews with key administrators, coaches, and players within
the organization. Permission was granted for both requests.
The study allowed me to gain insight into cultural practices and phenomena of the
organization (Eriksson & Kovalainen, 2008, p. 141). The ultimate goal of this study is to give an
explanation from a communication standpoint as to how organizational transformation occurred.
For this reason, the narratives the organization created that helped spur transformation are also
examined. This required that the qualitative interviews were supplemented with narrative
research.

22
Interview Questions
The purpose of the interviews was two-fold: first, to determine what rituals were
established and practiced starting in 2008; and second, to determine the effect those rituals had
on the team both on and off the field. A few rituals were already identified either in local media
coverage or through public statements. Those rituals were explored through the interviews. As
with the rituals, the public statements and personal qualitative interviews of organizational
members were used to identify the narratives developed within the program.
The integration of new recruits into the program was explored. What were the processes
in place to welcome new players into the program? How were players shown the ropes of the
program and did they feel welcome? What was the team dynamic in the locker room and did it
change as the program changed? How did the team dynamic affect performance on the field?
Assuming the chemistry within the team became more unified, what rituals or routines caused
this change?
Any routines and rituals that developed organically among the players were also
examined. Why did they develop? What is the significance of these rituals? How much influence
did the organizational rituals have on the creation of social or task rituals by the players?
Finally, there was an analysis of the communication rituals between players and coaches.
Were the coaches accessible? If so, what parameters were in place to foster that environment?
How did players and coaches communicate with each other off of the field? Were there
individual meetings between coaches and players; and if so, what was the emphasis in these
meetings? Did a relationship form between players and coaches as a result of these rituals? How
and why would that have an effect on performance on the field?

23
Data Analysis
Narrative research and qualitative interviews work as natural supplements to each other.
Eriksson and Kovalainen (2008) explained that ethnographic research methods pay close
attention to language and rhetoric (p. 138). A reminder of the definition of narrative is helpful in
describing narrative research. Narratives are symbolic actions that have sequence and meaning
for those who live, create, or interpret them (Fisher, 1984, p. 2). Narrative research is the study
and construction of narratives or stories which are meaningful to people (Eriksson &
Kovalainen, 2008, p. 211). It is the belief that people are storytellers because telling stories help
us to understand ourselves and connect each other (Eriksson & Kovalainen, 2008, p. 211). As
the researcher observes the organization and its cultureas revealed through cultural
performancethe opportunity arises to study the narratives constructed as a part of those
performances. Additionally, narrative research follows a similar construct of the storytelling
performance found in cultural approach to organizations. For these reasons, narrative research
served not only as a supplemental method of gathering data, it also served as the method for data
analysis.
Cultural approach examines organizational communication through corporate stories,
personal stories, and collegial stories. Similarly, narrative research examines communication
through grand narratives, personal narratives, and collective narratives. Grand narratives are
globally shared cultural beliefs that explain and produce abstract social knowledge (Eriksson
& Kovalainen, 2008, p. 212). They are optimistic and they provide a framework upon which
individual or small group experiences and thoughts can be organized (Eriksson & Kovalainen,
2008, p. 212). A personal narrative is a recollection of events and emotions as experienced by
an individual in the course of their own life (Eriksson & Kovalainen, 2008, p. 213). Collective

24
stories or narratives that deal with various types of collective stories co-produced by
communities of people (Eriksson & Kovalainen, 2008, p. 213). Given the literature that has
already been reviewed as part of this study, it is rather simple to find the correlation between
storytelling in cultural approach and the narrative descriptions found in narrative research.
In analyzing the data, overarching narratives developed among all participants in the
program. Once those narratives were identified, they were analyzed to find out what
contribution, if any, they had in facilitating organizational transformation.
Ethical Considerations
There were two major concerns about ethics and confidentiality. First, ensuring the
confidentiality of the organization; and second, ensuring the confidentiality of the participants.
The school administrators did grant permission to publicly identify the organization. Although it
may be perceived that confidentiality of the organization is critical to gathering candid data, it
would have come at the cost of explaining the true circumstances surrounding the organization
for fear of providing too much detail that it could be easily identified. By ensuring the
confidentiality of the organization, I would have had to dilute the richness of the description that
could be offered about the organization both prior to, and following, the transformation.
All participants interviewed were assured confidentiality to help secure rich data from the
individuals, particularly during qualitative interviews. This study does include public statements
made by players and coaches in the media. The organizational members identified in the study
are likely done so as a result of inclusion of these public statements. Others identified, such as
USU head coaches Gary Andersen and Matt Wells, are identified in giving the historical context
of the organization. It should not be assumed that any coach, player, or administrator named in

25
this study participated in the interview process. Confidentiality is maintained for those who were
personally interviewed for the study.

26
CHAPTER 4: THE STUDY
Introduction
Gary Andersen was hired as head coach of the Utah State University (USU) football
program on December 4, 2008 (Fisher, 2008). He led USU to a conference championship in
2012 as well as two straight bowl game appearances. Following his success at USU, Andersen
was hired as head football coach at the University of Wisconsin-Madison and USU offensive
coordinator Matt Wells was hired in December 2012 as his replacement. Wells vowed to
continue the concepts and rituals instituted by Andersen with Wells even stating, He's
[Andersens] the guy that showed me the blueprint (Associated Press, 2012).
Before delving into the specific rituals instituted under Andersen and his staff, it is
important to understand the framework in which coaches approached the program.
[Coach Andersen] focused on three pillars of Utah State football and they are taking care
of the kid academically, socially, and athletically. Fortunately for us, we had an
administration that was very supportive of the fact that Coach Andersen wanted his
coaches to be accountable for the players socially, academically, and athleticallynot
just on the athletic side of things. (Andersen staff member, personal communication, July
1, 2013)
This is a common theme among the rituals instituted by Andersen. Every component
revolved around the players academics, sociality, and athletics. The athletic component is fairly
straight forward with coaches doing all they could to ensure the players achieved success on the
fieldwhether it was in practice, in the weight room, in film study, or in a game. In academics,
coaches drove players to succeed in the classroom and achieve the goal of earning a degree. In

27
the social aspects, the coaches looked to develop relationships with the players and also stressed
the importance of being reliable, accountable, and good to other people including teammates.
Having knowledge of this approach will help the observer understand why and how the
rituals instituted since 2008 were so effective.
Results of the Study: The Rituals
As explained in the second chapter of this study, there are four ritual performances:
personal, task, social, and organizational. The following chapter will offer several rituals that are
examples of these performances that helped spur, or at least explain, organizational
transformation. In many cases, a brief explanation of how the organization functioned prior to
2008 is offered as a contrast to provide perspective as to why the ritual was effective.
Organizational Rituals
Organizational rituals are those performances that articulate multiple aspects of the
organization and reveal the global features of the organizational culture (Pacanowsky &
ODonnell-Trujillo, 1982, p. 20). The organizational rituals are as follows:
Weekly meetings and setting goals. Andersen believed in setting goals. He established
that players should set goals in all aspects of lifeacademically, socially, and athletically, in this
caseand do all they can to achieve those goals. It was also the duty of the coaches to do all that
they could to help the players achieve these goals. This provided an opportunity to implement a
ritual that not only helped players set and achieve goals, it provided for relationship building
between players and coaches.
Every six weeks, each of the players are asked to set a few goals in each of the three areas
we emphasize: academically, socially, and athletically. And those goals were hung up in
the assistant coaches offices and once a week, the position coaches would have meetings

28
with their players. However, they cannot discuss anything football related. So, they may
go over the players syllabus, or ask, What's going on in your classes? What tests do you
have coming up? What's going on with mom or dad or girlfriend or your family? What's
going on with your roommates? Things like that that matter. The emphasis is to, first,
breakdown that barrier so that the players know that we care about them academically
and socially along with athletically; and second, we can step in and assist in any situation
that we need to. (Andersen staff member, personal communication, July 1, 2013)
There are actually two rituals explained by this coach: first, the ritual of regularly setting
and reviewing goals; and second, the ritual of conducting regularly-scheduled meetings between
players and coaches. A reminder that rituals are performances that reveal features of the
organizationand more specifically, organizational rituals reveal global features of
organizational culture (Pacanowsky & ODonnell-Trujillo, 1982, p. 20). The organization valued
goal-setting but also the development of trust between players and coaches. This was unique
particularly when contrasted with the culture of the program prior to 2008. Those players who
were in the program during that time expressed that although they felt that the coaches were
available should they want to discuss anything, it was not implemented at the institutional level
as a regularly-occurring ritual. That led to coaches not being as familiar with the players both on
and off the field. Recall that organizational rituals often reveal multiple aspects of the
organizational culture, which is why the second component to this ritual is so revelatory.
The requirement that the coach and player not discuss anything football related is a
telling characteristic of the weekly meetings ritual. This, for lack of a better phrase, forced the
coach and player to get to know one another beyond the superficial banter of the one thing they
had in commonbeing members of the USU football program. It is comparable to co-workers

29
who are friends outside of work and do not need to rely on discussing work-related topics to
have a conversation, or trust. This component of the ritual allowed the coach and player to
strengthen their relationship beyond football.
The question of why would this would matter on the field needs to be explained. Why
would the ritual of conducting weekly meetings that do not focus on football help spur
transformation? One answer to that question lies in an examination of the culture prior to 2008:
I dont really know if the coaches I played for did anything beyond the field to make the
team more cohesive. And Ill be 100 percent honest with you, I really liked [previous
Head] Coach [Brent] Guy but I didnt think his assistants were worth a damn. I am not
saying they didnt know football, because they did. I just dont think they knew how to
relate to kids and they would only spend all their time with the kids that they already
knew which was often only the upper classmen. It was not the better players, just the ones
that had been there the longest. The coaches had a real issue with developing young
players and playing younger players. (former USU player 2006-2007, personal
communication, November 3, 2013)
Had the coaches prior to 2008 taken the time to get to know the players both on and off
the field, perhaps they could have created a more cohesive unit or at least a trust from the players
that the coaches decisions were correct. However, this assertion begs the question of whether or
not players are actually in a position to dictate who should play and who should not. After all,
this sentiment could have been coming from players who were jealous that they were not playing
and felt that they should have been. It should be noted that the player who gave the above quote
did buck the trend and played as a true freshman at USU. Also, a coach on the Andersen staff
believes that the players do in fact know who is truly deserving of their places on the depth chart:

30
A lot of that was not done from a coaching staff standpoint, a lot of that was done from
the players themselves. The way that we've always approached it, and really the way that
a lot of the programs are, is if you don't put the depth chart in front of the players, 99.99
percent of the time the depth chart that they would put together would be the exact same
one. The coaching staff and the players would put the same depth chart together.
(personal communication, July 1, 2013)
This assertion is rather telling of the trust the coaches under Andersen and Wells had in
their playersa trust that likely came as a result of these meetings.
Big Brother program. Recruiting players is only the first step of a long process of
building a team. Once the players arrive, they need to be assimilated into the team. There is
always a learning process for new members no matter the organization and that process can be
made more difficult due to the dynamic of the organization. A reminder of the team atmosphere
prior to 2008 is helpful to understand the contrasts.
There were a lot of cliques on the team. Obviously, the offense had their cliques and the
defense had their cliques. But if you werent a starter or someone that really stuck out,
you didnt feel like you were part of the group. The big cliques would hang out and have
parties off of the field but there wasnt a whole team atmosphere. (former USU player
2007, personal communication, November 3, 2013)
The tension and division in the locker room prior to 2008 were clear and incoming
players were left to find their own place in a fractured environment. One organizational ritual
instituted for incoming players under Andersen not only helped them ingratiate into the team but
it also helped create a cohesive team environment. A member of the Andersen coaching staff at
both USU and Wisconsin explained:

31
Probably the biggest thing that we did to help welcome recruits is what we called a Big
Brother program where we assigned each of the newcomers a big brother from our team.
That teammate is responsible for being there for him not only for their athletic needs
such as getting to the meetings or the practices or the weightlifting groups on timebut
also to help show him the ropes. To take him around campus to see where their classes
are and just do different things and be that big brother and be that support system for that
individual. (personal communication, November 11, 2013)
The Big Brother program, or any similar mentor program whether institutionalized or
organic, is not unique to USU. College football programs from the Pac 12 (Hampton, 2012) to
smaller FBS conferences (Ryan, 2012) often have some form of mentoring program. However,
prior to 2008, the USU team was a fractured unit and according to the players interviewed for
this study, did not have an environment that fostered mentoring by upperclassmen. The Big
Brother program instituted by Andersen served as much as a unifying ritual revealing that the
organization prioritized unity and team chemistry.
[The Big Brother program] helps with team chemistry. I mean, at the end of the day, you
are all working for the same thing and if you find yourself colliding with everyone, you
are not going to have that chemistry in the locker room to help you become successful. I
would say the most part is that you all have the same mindset. (junior USU player,
personal communication, October 22, 2013)
This ritual highlights a few of the similarities between ritual and enculteration. The ritual
helped the newcomers learn the ropes (Pacanowsky & ODonnell-Trujillo, 1982, p. 16) of the
organization as well as acquire the social skills necessary to be competent members of the
program (Pacanowsky & ODonnell-Trujillo, 1982, pp. 32-33). Prior to 2008, incoming players

32
were welcomed with a small orientation and a welcome dinner (former USU player 2007,
personal communication, November 3, 2013). As that ritual is contrasted with the welcoming of
newcomers from pre- and post-2008, the big brother ritual highlights how the enculteration of
newcomers changed. As the enculteration changed, so did the shift in culture and the team
atmosphere. The players under the Andersen regime learned a new method of conducting
business and they were teaching it to a new generation of incoming players. The new
enculteration of the players, as exhibited in the ritual of the Big Brother program, was a
significant step to help avoid a divided team.
Champions meeting. Whether it was taking a test, completing a research paper, or doing
film study, USU coaches taught that it was critical to win the day. In teaching this narrative,
coaches used the spirit of competition as an opportunity to recognize accomplishments rather
than motivate via failure. One ritual instituted exemplified this spirit of competition and
motivation: the champions meeting.
We have champions meeting on Mondays where we review the game. So, the
coordinators get up and they review the goals we have as a unitthe offense, defense,
and special teams. They go over their goals and they go over the positives and how they
executed the game plan and whether or not they executed and achieved their goals as a
unit. Then all the kids are graded on their performance on game day. We have winners,
who are people who were good enough to win the game and those people are recognized.
Then we have champions, who played at a championship caliber level for that game.
Those people who graded out well are recognized and then after a win, we'll have a
player of the game for each unit. Then we watch some highlights. (Andersen staff
member, personal communication, November 11, 2013)

33
The team would conduct the champions meeting after every game whether it was a win
or a loss. The only difference is after a loss, there was no player of the game that was announced.
The champions meeting was an organizational ritual the helped identify a members status of the
organization (Pacanowsky & ODonnell-Trujillo, 1982). It also revealed the features of the
organization by communicating to the players which actions offered successful contributions to
the program. It reinforced both the motivation of competitionplayers definitely knew how
many times each other were recognizedas well as the positive effect that comes with
recognizing players who made a difference. Finally, it once again stressed the importance of
setting and achieving goals.
Task Ritual
Task rituals are those day-to-day routines individuals perform to call themselves
members of the organization (Pacanowsky & ODonnell-Trujillo, 1982, p. 18). These tasks are
usually assigned by supervisors in the beginning but as organizational members learn the
ropes, the tasks are adapted (Pacanowsky & ODonnell-Trujillo, 1982, p. 18). In the case of the
USU football program, these tasks could be considered practice drills, working on technique, or
attending weightlifting sessions. One task ritual that developed from the transformation of the
culture was player-run practices.
Player-run practices. As the divisions within the program began to heal, this task ritual
became emblematic of the unity that was starting to build:
Probably the biggest thing is that the players would unify themselves because during the
summer, coaches can't be around. So, they're working out and they're having practices
and they are player-run practices. They do it all on their own and so they help each other,
they teach each other, they coach each other on the technique, on the scheme, on the

34
details. That is what really helps build the team chemistry. The team kind of sets the
chemistry because the coaches aren't around. So, they develop their identity over the
summer and when the coaches get involved, they kind of just all mesh together.
(Andersen staff member, personal communication, November 11, 2013)
The key point about this ritual is not the fact that it is overly unique among college
athletic programs. In fact, it is a ritual that is fairly universal. However, as with all rituals, it is a
revelatory performance about the culture of the USU program particularly among the players.
I felt like that when I first showed up, there were a few guys on the team that just wanted
to play football so that they could say they played Division I football but they didnt want
to put the work into it that it takesthat you have to give in order to make a program
good. You have to do it every day. They were not into it 100 percent of the time. If you
are not into it 100 percent of the time then the program is not going to be successful.
(USU senior player, personal communication, June 5, 2013).
As Pacanowsky and ODonnell-Trujillo explained, these tasks transcend the managerial
notions of productivity (p. 18). In the case of the USU program, performing these tasks at
player-run practices was an example of the commitment of the players made up the organization
and as such, revealing of the organizational culture.
Social Ritual
Community car. It is helpful to recall that social rituals can serve as a function of
identifying membership status in a group or organization (Pacanowsky & ODonnell-Trujillo,
1982, p. 19). Participating in these social rituals displays the unity or oneness of a group
(Pacanowsky & ODonnell-Trujillo, 1982, p. 19). One particular social ritual exemplified the
oneness that developed with the team during this period of transformation.

35
[The players] all really kind of ran around together and they chose to live with each other.
There would be one or two guys in the group that would have a car and so it would kind
of become a community car. They would help each other out and that's the great thing
about Logan and that campus community. To have that ability at Utah State really helped
them just naturally form those bonds and relationships. (Andersen staff member, personal
communication, November 11, 2013)
In addition to describing the natural advantages of the campus of USU, this coach
explained an important social ritual that highlighted the unity of the teamthe use of a
community car. There was a certain amount of trust required for someone to loan their caror
to ask to borrow a carto a teammate. Again, a reminder of the atmosphere of the program prior
to 2008 paints a picture of a fractured team full of cliques and disunity. That hardly seems like an
environment that would foster the trust necessary to share a car. This ritual is an example of how
much the program changed.
Analysis
The Narratives
As described in chapter three, narrative research served in the analysis of the rituals
explained in this chapter. Narrative research is the study and construction of narratives or
stories which are meaningful to people (Eriksson & Kovalainen, 2008, p. 211). The narratives
reviewed here are framed around the cultural performance of passion as explained in chapter
two. The personal stories, collegial stories, and corporate stories of the program are the
performances by which the narratives were developed or expressed (Pacanowsky & ODonnellTrujillo, 1982, pp. 23-25). The narratives were gathered from the interviews conducted for the

36
study as well as from public comments made by organizational members in the media. The
following is an examination of three narratives that resulted from the rituals instituted.
Players make plays. Players win games. One example of a narrative expressed as a
corporate story was the insistence by coaches that the players are the primary reason why people
attended and watched the games. Andersen, and Wells after him, gave all credit to the players for
the success of the program while shouldering blame for any shortcomings. "This is not about me
in any way, shape or form, and it never will be," Andersen was often quoted as saying (Potrykus,
2013). He even wears a wristband with the words: Players make plays. Players win games
(Potrykus, 2013). The following examples of collegial stories explain how strongly this narrative
resonated with the players:
He [Andersen] is all about the players and thats what he talks about. He really just wants
us to be what is associated with Utah State football. His mindset for the coaches was that
they were there to help and teach and players play the game. Were going to be the ones
out on the field making plays and that is how his mindset was. (USU senior player,
personal communication, June 5, 2013)
Remarked another senior USU player:
I think thats what Coach Andersen did that was great because before every game he
would tell us, players make plays and players win games. Really, we saw that in the
Hawaii game in 2011 where entire season totally changed. So, after that, it really widened
our eyes up. (personal communication, June 5, 2013)
It must be pointed out this narrative did not mean that the players could do whatever they
wanted. The narrative of giving all the credit to the players did not only serve to boost the
payers egos, it was also a method to motivate and make the players accountable for their play.

37
The accountability was among the three key phases already discussed in this study. While USU
coaches went out of their way to praise his players efforts and accomplishments, the players
went out of their way to be deserving of that praise. The mantra also offered a revealing aspect of
Andersens character. Whether it served as a reminder to keep his own ego in check or to shine a
light on the players he coached, he truly wanted his players to succeed.
Mentors in life. One of the end results of the rituals was a building and strengthening of
the relationships among players and coaches.
The coaches are not only there to help you with football but to also be a mentor in life.
You know that you can always go in and talk to them and know that they are there for
you in any situation that you need. Many players say that they could talk to Coach
Andersen and Wells about anything, almost like a second dad kind of thing; or their dad
away from home. (USU junior player, personal communication, October 22, 2013)
The collegial stories of the players offer insight into how this mentorship by the coaches
became a narrative that motivated players to excel both on and off the field. Here is what senior
cornerback Nevin Lawson explained about this narrative:
Every year I've seen this program grow more and more. More talent keeps coming in
with players and coaches. Coach (Gary) Andersen started it by surrounding us with great
coaches who don't care just about winning, but care about our well-being and everything
we do off the field. That's what really made this a better program. Showing your players
you care about them as a person makes them want to go out and play harder. (Allen,
2013)
The relationships forged among players and coaches stemmed from Andersens approach
of supporting the players academically, socially, and athletically. It helped the players succeed in

38
nearly every phase of their collegiate experience because of a strong support system helping
them every step of the way.
100 Percent Effort 100 Percent of the Time. The following narrative was expressed as
a collegial story but it could as easily be classified as a personal story. The narrative is summed
up by revisiting a quote offered earlier by a senior player:
You want to be around people that you know have your back any time of the day.
Someone on the field that is going to give 110 percent that they have to play in the game
and win it. I felt like that when I first showed up, there were a few guys on the team that
just wanted to play football so that they could say they played Division I football but they
didnt want to put the work into it that it takes. The work that you have to give in order to
make a program good. You have to do it every day. They were not into it 100 percent of
the time. If you are not into it 100 percent of the time then the program is not going to be
successful. (personal communication, June 5, 2013)
This narrative was expressed as a story about fellow teammates but it is also a reflection
of how the players see themselves. In that case, it also could qualify as a personal story. The
players on the team implicitly trust their teammates because they feel that their teammates are
absolutely committed to doing all the work necessary to compete. In so doing, they must also
live up to that standard. That is the reason why the description of their teammates is also a
description of how they see themselves.
Similarly, this narrative also offers the players insight of the program prior to 2008.
They believed that the players during that time were not 100 percent committed to the program
or the team. This narrative could be viewed as a summation of the contrast of the program prior
to 2008 and after. While the program now is committed to success both on and off the fieldas

39
well as a significant emphasis on team unitythe program before consisted of separate
individuals that created a fractured locker room which resulted in futility on the fieldat least
that was the viewpoint of many of the players now currently on the team.
Discussion
Pacanowsky argued that individual identity is shaped by organizational experience (p.
20). This study has presented compelling evidence to support that argument. The rituals
instituted by USU coaches, as well as those organically developed by the players, served as
communicative texts presenting the values and ideals of the program. Those players who were
willing to conform to those values thrived in the organization while those who did not either
failed or left. As one senior player described:
For my first couple of years, it was definitely weeding out who was a player and who
wasnt. Or who was there just to get by and be on scholarship and who was actually there
to come playI remember [Coach Andersen] often saying, There are a lot of pretenders
in this locker room. Stuff like that. But Coach Wells has said stuff like that, too.
Basically, we can win with you or without you. (personal communication, June 5, 2013)
Another senior player on the team offered a similar sentiment:
To me, that is what Coach Andersen was trying to do. He was trying to get the players
that werent fully committed and fully invested to ithe just wanted to get rid of them.
As did everybody else that was part of the program. (USU senior player, personal
communication, June 5, 2013)
Andersen communicated to the team that the best chance of success would be a unified
team supporting each other throughas the narratives explainaccountability, commitment to
each other, recognizing successes, and strengthening relationships with teammates and coaches.

40
Whether the weeding out of the pretenders was a conscious act by coaches or notand
members of the coaching staff insist it was not (personal communication, July, 1, 2013)does
not change the fact that it did indeed happen. It happened as a result of the changes in the
organizational rituals that also led to a change in the enculteration of the players. As the
organization transformed, so did the members of the organization. Those members who were not
willing to adapt with coaches to advance the programor to put it another way, those who did
not identify with the programeventually left.
Our team is a lot closer. We hang out together and before it seemed like there were these
cliques that you hung out with. But now, everybodys one. You get to know each other
on a personal level and it allows you to have confidence when you are playing. (USU
senior player, personal communication, June 5, 2013)
A reiteration of Pacanowskys assertion that reality differs upon the perspective of the
individual is warranted (Pacanowsky & ODonnell-Trujillo, 1982, p. 5). The USU coaches did
not have a my way or the highway approach to coaching. There was accountability and
reprimand when needed but overall, it was a mutual cooperation between coaches and players
resulting from the relationships built as a result of the rituals. How coaches adapted to possible
divergent perspectives, at least on the field, is explained from a member of the Andersen staff
when discussing player-run practices:
And we see how it comes together and as coaches, we need to be adaptable as well with
the needs with the type of kids that we have. We have to make sure that they are
successful in the schemes and the things that we have developed. (personal
communication, July 1, 2013)

41
This coach is describing how to adapt to a players needs on the field so as to best utilize
his talents according to how he is implementing the coaching scheme. However, the same
concept is applied to off the field matters. The relationships built between player and coach
helped the coaches understand the perception or reality of the athlete. For example, if a player
needs to be critiqued, coaches know the best approach to take when doing so. Some players
respond better when taken aside and given a dressing down. Others may respond to being
called out in front of the team. While there were firm rules that could not be brokendrug use,
academic standards, etc.both coach and player were successful at understanding the
perceptions of each other after forging a genuine relationship of trust. While the players
identities adapted to the organizational experience, so, too, did those of the coaches in the
program.
The implications of organizational experience shaping personal identity are rather
prodigious. The consequences of organizational experience are far reaching with Pacanowsky
(1982) arguing that it is a moral activity (p. 20). The USU football program instituted specific
rituals that reinforced the values it found to be essential to find successand the identities of the
members of the organization were indeed shaped by these rituals. Some organizations may think
certain values are essential while other organizations may think those same values are not
necessary. Regardless, the identities of the organizational members will be affected by their
organizational experience whether for better or for worse.

42
CHAPTER 5: SUMMARIES AND CONCLUSIONS
Limitations of the Study
The intent of this study is not to proclaim that communication and rituals were the only
factors in the transformation of the USU football program. Other factors played a part in the
transformation as well. For example, USUs athletic director developed the Football Competitive
Excellence Plan which increased private funding to football by $2.5 million (USU, 2013). A
dramatic improvement in facilities has also occurred. Since 2008, USU has built a 69,000 square
foot athletics complex, installed new turf on the football field and in the indoor training center,
and completed construction of a 26,000 square foot strength and conditioning center. This study
did not significantly explore the effects these factors had on the program. However, it cannot be
overlooked that the commitment to increased fundraising and upgraded facilities is in line with
the narratives discussed in the study, particularly the narrative of emphasizing the importance of
supporting the players. As one Andersen staff member said, You want to make those guys feel
that they were the most important, most taken care of team in the nation. Then they buy even
more into the system (personal communication, July 1, 2013).
Another limitation of the study was the comparison of the programs pre- and post-2008.
The study only focused on the differences between Andersen and his immediate predecessor,
Brent Guy, who coached at USU from 2005-2008. The former USU players who were members
of the organization prior to Andersen only played for Guy. A more comprehensive review of
prior coaching philosophies could have provided more information either confirming or
weakening the assertions made in this study.
One final limitation to the study was the fact that Gary Andersen, who is widely seen as
the architect of this approach at USU, was not available to be interviewed. While his insight

43
would have proven valuable, knowledgeable members of his coaching staff, both at USU and
Wisconsin, did grant interviews. While Andersens contribution cannot be replaced, I believe the
insight provided by current and former coaches at USU has proven more than sufficient.
Recommendations for Further Study
Pacanowskys theory of cultural approach to organizations encompasses five
performances: ritual, enculteration, passion, sociality, and politics. This study focused primarily
on ritual, although it also touched upon other performances like enculteration and passion.
Further exploration of the role the other performances played in the transformation is warranted.
While the performances often intertwineas has been exhibited in this studythey individually
have their own characteristics that can serve as catalysts for transformation. At the very least,
they could be studied as an opportunity to gain a more comprehensive understanding of how and
why the organization changed.
Comparing the rituals instituted at USU with rituals of other collegiate football programs
is also warranted. As this study briefly discussed, the rituals at USU are not all too different from
those of other programs. For example, other programs have some form of mentor program as
well as player-run practices. However, comparing the specific components of these rituals and
what they portray to the athletes could prove beneficial. For example, the requirement that USU
coaches and players not discuss football-related topics at one-on-one meetings may be unique to
USUperhaps it is not. Only by comparing the specific aspects of these rituals with those of
other programs could researchers glean valuable information as to the distinctiveness of what
was instituted at USU.

44
Conclusion
This study identified the rituals instituted by USU coaches that helped develop the overall
narratives, concepts, and values that could be used by other organizations for implementation.
However, as one member of the Andersen coaching staff said, It's not as easy as plug and play
going from Utah State to Wisconsin or even coming from Utah to Utah State (personal
communication, July 1, 2013). This study asserts that the rituals instituted after 2008 did serve as
a catalyst for instigating change. One of the key reasons for that transformation was the
relationships and trust that developed among players and coaches as an effect of the rituals.
You know, there's a care factor out there and that care factor is instilled in our beliefs by
caring about the players academically, socially, and athletically. Not having that barrier
up because if you are only concerned about winning football games and that's your only
concern, then you are not going to care. And you're not going to care about the kid or
understand what makes that kid tick. You'll push him aside or you'll just scream at them
up and down and you won't have a good positive culture. Whereas if you get to
understand them personally in those three areas, then you can become a real educator and
it really makes a difference. (Andersen staff member, personal communication, July 1,
2013)
Burns (1978) explained that transforming leadership occurs when one or more persons
engage with others in such a way that leaders and followers raise one another to higher levels of
motivation and morality (p. 20). An organizational leader cannot simply implement the rituals
offered in this study and expect success. The rituals are indeed an avenue to building trust and
relationship; however, if the leader is not sincere in his or her desire to build on those
relationships and express true care for other individual members of the organization, then the

45
transformation will never occur. In essence, there must be a sense of community within the
organization. Kouzes and Posner (2003) stated that creating a community requires promoting
shared values and developing an appreciation for the value of working together and caring about
one another (p. 92). The leader must define the public values that embrace the enduring
principles of the organization and those valuesas well as the followers acceptance and
commitment to the valuesdetermine whether organizational transformation can be achieved
(Burns, 2003, p. 29). The leader must be genuine in his or her desire to usher in transformation to
benefit everyone involved in the organization. If that sincerity is legitimate, then the principles
discussed in this study can be effective in reaching that goal.

46
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