GENDER ROLES IN OR TRADITION IN

KRD OF WESTERN NIGERIA

DWSH,O.O

bnr n r bba o
Kba drs,
bnr n bba
Kba drs,
M jb obnr n.
It is woman that gives birth to the oba
Before the oba becomes an rs (deity)
It is woman that gives birth to the oba
Before the oba becomes an rs (deity)
I will pay homage to womanhood
Abstract
Among the Yorb, Or is believed to be a strictly patriarchal cult, in
which women have no voice. However, the role of the Am bas, a female Or
guild among the krd of Western Nigeria, sufficiently belies this general
belief. Women are very fundamental to the origination, practice and function
of Or in krd. On the day of female confinement, there is a clear
evidence of re-enactment and psychological fear resulting in masking that
go back to the dominant position of women in Or cult. A poetic and ritual
symmetry exist between the male cult and the Am bas.
Introduction
krd is a town in Lagos State of Western Nigeria. Like any other
Yorb town, the exact date when krd was founded is difficult to
establish because the original settlers were non-literate. Oral history,
however, has it that the foundation of krd could date back to over four
hundred (400) years. krd is situated by the lagoon, and it is surrounded
by thick forest. It is about 25 kilometers from the Lagos mainland. krd
is surrounded by many towns: to the southwest is btpakod, Igbogbo
is to the West, s and Imta are to the NorthWest while Odgnyn,
which is to the North, shares borders with gijo in Ogun State. The Eastern
part of krd is headed mostly by the Bal (villageheads) under the Oba
45

of krd. While this area shares its border with forests and river gn,
other towns such as pkod, Imta and s share their borders with the
seas.
The traditional occupations of the people include farming, fishing and
hunting. Today, civilization has brought about various other occupations.
krd people like other Yorb, are basically traditionalists. They are
deeply religious; worship to them begins, controls and ends all the affairs of
life. The krd believe in Oldmar and they worship Him through
different deities. krd people have different festivals depending on the
number of deities being worshipped. krd town has such festivals as:
Osi, Or Mgb, Or Lw, Ag m , Or lku, gr or As, gn, s,
NmArre, gunnuk, Egngn to mention a few. The most prominent
worshiped deities in krd are, Ag m and Or.
The Yorb people and communities preserve their identity as groups
by handing down orally from one generation to the other, the most vital
elements of their verbal culture. The jb people are a major subgroup of
the large Yorb nation of the Western Nigeria. They have such festivals as
Ag m in jbde and its environs (Ogunba 1965). Oks in p,
Egngn festival in jbIgb, Yemoj in lnlse (Dagunduro 1982),
gb in gbwks and Or festival in Ag wy, (Adetowubo, 1977),
krd and its environs (Idowu, 1999). Each of the festivals has a distinct
oral poetic genre attached to it.
rngb is a term for the traditional oral poetry of krd people,
performed during the Or festival to review events good or bad, which
ordinarily may not be known to many people. This performance has become
an integral part of the culture of the krd people. In spite of the
emergence of written literature and contact with the western world, krd
people still hold in high esteem their festivals and oral literary genres. This
is because the elders in the community continue to transmit their customs,
beliefs and expectations of the race to the younger ones through it.
The performance of rngb is attended by male indigenes on sm
day (the day of confinement for females). No non-Yorb indigene is allowed
to come out. In other words, only Yorb male indigenes are eligible to come
out on this day. This highly philosophical verbal art is performed by
members of rngb groups which are drawn from particular families like:
AdknlAtba (a.k.a Bm bt), Msgbk (a.k.a Ond l), Bello
Als inly, Lawalgndr (Lgumg), rmtn, etc. Its non
secular function is to accompany the annual Or rituals both in the grove
and to the shrines located in places within the town during the festival. The
Egbdu singers normally perform these non-secular roles. The secular role
comes to life in the hands of the p p groups. They are the ones who
create rhythm. The Egbdu and pp groups are found in both the Or
Mgb and Or Lw.
X

X
46

Gender roles are tasks and activities a culture assigns to each sex.
One of these tasks is religion, where both male and female have their
respective roles to play. Religion which is cultural and universal, consists of
beliefs and behaviour concerned with supernatural beings, powers and
forces. In Yorb society/culture, females are restricted from actively
participating in some of these religious rites/activities. Even in some cases
where myths associate women closely with the emergence of some deities,
women are still restricted from active participation in their rites. The Or
cult for example, is considered a patriarchal religious cult. However, the
myth that surround the Or Mgb in krd has it that Mgb was
brought into the town from gbland through a barren Ab kta woman.
She was told by If diviners to bring the deity worshipped in her fathers
compound to her husbands home in krd before she could have a child.
This she did, and ever since, the deity has been part of the prominent deities
in krd. Despite this fact, females are usually confined to their homes
during the celebration of Or festivals.
We have asked questions about why females are restricted from Or
worship. There has been no valid reason proffered for female subjugation
beyond the fear that Or might become a womens affair w n s di Or
obinrin; thereby removing the aura of fear around Or. It will appear then
that men are tacitly admitting a chauvinistic hijacking or appropriation of
what in reality belongs to women.
Another reason for women segregation is the issue of their menstrual
cycle. The female menstrual cycle is believed to possess the natural power
which destroys the potency of any magical power. The men therefore feel
threatened that, if women are given a free access to participate in ritual
festivals, the potency of mens magical superiority will be rendered
ineffective when they come in contact with the women. This is perhaps part
of the mens insistence on the segregation of women during some ritual
festivities.
However, there seems to be something paradoxical about the place of
women in Or worship and performance in krd. The ritual object of Or
itself known as t is kept in the shrine of the Am bas (female Or guild).
t is cleansed annually by Basgn a male priest appointed for the
women by the male Or cult. We may therefore wonder why the justification
for the female confinement despite the fact that the emblem of Or resides
among the women in the Am bas shrine. This situation could lead one to
think that the issue of females segregation/subjugation is not in doubt.
Oyewumi (1997: xii) does not subscribe to anatomical/biological
difference as a basis for gender inequalities among the Yorb as it is in the
West; she says:

47

In Western societies, physical bodies are always

social bodies.
But she states further of the Yorb case as providing a
different scenario:
In pre-colonial Yoruba society, body-type was not
the basis of social hierarchy: males and females
were not ranked according to anatomic distinction.
The social order required a different kind of map,
not a gender map that assume biology as the
foundation for social ranking.
We can therefore infer from the above that the Or emblem is being
kept in womens custody because the Yorb social categories were not
based on anatomical differences. Quite often, people talk about Yorb as a
strictly patriarchal society; Oyewumi (1997: xii) believes this statement is a
serious misconception when applied to y-Yorb. She stresses further:
In fact, my central argument is that there were no
women-defined in strictly gendered terms in that
society:
In corroborating this assertion, we find among the Yorb that there are
some patriarchal cults that are controlled by women1.
In justifying gender study in oral literature, Ilesanmi (1998:11) submits:
We cannot make gender criticism in a vacuum or
else we merely parrot what Euro-American critics
advertised to the world. Neither is it a sign of true
scholarship to remain different without a sound
justification.
In the light of this caveat, the foundations of the Yorb society and of
krd especially, should faithfully and truthfully be examined to prevent
false subscription to genderism. Therefore, we shall now proceed to
highlight the role of women in Or tradition which is considered to be a
patriarchal cult.
The role of women in Or tradition
The Am bas guild is the female cult of Or in krd. The Am bas
exist in both the Or Mgb and Or Lw cults. Their membership is
restricted. It is matrilineal and drawn from mothers who are offspring of Or
Mgb or Or Lw cult fathers. Hierarchy attainment is by seniority based
on position within the hierarchy. These positions are known within the
guild.

48

The Am bas are always dressed in white. They tie their wrappers
above their burst and gird their waist with a cloth. They adorn their bodies
(faces) with fun (white chalk) and rub osn (camwood) on their feet. In
Yorb religion, the white chalk is the symbol of rs l or Obtl the
god of creation. It therefore stands for both purity and creativity. At the
same time, camwood is rubbed on the feet by women who have just had
babies. One can therefore say that the Am bas, in terms of their dressing
and adornement, represent motherhood and fertility as well. The account of
the Am bas which we shall soon give and their role within the Or cult will
amply demonstrate that the Am bas are the mothers of the community as
they go through their rituals with fear and trembling, a quintessence of
gladness and sorrow which is a mothers joy.
The leader of the Am bas guild, Am basjn believes that, if the
Or is worshipped regularly, the members of the guild will always have their
needs met. It is therefore necessary to establish a cordial relationship
between the Am bas and the Or deity. Hence, the Am bas have regular
periods of worship which are weekly, occasional and annual.
The weekly worship takes place every fifth day. At this time, water
libation is poured to the deity, and there is breaking of kolanuts for
divination. Prayers are also offered for their families, relations and every
member of the guild and the town as a whole. The members deliberate on
issues concerning the guild and on preparation towards the next annual Or
festival. They also pay weekly contribution. This is to solidify their financial
base before and during the festival. In other words, they are financially
independent and needs no patronage. The occasional worship has to do with
those who consult the Am bas for spiritual assistance. The worship
period for such people is irregular. They come for worship and sacrifice with
materials such as kolanuts, fowls, pigeons, rams, etc. The annual worship,
comes up on the eve of the sm day. The following are the items of
worship at that time: yam tubers, guineafowls, plenty of kolanut, spirits,
ram, etc.
Early in the morning of the eve of sm , every member of the
Am bas guild except the Am basjn goes to river Ota2 to fetch water
with a pot called tn3. The women also pluck wr leaves. The wr leaf is
symbolic of peace. The Ambasjn stays at the shrine praying for their
successful return. It is a taboo for any of the members to stumble on her
way to the river. They file in a single line to the river singing specific songs.
According to my informant who is a song leader, the song is not cheerful nor
for entertainment. This is because of the fear of uncertainty about what may
happen before or when they get to the river. One of such songs is:
ry o,
rye o
Oldun j ,
49

Oldun j o,
Oldun j tt m gbre

gnmp4 ma i p dn j l sro o.
May we carry the tn (pot) without stumbling
May we carry the tn (pot) without stumbling
We have gathered for the annual festival
We have gathered for the annual festival
We have all gathered for the annual festival,

may our sacrifices be acceptable

The groundhorn bill does not miss the yearly ritual.
The song above has an element of incantation in it. The chorus leader
is praying that the women may go for the annual water fetching and return
successfully without stumbling. One may wonder why they sing such a
cheerless song. No woman goes to child labour with smiles on her face. If
things turn awry, she can loose her life, the baby or both. None of these
women must strike her feet against anything nor stumble on the way to and
back from the river. They are therefore, extracareful in their footsteps and
carriage to avoid the unexpected. Their minds, respectively, are set on this
great task as they must not fail themselves, the guild and the community as
a whole, thereby bringing calamity on the people.
The Am bas on their way home, with the water in the tn on their
heads and Wr leaves in their hands, sing, dancing joyfully back to their
shrine. The song is:
Mo jw i wr o
K r m, k rm o
K r mi,
Mo jw i wr o
r ff o,

R m solkb o.
Mo jw i wr o

50

K r mi,
K r m, k rm o
Mo jw i wr o

10

I have plucked wr leaves

May peace be mine, peace must be my childrens
May peace be mine
I have plucked wr leaves
Ceaseless fear

Is the portion of the tale bearer

I have plucked wr leaves
May peace be mine.
May peace be mine, may peace be my childrens
I have plucked wr leaves

10

The singer is announcing with all conviction her successful journey to

the river without stumbling. She is therefore praying for peace for herself
and for her children, (lines 2 3/ 8 9). This is in line with the womanist
stand that motherhood is central to an African woman. She also believes in
openmindedness with every one. That her thought towards mankind is fair
enough. So she needs not be afraid. Uneasiness then becomes the portion of
a talebearer (lines 5 and 6). If we take a second look at the concept of Or
worship, it is meant for everyone within krd and its environs. Since
these womens worship is towards Or, everyone in the community
automatically becomes their child. We
can
therefore, say that, the
Am bas are praying for the society. They are the mothers, seeking for
their childrens peaceful lives.
However, when the Am bas reach the arena in front of their shrine,
they change the song from Mo jw i wr to:
Ll:

Mo yn F, mo b F o

gb:

f ure

Ll:

Mo yn F, mo b F o

51

gb:

f ure

Soloist:

Ive journeyed to If , Ive come back from If

Chorus:

My journey to If has been successful

Soloist:

Ive journeyed to If , Ive come back from If

Chorus:

My journey to If has been successful

These women are rejoicing for overcoming all the spiritual and physical risks
that have attended their journey to Ota river. They have successfully gone to
fetch the water for purification and plucked Wr leaves which is to bring
peace to the community. On their return from the river, they all line up in a
single file, while Am basjn prayerfully collects the tn with the water
from them one after the other, and takes them into the shrine.
At this point, the Als (head of male Or cult), the jn (the one who
leads the Or as he goes in his ritual through the town) and the Basgn
(who is the priest assigned to the Am bas guild) enter the female shrine to
make sacrifices and necessary rituals before t (emblem of Or). They pray
for the community and the Am bas also. Both Als and jn return to
the male cult except Basgn (the only man within the Am bas guild)who
stays behind with the women. Basgn, uses the water from river Ota to
wash t (emblem of Or), cleanses the environment and performs the
necessary rituals and sacrifices. There is a saying that:
Ota k ssn
Kokooko lara ta le!
Ota does not fall sick
Otas body is always very strong!
Ota also means rock and it is symbolic of strength and longevity.
We can therefore say, that the fetching of water from river Ota for the
cleansing of t is to make Or virile, strong and healthy all through the
year. The goal of this ritual is that as Or goes through the town during the
festival, these qualities of strength, virility and longevity will be transferred
to the people and at the same time, the wr leaf will ensure peace within
the community. The virility, strength, longevity, healthy living and peace
needed in any community are all what the Am bas stand for even within a
patriarchal cult such as Or. The role of the Am bas as described above
seems to support Ezeanyas (1976: 108) statement that:

52

As a matter of fact the African woman realizes that

there are moments in her life when she is called upon
to be even more religious than the men.
It is not out of place to say that, there is a symbolic relationship
between the male and female cults of Or. This is reflected in the role played
by men to see that the Am bas guild succeeds. From the male grove, ample
food is sent through the wives of the male cultists to the Am bas at their
shrine. This offer of food by the male cult is in appreciation of the Am bass
role during the Or festival and within the community as a whole.
Nudity and Unusual Male Dressing on sm

Day

In African societies, there is historical/mythological evidence of male

appreciation of female feats. For example, in Yorbland M remi is
worshipped in If for saving If from Igbo marauders. Ajikobi (1999: 65 66)
has discussed a similar veneration of a Yem ja votary for saving w people
from being overrun by invaders from its southern part during one of the
inter-tribal wars. He concludes that:
It is clear indication and evidence that feats
performed by women in Africa are never swept
underneath the carpet. They are not only recognized
and acknowledged but as well openly commended.
This shows clearly that Yorb males appreciate female feats
especially in a traditional setting and this will become clearer as we go on to
discuss the various unusual dressings by some members of the audience
during the grand finale of Or festival. The last day of the Or festival is
known as sm . This is the day when females are not allowed to come out
of their homes. The Am bas themselves are also confined on this day. On
sm day, eligible males dress according to their hearts desire. Their
mode of dressing symbolizes mens free day women having been confined to
their homes. This dressing takes various forms. Some men dress normally in
bb and sr with or without agbd. Many others, however, dress in
unusual ways: some wear skt without bb or agbd, while some wear
panties only (semi-nude). Some dress like women in bb, wrapper, bra,
headgier with bags and shoes to match. And some come out nude.
The various unusual dressings of males on sm day are symbolic.
First, it will appear that the mythical origination or coming to the world of
Or is being reenacted by the males who go about nude on that day.
According to Idowu (1962: 192-194), and Jeje and Daram la (1968:268), Or
came nude into the world. He therefore could not go about in the day to
cover his shame and avoid being ridicule by women.
Second, another myth as contained in Adeoye (1985: 147 149)
attributes the origin of Or in Yorbland to a woman in Od wnrn
Asyn. In the same way, oral history supported by Adetowubo (1977:3) has
53

it that Or Mgb was introduced into krd by an Ab kta woman.

Mens wearing of womens clothes can in this respect be seen as a re
enactment of the introduction of Or into Yorb society and the Or Mgb
into krd by a woman named Adjwn.
Third, those men who dress like women are by their dressing,
masking as women in order to shield all men from possible dangers. In other
words, they are trying to tame the anger of women spiritually having denied
the women access to what they created. This point has been demonstrated
by gnb (1976/77: 38):
Another group of performers who do not put on
masks in African festivals are women. The
assumption being that they live a more poetical life
than their men folk, have secret powers, are more of
spirits than human beings and therefore an object of
fear or veneration. This exclusion from the masking
art goes to such an extent that when a goddess
appears in a masked form it is invariably a man who
is under the mask.
Professor Ogunbas submission is corroborated in the Gld masking as
described by Ibitokun (1993: 35):
Gld has no dress of his own; he never had
after performance, the women would recover their
clothes from the masker leaving him as he was
before.
This act of giving and retrieving of costumes from the masker, Ibitokun
submits, validates the premise of exclusive ownership of Gld cult or art
form by the women. We can therefore conclude that this unusual dressing
by men goes to the heart of the origin of Or. The men are hiding their fears
of possible danger and seeking womens favour they do not wish to incur,
the wrath of the women after denying them direct access to what they have
originated.
There is ritual symmetry of song and ritual between the Am bas
(female Or guild) and the male Or cult. As has been discussed earlier, on
the eve of sm when the Am bas (female Or guild) are returning after
successfully fetching the water from Ota river without any hitch or
stumbling, their song of triumph is:
Ll:

Mo yn F, mo b F o

gb:

f ure

Ll:

Mo yn F, mo b F o

54

gb:

f ure

Soloist:

Ive journeyed to If , Ive come back from If

Chorus:

My journey to If has been successful

Soloist:

Ive journeyed to If , Ive come back from If

Chorus:

My journey to If has been successful

It is noteworthy, that after the ritual and poetic performance at the

jn market, the song which the male cult members sing to bid Or farewell
for the year is the same as the Am bass:
Ll:

Mo yn F, mo b F o

gb:

f ure

Ll:

Mo yn F, mo b F o

gb:

f ure

Soloist:

Ive journeyed to If , Ive come back from If

Chorus:

My journey to If has been successful

Soloist:

Ive journeyed to If , Ive come back from If

Chorus:

My journey to If has been successful

For the Or, the song means that he has successfully carried out the
ritual purification of the community as well as secular cleansing through
poetic verbalization. He can now go back to his forest habitation till the
following year. This cyclic or symbiotic relationship between the ritual role of
the womens guild and the ritual cum poetic function of the male Or cult is
significant. Also in our discussion with Chief Kamoru Adekunle (Bm bt),
who is currently the leader of Lw rngb (pp) group, and with his
eldest sister, Chief (Ms) Idiat Bm bt aged about seventy, we gather that
Bm bts daughters contributed in no small measure in the composition
of his rngb songs. These daughters compose songs for performance by
their father. It is ironic that rngb songs which are of ritual-cultic origin
and are performed when women are restricted to their homes can also be
composed by women for performance by men. The ritual collaboration
between women and the Or cult comes to the fore. Perhaps one can say
then, that the much touted opposition, oppression and denial between
women and men during the Or festival culminating in sm day (day of
females confinement) does not exist at the ritual level. This therefore calls
for a re-examination/re-assessment of the view that the Yorb society is
strictly patriarchal.

55

Far and above the cases earlier cited, there have been women who
have ruled as ba (kings) in different parts of Yorbland. This point have
been documented by several scholars namely, (Atanda 1980:16), Fabunmi
(1985:73), and Aw (2004:6), Aluko (1993:6), Ajikobi (1999:44-45) and
Oyewumi, (2000: 95) etc.
It could be deduced from the scholars work cited above that if at all
patriarchalism seems to be dominating the Yorb society today, it is
certainly as a result of Western influence. The pre-colonial Yorb society
was a traditionally, politically and economically genderless society. Seniority
was not gender-based. What mattered were expertise and excellence.
However, spiritually, women are naturally endowed, men cannot but
need women for spiritual sustenance. The ritual song below shows the
extent of female power in African traditional religion. Ajikobi (1999: 62 63):
K m d pobnrin mawo
Awo mjllgn lobnrin m
Mj t l lr r t knrin
Gbogbo ogn yk tobnrin ni
We should not say women are un-informed about esoteric
cults.
They are initiated into twenty-two (esoteric) cults
Only the last two are known to men
The remaining twenty belong to the women folk
An Opa5 song that depicts the essence of ygan is:
pa palwa r
Eni t b foj d ygan
pa palwa r
Eni t b foj d ygan
Eni mj a Sng

K j fos ser
Opa plwa r

56

Eni t b foj dygan

Opa will kill that person
Who disregards the ygan
Opa will kill that person
Who disregards the ygan
He who has experienced the wrath of Sango

Will never fiddle with his Os staff

Opa will kill that person.
Who disregards the ygan,
It is therefore worthy of note that foreign pressures on African esoteric
institutions have had no effect on the vital roles of women in the African
traditional religion till today. Their essence within the societies knows no
bounds.
Conclusion
It is a fact that at the surface level, women are not seen or heard as
far as the Or cult is concerned. It is true they are confined to their homes
on sm day. We have however demonstrated in this paper that women
are at the heart of Or cult in krd town. We have also shown that there
is a kind of fear of the women in the heart of the males as evidenced in their
dressing on sm day. This seems to be the fate of women in other parts
of Yorbland whenever male cult are discussed. But, as Yorb scholars
have demonstrated, women are fundamental in such cults.
Our discussion of the role of women in Or cult in krd and our further
examination of the role of women in other seemingly patriarchal cults in
Yorbland, call into question the much touted view that Yorb society is
strictly patriarchal. The view is challenged by the historical fact that women
have reigned as ba in many parts of Yorbland. One may therefore
conclude that the role of women complements that of men in Yorb society.
There is however a kind of tokenism about this female representation. For
example when we talk of the role of the Am bas in Or cult only a small
fraction of women are associated with the Or emblem ta; majority of
women are left out. What percentage of women were ba and bal ? And
when we talk of deities among the Yorb, what proportion of them are
female? But must women continue to accept a situation in which they are
denied what should be their positions in spiritual matters? They should
change a situation in which they are subjected to intimidation and create an
atmosphere in which they can realize their hopes, aspirations and visions.

57

They can only be what they want to be through boldness and

resourcefulness. This may be difficult at the spiritual-cultic level. At socialpolitical and intellectual levels however, such great strides have been taken
by females that there is very little or no gender discrimination. The Feminist
Movement as well as Womanism, its African counterpart, made this
possible. This Movement has advocated empowerment at various levels such
as economic, political, religious, judicial, educational, etc. (Olujinmi 2004:
58-72), in order to free females from real or perceived chackles of
domination or servitude6.
Notes
1

It is the women who play some vital roles during the coronation and the
life of any Alfin in Yorbland. They include: y-il-or, the priestess
who keeps in her apartment, the kings or, the symbol of inner-head, the
essence of personality (Idowu 1962:170). yalem nl is the head of the
Babalwo in the city who keeps the kings If (oracle) image: and the ym nd , whose duty it is to worship the spirits of dead kings, calling out
their egngn (ancestors) in her apartment (Abrahams, 1958: 18-21).
The importance of women is also recognized in other Yorb traditional
cults. In the egngn cult, the Ato or y-gan is the woman privileged to
know the mysteries of the egngn secret festivals. Within the gbni
cult, also, there is the Erel who is the only woman within the traditional
system of administration. Considering the above, women can therefore
legitimately be said to be empowered even in a seemingly patriarchal
setting like the Yorb society.

River Ota: This is one of the traditional rivers in krd. Legend story
has it that, a certain woman named Ota at her ripped age, turned to a
river.

tn: It is a clay-pot, painted white and used in fetching water from

river-Ota for washing t (Or emblem) in the female shrine.

gnmp: wr dialectal form of klmgb. Tradition has it that the

Or Lw came from s ri in wrland. This perhaps explains the
use of the wr dialectal form.

Opa: It is one of the traditional secret cults prominent among the gb

and jb people.

For literature on Feminism, this you can easily get in B lanle Aw (1979,
2004). Acholonu, C.O. (1995), Oyewumi Oyeronk (1997).
For literature on Womanism, see Uko, I.I. (1996), K law le Modupe
(1997), etc.

58

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Adeoye, C. L. (1985). gbgb ti sn Yorb, Ibadan: Evans Brothers
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