The Study of Islamic Urbanism: An Historiographic Essay

Author(s): NEZAR ALSAYYAD

Source: Built Environment (1978-), Vol. 22, No. 2, Islamic Architecture and Urbanism (1996),
pp. 91-97
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THE STUDY

The

OF ISLAMIC

URBANISM:

A HISTORIOGRAPHIC

of Islamic
Study
An Historiographic
NEZAR

ESSAY

Urbanism:
Essay

ALSAYYAD

The idea of a particularly Islamic city was first proposed by Western scholars
operating within an Orientalist perspective. Later, their ideas were discredited

when seen to be part of a larger pattern of derogatory stereotypical scholarship.

The recent rise of nationalist ideologies in the Middle East has, however, made it
difficultfor many scholars tofree themselves from these early positions. Scholarship
on the Islamic city is now in a position to return to more fundamental questions
about the nature and meaning of Islamic cities and to detailed analysis of the
specific individual and institutional forces that have shaped them.

times have brought about a

Islamic
in many
of
resurgence
regimes
countries in the Arab and Muslim world,
and the question of an Islamic city has once
again come to the fore. It is useful in
this renewed interest to realize
addressing
The

present

that

the

idea

of

Islamic

particularly

city

Foundations

Conceptual
Uneven

and

Assumptions

The first interest in the West in the nature

of the Islamic
city was spurred by the
of
the
Marcais
brothers. Their work
writings
is

still

cited

in

most

and

books

articles

on

has an historiography that is several gener

ations long. The idea of the Islamic city has
also survived considerable
political shifts in
the production of scholarship.
Interest in the topic of the Islamic city

Muslim cities because it provides a general

framework within which to pursue further
published
Urbaine',

in 1928, 'L'lslamisme
et la Vie
William Marcais
introduced
the

dates

idea

Islam

from

the
It

century.

early

was

decades
first

of the

represented

twentieth
in

the

writings of several European scholars whose

work was mainly the product of the colonial
regimes of France and Britain. This gener
ation of early researchers provided the West

of many Muslim
of the material
and
how
this has been
produced by them,
viewed by later writers, may help identify
with

cities.

the

the basic surveys

An examination

origins

of some

current

research

tions and trends that dominate

Muslim urbanism.
BUILT ENVIRONMENT

assump

the field of

examination

that

of particulars.

was

In

essentially

a classic

an

article

'urban'

a civilization
religion that had produced
whose essence was its cities. In this article
Marcais contended
that Friday prayers in
the congregational mosque were a reflection
of the necessity of urban living for the
continued survival of Islam. He then described
what he called 'the quintessential
Islamic
city', which he claimed was centred around
a Friday mosque, a nearby market, and a
series of public baths.
The ideas introduced by William Marcais
in the 1920s and 1930s were followed up by

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91

ARCHITECTURE

ISLAMIC

his brother George

Roger LeTourneau

and

in the 1940s,
in the 1950s.

by
two

In

articles published in 1940 and 1945, George

identified what he considered
the
a
with
of
Muslim
unique morphology
city,
Marcais

ethnically segregated residential quarters and

hierarchically ordered bazaars. LeTourneau's

on Fez, culminating in a 1957 book,

this line of research. It too, how
relied
on a specifically North African
ever,
over
model
of the Islamic
city which
work

continued

the centrality of the Friday

emphasized
mosque and the market and the importance
of public baths as general features of Muslim

cities. The intent of this emphasis was clearly

to establish the difference between the Islamic
city and its medieval
in a
Operating

European counterpart.
different region
was
another French Orientalist, Jean Sauvaget.
His work on the Syrian cities of Damascus

(1934) and Aleppo

(1941) drew a slightly
different picture, showing how Muslim cities
evolved from pre-Islamic origins. Sauvaget's
line of inquiry was followed up in the 1950s

French
Xavier
De
scholar,
by another
Planhol, who contrasted new towns estab
lished by the Muslim Arabs with Middle
Eastern

towns

of Greco-Roman

taken

origin

over by the Muslims. De Planhol's model of

a Muslim
city, like that of Sauvaget,
a

emphasized

linear

bazaar,

an

citadel, and irregular alleyways

residential

quarters.

De

Planhol

elevated

feeding the
was

one

of

to put a special derogatory

on
the
spin
meaning of urban form in Islam.
For instance, he wrote (1959, p23.):
the first scholars

seem
to be the most
anarchy
of Islamic
cities.
The effect of

and

Irregularity

striking
qualities
It substitutes
for a
Islam
is essentially
negative.
a
and
solid unified
shifting
inorganic
collectivity,
it walls
of districts;
off and divides
up
assemblage
face

of

paradox
city life

the

this

the

city.

religion

leads

directly

a truly
By
that inculcates
to

remarkable
an

ideal
of

negation

of

urban

order.

The

choice

of words

here

is

clear

of a specific norm which equated

with
order and development, and
regularity
indication

92

AND URBANISM

it with the West, while irregu

associated
trait
considered
an Islamic
larity was
reflective of urban chaos.
By the 1950s, then, two different models
of Muslim urbanism had emerged within
Western

One was based

on
scholarship.
from
North
the
other
on
Africa,
examples
from
the
central
Middle
East.
examples
Neither of these models, however,
incor
much
about
the characteristic
porated
institutional structure or social organization
of Muslim society.
It took

the work

of Gustave

von

Grunebaum

to bring all these strands together to produce

a fully mature Orientalist picture of the typical
Muslim city. After it appeared in 1955, Von

Grunebaum's
classic article 'The Structure of
the Muslim Town' was widely used to teach
and discuss the form of the Muslim city. In
this work, Von Grunebaum
the
merged
work of the Marcais brothers on Morocco
and Sauvaget on Syria into a compromise of
which
he called
'the typical
of
a
form
Muslim
physical
city'. Then, using
Kroeber's
culturalist
theory,1 he married
elements,

this formalist
structure

and

analysis
social

to the institutional

organization

of

urban

Islam identified by the Orientalists Massignon

and

Brunschvig.

Von

Grunebaum's

work

showed all of the negative, reductionist ten

dencies of Orientalist scholarship. His desire
to define the Muslim city in terms of equiva
lent institutions found in medieval Europe
led him to analyse Islam as a unitary phenom
enon, incapable
Ironically,
Grunebaumian

of development and change.

the
1960s
the
Von
by

had
become
stereotype
scholars
from
the
Islamic
accepted by many
world itself. This could be observed in the
work of R. Jairazbhoy, Abdel Ismail, and
Ahmed Monier. Jairazbhoy (1965), an Indian

scholar, used examples from Mughal India

and the Arab Middle East to agree with Von
Grunebaum's
notion that irregularities
in
the form of Muslim cities were a result of
the absence

of controlling authorities. He
that
Islam's desire to ensure the
suggested
and
of its urban
safety
independence
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VOL 22 NO 2

THE STUDY

inhabitants
of

resulted

residential

OF ISLAMIC

in an appropriate
and

segregation

URBANISM:

A HISTORIOGRAPHY

form

commercial

concentrated

Lapidus
urban

structure

when it came to the

grouping. However,
form of the city, Jairazbhoy's
description

was

proposition2

almost

identical

Grunebaum.
reveals
that
the

exactly

that

of

Von

his references
did not rely
although
Von Grunebaum,
he cited

on

explicitly

to

check

of
he

sources.

same

As

books spread the Von

Jairazbhoy's
Grunebaumian
on the Indian
stereotype
subcontinent, the work of Ismail (1969) and
Monier (1971) achieved
the same effect in
the Middle East. In the work of both these
Egyptian researchers the Von Grunebaumian
was

stereotype

in

used

its

an

as

entirety

underlying basis for discussion.

With hindsight, then, it appears that the
concept of the Muslim city first evolved,
and

developed

matured

as

a result

of cumu

lative research done by 'Orientalist' scholars

from the West and 'Oriental' scholars from
the Muslim world. These writers largely
drew

on

one

another

in

a chain

of authority

that went all the way back to the Marcais

brothers and Sauvaget. Ironically, a similar
chain may also be found in the Arab
Chronicles, which all writers used as primary
research evidence. As a result of this first
wave

of

researchers

literature,

were

led

to

could be credited with

significantly increasing the degree of urban
ization in the Middle East and with introducing
a new urban form: the Muslim city. These

believe

two

that Islam

central

issues

were

to

remain

un

until Ira Lapidus's

important
challenged
work on Muslim cities of the central Middle
East in the late Middle Ages.
Revisionist
Scholarly

Challenges

and

research (1967) marked the begin

Lapidus's
ning of a different series of books on Muslim
cities that formed a second identifiable wave
of scholarship. This was justifiably critical of

BUILT ENVIRONMENT

on

of three

the

exploring
Muslim

major

cities

Aleppo, Cairo and Damascus

during the
Mamluk era. Instead of testing the Weberian
that

the

urban

entities

of

the

Muslim

Middle East were not really cities,

he reformulated the issue by asking what
forces established Muslim cities as functioning
urban political
units. He concluded
by
suggesting that Muslim urban society was
not an entity defined by any single political
or socioeconomic

body, but rather a society

which divided essential powers and functions
among its different component groups. This
constituted
the gov
system of relations
ernment of Muslim cities, whose urban form
was

the

outcome

of

interactions

between

these subsidiary groups.

Lapidus's
principal contribution lay in his
attempt to identify the subsidiary
groups
that

the

constituted

urban

structure

of

Muslim cities - namely, the military elites,

the Ullama or religious leaders, and the local
notables and merchants. This model, which
contains

Weberian

remains

traces,

useful

in analysing the cities of the Middle East

within the temporal
framework
of the
Middle Ages.
A colloquium
held at Oxford University
in 1965 (the proceedings
of which were
as The Islamic City, edited by
published
Albert Hourani and S.M. Stern, 1970) was
another

contribution

important

wave

of literature.

number

This

of excellent

essays

to this

volume

second

contained

covering

different

aspects of Muslim urbanism. In the intro

ductory article, Hourani offered distinctions
based on time, place and function that he
claimed
must qualify any discussion
of
Muslim cities. The central question of the

book

Responses

earlier literature, and established

the revisionist phase.

ESSAY

what I call

became whether Muslim cities in the

Middle East have common features at all,
and, if so, whether these were explainable in
terms of Islam. Many other contributions to
the book were actually refutations of earlier
research.

For

example,

Stern

that the absence of professional

was

only

one

example

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of

the

emphasized

organizations
absence

of
93

ISLAMIC

bodies

organizational
Other

contributors

in
also

Islamic

ARCHITECTURE

Arabic

society.

demonstrated

that

many of the characteristics previously thought

to define the Islamic city were typical of
medieval cities of both East and West.
During this period of challenge to earlier
ideas about Muslim cities the publication of
Edward Said's seminal book Orientalism (1979)

had a major impact. Said argued that early

Orientalist research was imbued with the
idea of the Orient as mysterious, unchanging,
and ultimately inferior. This powerful position
won

over

many

researchers

on

the

and

topic,

the effect of Said's work could be observed

in the different tone of the many books on
the Islamic city published in the 1980s.
It may be somewhat
coincidental
that

these writings paralleled

the rise of funda
mentalist regimes in many Muslim countries
in the late 1970s and early 1980s. The emer
attitudes
gence of these new nationalistic
about

brought

the

religious

cultural

examine
to

implicit

But

governments

the subject
devise

awareness

increasing

values

systems.

Muslim

order

an

one
were

in

result

Muslim

obliged

of the Muslim

operational

of

that

was

guidelines

to

re

city in
for

building and planning practices.

Looking back, it is now possible to classify
the schools of scholarship of the 1980s and
early 1990s into three distinct groups: the
the philosophically
motivated,
politically
and
the
inspired,
socially informed. While
the three groups
employ
very different
methods in the study of Islamic urbanism,
belief that the
they share the unwavering
Islamic way of life was reflected in the form
and culture of its cities.
Recent

literature

Muslim
urbanism,
international
bodies or
mainly published by
has
government institutions,
perhaps most
reflected
the
views
of the first
noticeably
For
UNESCO
group.
example,
sponsored a

on

headed by R.B. Serjeant in 1980

colloquium
to establish the unique institutional qualities
of the Muslim
a critical
city through
treatment of its individual component urban
functions (Sergeant, 1980). And the respected
94

AND URBANISM

from Kuwait
Aim El-Fikr
journal
a
issue
the
same year
published
special
during
entitled 'The Islamic City', containing contri
butions in a similar vein from well-known
Arab scholars that maintained a somewhat
nationalistic tone which reflected the authors'
pride in the history of Arab culture.
Several conferences on Middle Eastern and
Muslim urbanism inside and outside the
Muslim world also took place at this time.
A

of

variety

were

organizations

active

in

sponsoring such meetings. One was the Aga

Khan Award for Architecture, which also
published several interesting books oriented
to

serve

the

award

and

programme,

whose

can be clearly linked to educa

philosophy
tional objectives
propagated
through the
institution's educational unit at Harvard and
the Massachusetts
Institute of Technology.3
Another

the

was
which

Towns,

of

Organization
several

sponsored

Arab

international

conferences and which published one prin

cipal volume that dealt with the identity and
evolution of the Muslim city from past to
and

present

planning
And

the

offered

(Serageldin
Saudi

for

strategies

and

El-Sadek,

government

future

1981).
several

sponsored

conferences on the Islamic City, most notably

the one held at King Faisal University which
attempted to identity the so-called 'Islamic
essence

of architectures

in the Muslim
Another

world

and

urban

(Germen,

important

existence'

1983).

conference,

which

these rising nationalistic

clearly displayed
tendencies, was held under the sponsorship
of the Professors World Peace Academy. Its
proceedings
(Saggaf, 1987) contained work
from different interdisciplinary contributors
issues
covering historic and contemporary
in Middle
Eastern urbanism.
In a brief
introduction, the editor, Abdul Aziz Saggaf,
a distinguished
Yemeni scholar, explained
that the book would not treat the Islamic
but as a
city as a historical phenomenon,
of
contemporary entity capable
providing a
harmonious

environment

for its inhabitants.

Saggaf's
position is a good example
the reactionary tendencies of this group
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of
of

VOL 22 NO 2

THE STUDY

URBANISM:

OF ISLAMIC

nationalist scholars. He began by quoting a

controversial paragraph from Lapidus (1967,
p.93, as quoted in Saggaf, 1987):
We

can

no
think
of Muslim
longer
. . None
of the characteristic

unique.
Muslim

were

cities

as

bodies

of

to

urban

Muslim

forms

qualities.

He

then responded
to this passage
by
a
that
view
stood
for the position
providing
of many of his colleagues (Saggaf, 1987, p.3):
Of

most

course,

Professor
certain

Lapidus
distinctive

layout

and

with

issue
do

cities

have

features.

or

on one
palace
on the other hand.

mosque

take

Muslim

a unique
have
They
the
central
focus
design,
physical
which
is always
a Maidan
around
a

of

point
castle

scholars
since

hand

and

the

central

the Orientalist who had introduced it, even

though almost all the original Orientalist
assumptions

had

been

on

Islamic

research

proven

in

the

followed the above line of

analysis. Although their work was not as
a second
widely disseminated,
group of
to

attempted

bring

the

together

and Muslim
study of Muslim philosophy
architecture and urban form. This is the
group I have referred to above as having a
philosophical
inspiration. The use of Sufism
and
branch
of Islamic
one
(as
religious

spiritual practice) by this group has led to

of urban form.
new levels of understanding
of
the
The centrality
mosque and the royal
quarters, for example, has now received a
new

notion

The

interpretation.
was

elements

authority.

that

was

the

early

centrality

a representation

But in the work

BUILT ENVIRONMENT

Orientalist
of

these

of centralized

of the Iranian

of

concept

oneness

in

Islam.

Other

working within this philosophical

in similar investi
tradition have engaged
Arabic
literature
gations using
language,
and mythology to interpret city form. Although

this group has not produced any substantial

work, they have made interesting connections
and constructed a deeper complexity.
Finally, a third group of scholars working
in the 1980s and early 1990s has sought

social explanations
for the configurations of
urban form within the Islamic city. Those in
this group
are rather diverse
in their
but

orientations,

case

type.

in

by

have

they

that

are

later

the 'Islamic
the

Among

on

concentrating

structures,
studies

encompass

to

generalized

as a generic

City'

noteworthy

socio

constructed

works

produced

in
this category are those published
Arabic by Jamel Akbar (1988) and Saleh Al
Hathloul (1992). Using Islamic law rulings,
to

rendered

resolve

urban

conflicts

and

building disputes, they have identified the

process by which social and cultural struc
tures ultimately shaped Muslim cities.

Not

wrong.

urbanism

1980s, however,

researchers

the

scholars

cultural

It was ironic that in reaction to a perceived

dismissal by Lapidus of the concept of the
Muslim city Saggaf reverted to the very
that
model provided
by Von Grunebaum
had been the source of many problems in
scholarship on Muslim urbanism. It was as
if in defence of the concept of the Muslim
city it was now legitimate to use the work of

all

ESSAY

Ardlan
born scholars
Nader
and Laleh
Bakhtiar (1973) this original notion has been
replaced
by the idea that the centrality
from
a latent spiritual belief related
emerged

society
specifically
of organization.
. . Cities
were
entities
physical
but
unified
social
bodies
defined
not
by
characteristically

A HISTORIOGRAPHIC

works

Other
have

not

along

been

as

the

same

lines,

however,

Either

successful.

they

have isolated the problem by concentrating

on the city as a kit of parts, thus falling into
the

formalist

Or

trap.4

else

they

have

to analyse
the city regionally
attempted
within politically defined geographic entities
that

have

not

units.5 These

existed

as

consistent

historical

later studies

do some injustice
to the socially informed school of thought,
since their tendencies toward reductionism
or generalization
result in an overly deter
ministic view of urbanism.

Scholarship

Reoriented

The above
in purpose

discussion reveals the clear split

that currently abides at the centre
of the investigation of Muslim urbanism. At

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95

ISLAMIC

a time when revisionist

literature

has

overturned

ARCHITECTURE

and anti-Orientalist
many

basic

mold.

later

For

concerned

assump

Muslim cities, many scholars the

formalists and the regionalists
particularly
- have not been able to see
beyond the
immediate physical qualities of cities, and
have thus had difficulty letting go of the old
tions about

stereotypical model. What conclusions

be drawn from such a historiography
seemingly comes full circle?

AND URBANISM

can
that

writers

the

protective

And

in doing so they have conveniently

the flawed nature of the early
ignored
scholarship that produced this idea.
In this article I have attempted to raise a

set of questions relevant to a discussion

of
Muslim city form. My intention has simply

been to reveal the linkages

of such Orientalist work became evident,

the stereotype was challenged by a number
of revisionist writers. However,
aspects of
been
the original
have
now
stereotype
and
some
Arab
Muslim
re-championed
by

creators

scholars

for

political

and

They

have clung to the idea of the Islamic city as

that is particularly
their own.
something

At the outset I pointed out how the idea

of a stereotypical Muslim city was constructed
by a series of Western authorities who drew

upon a small sample of cities from a variety

of locations. This stereotype was then elab
of
orated in concert with the development
Orientalist scholarship. As the flawed basis

has

problem

nationalism.

cular

of

system

between

and

ideas

the

a parti

nature

of

conclusions
reached. It should be clear that
what is needed today is a culturally informed,
and gender-sensitive
ethnically conscious,
interdisciplinary approach. Only an approach
that can both analyse
the intents of the
of

Islamic

and

cities,6

account

for

the dynamic balance that developed between

their inhabitants and their governments can
explain why these urban agglomerations have
survived as cultural entities until today.

nationalistic

reasons.

Edward Said has already described

state of affairs (1979, p.263):
No

scholar

such a

1. A.L.

or school

is a perfect representative
in which,
or school
by virtue
of history,
or the accidents

of

of
type
he
origin
and
Yet in so relatively
insulated
participates.
.
.
there
is
a
tradition
as
orientalism.
specialized
some

ideal

national

in

each

conscious
tradition,

scholar
and

some

partly
if not national

awareness,

unconscious,

of

partially
national

on the
shows

how attempts to describe Muslim urbanism

have been severely affected by the biases

and beliefs of both early and late scholars.

for early
One source of these problems
Christians
writers was that many were

attempting to come to grips with a powerful

alternative force. The image of the Muslim
city was only part of the larger image of
'Mohammedism'

(Said, 1979, p.60). Thus,

of observing the unique conditions
of particular
cities, these early writers
needed
to fit the cities into a convenient
instead

96

Kroeber's
classic work, The Nature of Culture
of Chicago
was
Press,
1952)
(Chicago:
University
used by many scholars
of this generation.
2. The

work

foundation

see

of Max
for

urbanism,
York: Free
3. For

ideology.

The brief description of scholarship

city I have presented here

Islamic

NOTES

Award

on

his

these

seminars

May,

Journal
1992,

(ed.)

of

an important

the

of
sociology
The City (New

book

review
Bozdogan's
for
Architecture:

Reconciliation.
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