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The Groundings with my Brothers, Walter Rodney, Miguel Lorne publishers, Kingston, 2001
( first written in 1969), 60 pages, free
Walter Rodney, a Pan-African philosopher and activist, is considered to be one of the
greatest voices for the international black freedom struggle (Howison, 2011,43). The Jamaican
Government deemed him dangerous based on his Marxist stance (Howison, 2011,49). In 1968
the government barred Rodney from re-entering the country (Small,1969,7). Rodney wrote The
Groundings with my Brothers in response. The books sought the elimination the racism that was
afflicting the blacks. His solution is the revolutionary societal reconstruction of the world to
advance black aspirations based on black power. My thesis is that Rodneys methods were the
fundamentally philosophically correct way to achieve his goals and his ideology is still relevant
today.
Chapter one begins with Rodney stating that Jamaica was being run by a neocolonial
government of lackeys at the black masses expense using the Jamaican motto, Out of Many
One People, as a lie to keep them from revolting (p12). This tactic has been undermined by two
factors. The first is Rastafarian resistance (p12-13). Secondly the society was failing, a failure
proven by widespread unemployment and racist injustice (p12). These factors have forced the
racial question into the open (p14). The masses have also come to have taken an interest in black
issues (p.14-15). Consequently the masses have awoken to the farcicalness of Jamaican politics
(p.15).
Rodney asserts the case for black power in chapter two. Black power is defined by him as
the political self-determination of black people (p.16). He defines black people as individuals
deemed non-white by white imperial standards (p.16). He makes this case using three premises.

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Firstly skin color is the most important feature in determining a persons treatment (p.16).
Secondly the white world defines whiteness (p.16). Thirdly blacks will face racial discrimination
(p.16). Furthermore blacks of African descent are the worst hit of all the black people by racism
(p.17). Rodneys next argument is that the oppression of black people comes from European
imperialism (p.17). Imperialism is the exertion of power by a dominant metropolitan country
like the U.K over a dominated peripheral state like Jamaica (p.18). This definition renders
irrelevant the distinction between the colonies and the newly independent black nations as these
new states are being controlled by the white imperialists via puppet regimes (p.18)
Imperialism is divided into capitalist exploitation and white power (p.17). Capitalist
exploitation is the capitalists subjugation of the proletariat (p.17). White power is the power of
whites over blacks in a manner that strips blacks of all power (p.17). White power rules in favor
of whites regardless of the proportion of blacks to whites or if the land was originally white
(p17). Said power largely dominates the world and has inflicted many atrocities on black people
(p17). White powers goal is to plunder black wealth, thus enriching whites and impoverishing
blacks (p19). Consequently blackness equates to poverty and whiteness to wealth (p19). This is
an unnatural black people had power before European contact (p18).
Rodney next topic is the African-American struggle. He states that they arent better than
third world blacks for three reasons (p 20). The first two are that slavery enriched the U.S and
even when black people do well in an industry they work for white managers (p20). Thirdly
blacks briefly held power following emancipation but were stripped of it (p 20).The American
black power movement recognizes this predicament, rejects it and strives to remove it by
advancing black power (p 20). Black power seeks a peaceful coexistence based on respecting the
right of the blacks to self determination (p23).

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The modern American black power movement differs from its predecessors in that it
seeks to advance the claim of black Americans in the country that they enriched and it endorses
violence (p.21) Rodney uses four arguments to counter the critics of violent liberation. Firstly the
oppressive violence used by the whites is not morally equivalent to the violence used to resist it
(p21). Secondly whites used black people to fight their wars so blacks should get to use self
liberating violence (p22). Thirdly the post-emancipation racist treatment of blacks is violence
(p22). Fourthly African-Americans have nothing to lose (p23).
In chapter three Rodney asserts the relevance of black power to the West Indies (p24).
The relevance of black power is the choice of black people of either accepting their blackness or
faking whiteness (p24). Rodney then stops to refute the criticism of black power as being racist
(p24). This is false as black powers role is to restore the political equality of blacks with whites
in proportion to their numbers in a society (p24). Secondly this argument is a hypocritical
attempt by white power to undermine black power (p24).
Rodney then argues for the relevance of black power to the West Indies based on five
historical phases of racism undermining social development in the region (p25). These phases are
the development of racialism from slavery, emancipation, the importation of Indian indentured
labor, the year 1865 in Jamaica and the year 1938 in the West Indies (p25).Slavery is an
economically motivated act that led to racism because it made white people completely dominant
over blacks (p25). Racism developed to justify slavery and blacks came to internalize self hatred
(p25). The British ended slavery upon losing profitability and was done in a way that perpetuated
racist interests (p25). This was done by compensating the Planters and not the blacks and forced
the blacks into apprenticeship (p25-26). This allowed the planters to consolidate power over the
blacks (p26).

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The plantation systems survival needed Indian labor due to African desertions (p26).
The British acquired this as they owned India and oppressed the people into desperation (p26).
The year 1865 was the year that the British defeated Paul Bogles rebellion and imposed direct
rule (p26). This is change was racist because if constitutional rule had continued black people
would rule Jamaica (p26). Hence the British gave white majority colonies more constitutional
freedom but imposed direct rule on black majority territories (p26). 1938 heralded West Indian
black riots against direct rule (p27). The British commissions terrible findings caused them to
withhold the information to keep the blacks fighting for them (p27). Britain then constructed
local lackey governments (p27).
Rodneys solution to this is to: break away from imperialism, have the black assume
power then refashion the culture to reflect the blacks (p28). Rodney then counters the attack that
black power is anti-Indian by stating that based on his definition of black power, Indians are
black (p28). Furthermore Indians suffered from and rebelled against the same oppression that
Africans did (p28). Black Power is not only compatible with a multicultural society but
necessary for its existence as its existence renders race irrelevant (p29). He cites Castros Cuba
as an example of this with regard to Afro-Cubans (p31). The real enemy of a harmonious racial
society is the lie that it already exists (p29). Statistically speaking Jamaica is a black society that
is overwhelmingly African and so for this reason the Africans should get a majority stake in the
country as opposed to its current domination by racial minorities (p30).
The black intelligentsia must molded by black power to help the black masses in order to
effect change (p32). Black Powers goal is to de-indoctrinate the society of mental slavery (p32).
One example of mental slavery is the belief in anti-black stereotypes (p32). Another one is that
whiteness is beautiful and blackness is ugly especially in the use of unnecessary and self

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insulting white symbolism in Christianity (p33). He is not criticizing Christianity itself but
rather is stating that black people need to create their own religious symbolism (p33). Ultimately
black powers goal is to get black people to see themselves through their own eyes rather than
that of the racists (p34).
Rodneys goal for chapter four is to show the need for people of African descent to
learn African history. This is because people of African descent have been humiliated by the
replacement of Africas heritage with dehumanizing lies of savagery and primitiveness (p35).
African history is actually an essential aspect of history (p39). White power used these lies to get
Africans to see themselves as inferior and submit to exploitation (p39). Consequently the African
Diaspora distances itself from Africa (p35). By learning their history African people in will
regain a sense of their humanity (p39). This will help to reunite the Diaspora with Africa and
advance Pan African Unity (p35).
The first important point that Rodney makes about Africa is that it is Humanitys
birthplace (p35). Secondly he Africa has seen the rise of many great empires (p35). He focuses
on three groups of African cultures: the Nile kingdoms of Egypt and Meroe, Ethiopia and West
Africa (p35-36). Thirdly there many small societies in Africa as well but they should not be
frowned upon due to the fact that they retain a moral standard of living that is lost to white
society (p36).
When it comes to Egypt everyone knows about their pyramids (p35). The claim that the
Egyptians werent black is nonsense as blacks often intermarried with Egyptians (p40). Meroe
had powerful women and was Africas industrial iron producer (p41). Pre-Christian Ethiopia
was already a powerful kingdom and became one of the most important Christian lands (p44-45).

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West Africa has a long history producing powerful Empires (p36). Lastly the kingdom of Yoruba
was known for its artwork (p49-50).
In chapter five Rodney gives guidelines on how to effectively use African history for the
Black struggle. He sets two rules to this end: use history to mobilize the masses but not to
impress whites and that history is to be seen as a secondary tool for revolutionary action (p51).
He argues that the study of history should not exclusively focus on the sophisticated African
political states (p53). This approach is derived from the Eurocentric bias that the political state is
the only determinant of progress (p56). This is a bad as European state formation happened more
effectively than in Africa thus construing everyone who lived outside of states to be primitive
savages (p56). This justifies colonialism on the basis of civilizing Africa (p58). The only way to
understand African culture would be to study the history of, alongside these states, the ordinary
lives of those who did and didnt live in these states (p.53)
Rodney argues instead that African cultures should analyzed based on the goals they set
for themselves which was the emphasis of social values like hospitality and the treatment of the
elderly, social and religious tolerance, law and public order (p56). African hospitality ensured
that strangers were taken care of, poverty minimized and the elderly were treasured (p53 &54).
Pre-colonial African justice was based on restitution not punishment, crime was low, there were
no jails and executions were rare (p54 & 55). African religions were inherently tolerant and
Ethiopian Christianity is more tolerant than its Western counterpart (p55).
In terms of Rodneys second point he argues that ones humanity can only be proven via
revolution (p51). He uses Cuba as an example which, after the revolution, teaches African
history whilst Jamaica refused to (p51-52). The U.S on the other hand teaches African history as

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a distraction from relevant black issues (p52). Rodney concludes by stating that the recreation of
an African way of life in the Americas is a farfetched idea as that is irrelevant outside of Africa
so the Diaspora should focus on revolution (p58 &59).
Rodneys goal for chapter six is to criticize his from entering the Jamaica and the way
forward towards revolution. Firstly he states is that he states is that Government of Jamaica is
run by black imperial lackeys (p.60). This government fears that the populace will ask questions
about race (p.61). Consequently the government has pursued a censorship policy like the banning
Rodney (p.60). The government has also used deceit via the Jamaican motto lie (p.61-62).
Finally the government has used Rodneys Marxist beliefs to scare people (p.61-62). There are
three reasons why this wont work. Firstly the black struggle existed before Rodney and will
continue after him so banning him is irrelevant (p.63). Secondly his banning might provoke the
revolution (p.60). This is because student riots that erupted into a riot of the black masses over
Rodneys ban means that the ban triggered the masses into finally responding to the larger social
problems (p.66).Thirdly the Rastafari community will always resist state lies (p.61).
Rodneys last point is on black intellectuals. Rodney states that society is set up to
seduce black intellectual away from the struggle with wealth (p.62). Consequently the black
middle-class ignores the plight of the poor and Rodney finds his academic peers arrogant (p.6667).He has three steps for black intellectuals who want join the struggle (p.62). First combat
racism in ones own discipline (p.62). Secondly attack racism existing outside of ones discipline
and finally connect with the black masses (p.63). This importance of the third step to the struggle
motivated him to meet the black masses wherever they were to engage in discussion (p.63-64).

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There are, I believe, two philosophical principles that underlie this work: the concept of
under development and Afro-Caribbean neo-Marxism. The concept of under development states
that the subjugation of the black man by the white man is not the unnatural to the black man and
that the true history of Africa differs from European lies (Gordon,2008, 62). Consequently the
black man was being underdeveloped by racism (Gordon,2008, 62). This is a strongly defended
theme throughout this book but particularly in chapter four where he discusses African history.
The second theme, Afro-Caribbean neo Marxism, is the term I coined to describe
reinterpretation of classical Marxism to meet the needs of the Afro Caribbean community. There
are two distinguishing distinctions between this type of Marxism. Firstly Afro-Caribbean
Marxism denies the view that the proletariat will lead historys inevitable march (Gordon,2008,
170). This is because many impoverished countries lack infrastructural development and thus
lack a proletariat (Gordon,2008, 170). This means that the black masses have to wait for the
whites to liberate themselves (Gordon,2008, 170). Secondly Afro-Caribbean Marxism focuses on
racial and economic class relations to combat racism (Gordon,2008, 170). This is seen
throughout his book as whilst he does use Marxist jargon and logic, he steers clear of advocating
for a classical Marxist revolution.
The counter argument is that Walter is no longer relevant as neo colonialism is no
longer a real problem in Jamaica. The argument is that the Jamaicas real problem is that is being
mismanaged by its leaders. The existence of outside influence is irrelevant however as
neocolonialism is self destructive. Thats because the colonial legacy shaped both Jamaican
culture and politics to be dependent not independent regardless of outside influence. A good
example of this is that there is still no teaching of African history in schools beyond that of

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slavery. Only through the process of revolutionary reconstruction suggested by Rodney will
Jamaica ever finally prosper.
Rodneys solution to Jamaicas social-political injustices is to unite the oppressed black
masses together to bring a about a total change to society to achieve true equity. Although his
mindset is influenced by Marxism the truly fundamental aspect of his philosophy is the black
mans restoration. He was fundamentally correct as the counter arguments against him have been
defeated. It is also evident that his ideology is still relevant. In conclusion Walter Rodney had
the fundamentally correct philosophical perspective when it came to promoting racial equity in
Jamaica and that he is still relevant today.