Académique Documents
Professionnel Documents
Culture Documents
W. H. van Soldt
Editors
R. S. OFahey C. H. M. Versteegh
VOLUME EIGHTY-SIX
Ignacio J. Adiego
with an appendix by
Koray Konuk
BRILL
LEIDEN BOSTON
2007
2006051655
ISSN 0169-9423
ISBN-10 90 04 15281 4
ISBN-13 978 90 04 15281 6
Copyright 2007 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands.
Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill Hotei Publishers,
IDC Publishers, Martinus Nijho Publishers, and VSP.
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printed in the netherlands
Gnter Neumann
In memoriam
CONTENTS
Foreword ........................................................................................
Acknowledgments for the Use of Illustrations ............................
Chapter One
xi
xiii
Introduction ..........................................................
7
7
7
10
12
12
14
15
17
17
18
18
19
22
22
23
26
27
29
30
32
34
79
95
106
109
110
115
viii
contents
119
123
124
128
130
132
132
134
135
137
138
141
142
144
145
145
150
151
158
166
166
176
187
187
191
197
205
205
206
219
219
223
159
164
226
228
230
contents
ix
234
234
234
242
251
253
254
256
257
259
262
264
264
264
265
267
267
271
273
275
276
279
280
281
287
293
294
295
301
302
305
308
310
312
312
312
313
contents
314
314
317
318
318
319
319
321
326
326
328
331
333
339
339
340
341
345
Chapter Eleven
348
Appendices
A. Carian Inscriptions in Transcription ..................................
B. Carian Glosses ......................................................................
C. Carian Names in Greek Sources ........................................
D. Concordances ........................................................................
E. Coin Legends in Carian (by K. Konuk) ............................
443
455
456
464
471
493
508
509
511
519
521
523
FOREWORD
xii
foreword
and encouragement I could not have undertaken a doctoral dissertation on a topic that was then beset by so many risks. I am also grateful to Theo van den Hout, who invited me to prepare this book for
Brill; to Brill for accepting this project; to Koray Konuk, for giving me
the opportunity to substantially improve this book with an appendix
on Carian coin legends; and to Wolfgang Blmel, H. Craig Melchert
and Diether Schrr, not only for their kind assistance with some of the
problems that arose during the preparation of this work, but also for
the consistently productive and exciting interchange of ideas about
Carian. Georg Rehrenbck (Kleinasiatische Kommission, sterreichische Akademie der Wissenchaften) also deserves a special mention for
his extreme kindness and unfailing generosity in answering all of my
queries about copies of Carian inscriptions conserved in Vienna.
I am equally indebted to Peter Cottee for his accurate revision of
my imperfect English. Needless to say, all the possible errors and omissions are of my own doing.
On a more personal level, I must express my gratitude to my wife,
Anna, and to my daughters, Alba-Artemsia and Laura-Net, for bearing with such patience the long period during which the book was put
together.
This book is dedicated to the memory of Gnter Neumann: for a
decipherment to be successful it must not only be correct, but also
credible and convincing, and he showed me how to achieve this with
his open-minded consideration of ideas that questioned the prevailing
communis opinio on Carian, his astuteness in refraining from excessive
speculation, his numerous suggestions of improvements, his discreet but
very eective work in favour of the new decipherment, and his advice
to wait patiently for a proposal marked with the signum veritatis (to quote
his own expression) to nally achieve general acceptance.
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
It is not clear when Caria and the Carians enter into ancient History.
This is dependent on equating classical Caria with the land of Karkiya/
Karkisa mentioned in Hittite sources. This supposition, eminently suitable from a purely linguistic point of view (kark in Karkisa, Karkiya
is practically identical to the Old Persian word for Carian, kka-), is
complicated by the uncertainties regarding the exact location of Karkisa/
Karkiya on the map, a problem intimately bound to the complex question of Hittite geography, a topic still subject to controversy despite the
great progress made in recent years.
In any case, no information about the language of the land of
Karkiya/Karkisa can be obtained from Hittite sources, so that even if
the equation could be conrmed, its value for the study of the Carian
language would be very limited. The only relevant (but overly generic)
datum is that Karkiya/Karkisa is a land located in the western region
of Anatolia, an area occupied by Luwian population groups, and thus
consistent with the clear similarities between Carian and Luwian, Lycian
and other Indo-European Anatolian dialects that can now, since the
decipherment of Carian, be clearly traced (see Chapter 10).
Classical Caria, the country situated in western Anatolia between
Lydia and Lycia, must therefore be the starting point of the research
on Carian language. It is during this period that we nd both direct
documentation of Carian and a wealth of information about this land
and its inhabitants in indirect, mostly Greek, sources.
Particularly meaningful are the consistent ties that we can establish
between various types of records on Carian and the Carians regarding one of the most remarkable characteristics of Carian language documentation: the fact that the greatest number of Carian inscriptions
have been found in Egypt, and not in Caria itself.
From Greek sources, we know that Carian and Ionian mercenaries
were employed by the pharaoh Psammetichus I (664610) for consolidating his throne (Herod. I, 151). According to Herodotus, these mercenaries were based in the Delta area, near Bubastis (Herod. II, 154).
It is no coincidence then that the oldest datable Carian document from
chapter one
1
This is not the place for a history of Caria. I refer the reader to Hornblower
(1982).
introduction
chapter one
On Hekatomnids coinage, see the decisive work of Koray Konuk (Konuk 1998a).
From now on, I shall use the term Luwic for this group of dialects, following
the suggestion made by Melchert, as a convenient and non-confusing form to refer to
a series of Anatolian dialects that share important dierentiating issogloses but whose
exact internal relationshiporiginating from a common branch, or rather the result
of an areal convergenceis still debated (see Melchert 2003:176). The former use of
Luwian, both for two dialects (Hieroglyphic and Cuneiform) and for the entire group
(embracing also Lycian, Carian, Sidetic and Pisidian), could lead to confusion and must
be therefore abandoned.
3
introduction
me at the time this book was written.4 Only the coin legends are not
discussed there, since they are the subject of a specic appendix, kindly
prepared by Koray Konuk. Chapter 3 does not constitute an epigraphical
edition. The inscriptions are simply intended to be a useful tool with
which to tackle the following chapters and the analysis of Carian writing and language in general, hence the inclusion of drawings and the
observations about reading problems.
Chapter 4 oers a general history of the decipherment of Carian. It
is based mostly on the corresponding chapter of my Studia Carica (Adiego
1993a), but has been expanded to include a succinct exposition of the
decisive progress of decipherment, accomplished during the nal decade
of the 20th Century.
Chapter 5 deals with the Carian alphabet, oering an analysis of
the dierent local alphabetic variants and some reections on the possible origins of this extremely peculiar writing system.
Chapters 6 to 11 focus on linguistic aspects. Chapter 6 oers an
overview of Carian phonology from a synchronic and, insofar as is possible, diachronic perspective. Chapter 7 introduces the possibility of
analysing a great number of Carian inscriptions, from the briefest and
most transparent, to the more extensive, wherein the diculties of interpretation are practically insurmountable. Chapter 8 discusses the (scarce)
morphological traits that have so far been identied in Carian. Chapter
9 is of a lexical nature: an inventory of all the Carian common words
to have been identied is put together and analyzed, and the same is
done for the proper names, in this latter case in the context of Anatolian
onomastics. As a means of concluding the study, chapter 10 presents
the evidence that suggests Carian can be classied in the group of
Anatolian Luwic dialects. Finally, Chapter 11 provides a glossary of
all the forms shown in Carian inscriptions, inspired by similar works
such as the Lydisches Wrterbuch by Roberto Gusmani, or the more recent
Dictionary of the Lycian Language by H. Craig Melchert. The book is
accompanied by ve appendices: an editio minor of the inscriptions in
transcription, the collection of glosses and a list of proper names found
in Greek sources, a table of concordances with other editions of Carian
4
The only unavailable source is a Carian inscription found in Greece and published some years ago (see G. Neumann, Epigraphische MitteilungenKleinasien in:
Kadmos 39, 2000:190). Despite my eorts, it was impossible to obtain when preparing this book.
chapter one
CHAPTER TWO
A. The Glosses
Sur le chapitre des gloses, on peut passer assez rapidement. Le matriel
est dune valeur trs mdiocre (Masson 1973:190).
Olivier Massons categorical statement is absolutely true. There are
very few Carian glosses, and the possibilities of connecting them both
to the direct documentation of the Carian language and to the common Anatolian lexicon are very limited or simply non-existent. Despite
this, we will examine this modest corpus.
1. Glosses and Pseudo-glosses
The rst problem that must be addressed is the distinction between
true Carian glosses and merely ctitious forms. From the time of the
rst compilation of scientic interestSayce (1887[92]:116120)to the
most recentby Dorsi himself (Dorsi 1979)the inventory of Carian
glosses was articially expanded by invalid entries until Dorsi signicantly
reduced it. Sayce oered a total of 21 glosses, which Dorsi then shortened to six denite ones, and three doubtful, adding three relevant
names of gods. Between Sayce and Dorsi, in Brandenstein (1935a) this
articial expansion of the number of glosses reached its peak: Brandenstein
lists more than sixty words under the title Wrter, Glossen, usw.
I have analysed elsewhere the methodological errors that led to this
situation (Adiego 1992b). Here we need simply remember that a source
of tremendous confusion was the lack of dierentiation in Brandenstein
(1935a) between actual glosses and a modern, semantic explanation of
Carian proper names (for the most part very weakly argued). As a
result, some theories were constructed based only on a purely hypothetical meaning attributed to Carian names.
As has been said, Dorsis corpus consists only of six denite glosses,
and three doubtful ones. I choose to disregard the three god names,
since no meaning is oered in ancient sources, and they therefore
chapter two
1
The three god names are Imbramow = Hermes (St. Byz. s. v. Imbrow; but note
the variant reading Imbrasow, which Dorsi does not mention, reported by the Scholia
vetera in Theogoniam v. 338, and Eustathius, Commentarii ad Iliadem XIV, 281), Msariw
= Dionysus (St. Byz. s. v. Mstaura), and Osoga = Zenoposeidon (Strabo XIV,
659, Pausanias VIII; 10, 4).
2
As Dorsi rightly points out, la n nale di soan pu essere un semplice morfema
di accusativo greco (peraltro non necessario: cfr. sopra la), ma pu anche essere stata
suggerita (a torto o a ragione) dalla scomposizione del toponimo in souan-gela (Dorsi
1979:29).
3
Edited by Hartmut Erbse: Scholia Graeca in Homeri Iliadem (Scholia uetera), Berlin,
19791984. T is the Cod. Brit. Mus. Burney 86, to be dated in 1014 or 1059 A.D.
4
Eusthatius, Commentarii ad Homeri Iliadem 983, 33 (= ad Iliad. XIV, 255). I follow
the Leipzig edition of 1827 (re-edited in Hildesheim-New York 1970).
5
Cf. Sayce (188792]:118): Kw (kn) a sheep, although he adds the spelling kow
in Eusthatius. See also Brandenstein (1935:142).
6
At least this is what I have deduced from the very terse and implicit treatment
of the problem in Erbse (1986).
(318,41 = ad Iliad. II, 677).7 Although Erbse does not discount the
possibility that Eusthatius could have replaced koon with kon in order
to improve the etymological explanation in both passages, he sees
kon as the genuine form, opting for the simpler solution that koon is
a graphical error.
The three glosses that Dorsi lists as dubious are: tba rock, toussloi dwarfs, pigmies, and tumna stick, all of which are also attested
by Stephan of Byzantium. The inclusion of tumna, even if it is branded
as dubious, seems rather inadequate; it is true that Stephan mentions
this word when referring to the Carian city of Tumnhsw, but he attributes it to the language of the inhabitants of Xanthos, a Lycian city,
implying that the word must be Lycian rather than Carian.8
In the case of tba rock, the word is cited by Stephan of Byzantium
in connection with a Lydian city called Tbai. He adds that the word
tba, which he does not attribute specically to any language, is translated in Greek as rock. Following this, he mentions another Tbai,
in this case situated in Caria, but it seems to be merely a passing reference. From his observations then, the gloss had to be interpreted as
Lydian, but Dorsi rightly observes (1979:29) that modern scholarship
coincides in its estimation that no Lydian city of this name existed and
that the two cities are in fact only one, situated in Caria (cf. Zgusta
KON 12771, Blmel KarON:179). It is therefore feasible, although
impossible to demonstrate, that Stephans mistaken belief that the place
name belonged to a Lydian country could have led to an error when
attempting to establish the origin of the gloss. The problem becomes
even more intractable given the existence of Tabhnoi (pl.), the name
given to the inhabitants of some part of Lydia, which suggests that a
Lydian Tabai or similar might actually have existed (see Zgusta
KON:593).
As for toussloi, the text is ambiguous and obscure. The word
appears under the entry Kttouza, a Thracian city inhabited by pigmies. Reference to Carians is therefore secondary and open to various
interpretations.
7
8
However, in this case, the word kon is not attributed expressly to the Carians.
Jnyioi gr tn =bdon tumnan lgousin.
10
chapter two
2. Interpretation
If the collection of Carian glosses is very small and their value mediocre,
the attempts to interpret them are equally disappointing. The only
attractive etymological interpretation is that suggested by Carruba,
regarding koon sheep (Carruba 1965). Carruba proposed connecting
it with Cuneiform Luwian a/-, Hieroglyphic Luwian ha-wa/i/- <
PIE *h2e/owo- sheep. The new form for the gloss defended by Erbse
(1986), kon, would support this etymological explanation, because it
would come from an intermediate form *kWon, a plausible Carian
result of Proto-Anatolian (henceforth PA) *Hwo- (the stem was not in
-i- originally in Anatolian, cf. Lyc. xawa-, and see Melchert CLL s. v.
a/-). The treatment of PA laryngeal as velar stop in Carian (as in
Lycian) is now clearly conrmed (see below p. 260).
As for the possibility of nding some of these glosses in the Carian
inscriptions, the results are equally discouraging, although in theory
words meaning tomb or king are likely to appear. In fact, thanks to
the bilingual inscription of Athens (G. 1), we know that jas is probably one of the Carian words used for referring to a tomb or a funerary monument. The word appears as as in Euromos (C.Eu 1). The
possibility of connecting these forms with the gloss soa(n) was conceived by Meier-Brgger (Meier-Brgger 1979:81),9 but we must be
aware that in order to connect all of these forms, a lot of non-trivial
sound changes are needed (*/swa/- > */swa/- > */sja/ > ja- (> a-),
for instance), and in any case, -s in ( j)as?, vs. -n or - in soa(n)
would remain unexplained.
In the case of the word for king, it is commonly supposed that it
could be very similar in Carian to the corresponding word in Lycian,
xtawat(i)- /kdawati/. Adiego (1994a:240) proposed that the form
k?dow (part of a word esak?dow, E.AS 7) could be the Carian word
for king, and this hypothesis was substantiated in Adiego (1995:1821)
by the Lycian-Greek-Aramaic inscription of Xanthos (Lycia, N 320),
wherein the Carian divinity King of Kaunos appears in Aramaic as
KNDW (KNDWS) KBYDY. This seems to imply that KNDWKNDWS could be the Carian word for king (see below Chapter 11
s. v. esak?dow for more details).
9
It is somewhat remarkable that Meier-Brggers proposal, which implies an (a
sort of sibilant) value for z, was formulated some time before this value of z was convincingly established by J. D. Ray in the context of a wider system of decipherment.
11
If we accept these identications, the problem of gla is very similar to that of soa(n): gla and a Carian word kdow ( ) have some
points in common (the velar initial, a possible correspondence -l- :
-d- (<*/nd/),10 but a series of fragile hypotheses about sound changes
would be needed to bring both forms closer.
An alternative approach to these glosses has been to question their
validity by taking into account that some of the place names glossed
by Stephan of Byzantium allow an analysis based on Anatolian onomastics, which is clearly at odds with the etymological explanation of
the Greek source. For example, in the case of Albanda, Brandenstein
(1936) observed that the word displayed the typical Anatolian sux
-anda, frequently used for place names, thus ruling out the segmentation Al-banda on which Stephans etymological explanation was based,
and consequently the validity of his information.
However, discrediting the information provided by Stephan is hardly
reconcilable with the idea, expressed by Dorsi (1979:34), that these
Carian glosses must all be considered as qualitatively important, since
they may have borrowed from Carian writers of the Alexandrian era.
This would imply that we are dealing with rst-hand evidence, going
back to authors on Carian topics who could be still uent in Carian,
and who are therefore extremely reliable sources.
In my opinion, there is no implicit contradiction in accepting both
the information provided by Stephan of Byzantium and the dierent
interpretation of the place name from the perspective of Anatolian onomastics: a folk-etymological analysis of Al-banda as a compound of
two authentic Carian names does not say anything about the actual
origin of this Carian place name. In other words, even if we accept
that Stephans etymological explanation of the place name Al-banda
was probably awed, this does not necessarily invalidate the information that la means horse and bnda victory. A good example of
this is to take just to one of the place names involved: Souggela was
later replaced by Yeggela, undoubtedly by a process of folk-etymological hellenisation (yew + ggelow). If someone had glossed this place
name as coming from yew god, and ggelow messenger and as
meaning messenger of God or similar, the information about these
10
In the Carian language of Thebes, the letter & d is not used, and if one accepts
that Carian of Thebes mlane corresponds to Carian of elsewhere mdane, a sound change
d > l could be imaginable.
12
chapter two
latter words would be correct, despite the fact that the place name was
not created ex nihilo with this slightly absurd meaning, but rather was
the result of an intricate process of deformation.11 A similar explanation could be acceptable for all the Carian glosses based on place
names.12
11
An intermediate phase Yuaggl/a/ (ethnic Yuagg[leuw] is also documented, see
Hornblower (1992:99, n. 160).
12
For some etymological proposals (all rather provisional) formulated about Carian
glosses, see Adiego (1993a:22). For Albanda as rich in horses (my suggestion, purely
hypothetical), see Adiego (1993a:21).
13
several name types, for instance those in -vllow, -vlliw, are typically
Carian, and this singularity can be attributed to specic phonological
and/or morphological traits of the Carian language.
The unity of the Anatolian onomastics transmitted by Greek sources
was established by Paul Kretschmer in chapter X (Die kleinasiatische
Sprachen) of his Einleitung in die Geschichte der griechischen Sprache (Kretschmer
1896). Kretschmer believed that in these onomastics a Pre-Indo-European
substratum common to all Asia Minor (with the exception of Phrygia)
was recognizable, given that many concrete elements (lexemes as well
as suxes) appeared in dierent regions of the Anatolian Peninsula.
The hypothesis of a single minorasiatic group sui generis (Kretschmer
1896:292) constituted in those days an innovation, because the earlier
theories of other scholars (reviewed summarily in Kretschmer 1896:289
292) had tried to establish dierent linguistic groups and attribute a
dierent external kinship to each one (with Indo-European, Semitic or
Caucasian languages). It is true that Kretschmer was wrong in classifying this sui generis group as non-Indo-European, but in his defense,
we must bear in mind that the existence of an Indo-European Anatolian
family was in those days dicult to imagine. But in fact, this negation
of the Indo-European character of minorasiatic languages had a positive eect: it obliged scholars to adopt the combinatory method for
analyzing Lycian (and later Lydian) inscriptions, and to discard more
fragile etymological approaches.
Moreover, Kretschmers seminal work already outlined some of the
ideaseither new or systematized by himthat in the course of the 20th
Century have become vital to the research on Anatolian: the identication
of -ss- and -nd- as suxes and their possible connection with Greek
place names in -ss- and -nd-; the frequent appearance of the so-called
Lallnamen (names whose structure seems to be characteristic of childrens
language: CV, CVCV, VCV, etc., like Dada, Nana, Ada . . .); and the
isolation of lexical items that enter in compounding or derivation, as
pig-, imbr-, tarku- or -muhw, nowadays easily interpretable as IndoEuropean Anatolian stems.
The approach begun by Kretschmer reached its peak in the monumental work of Johannes Sundwall devoted to Lycian indigenous names
(Sundwall 1913). Sundwall tried to establish a systematic study of Lycian
onomastics, isolating and grouping the dierent formative elements in
the proper names. Although it contains mistaken readings and names
that are clearly Greek incorrectly analyzed as indigenous, Sundwalls
14
chapter two
15
16
chapter two
the reader should turn to the articles written by Blmel. For extremely
useful, updated accounts of the data obtainable using only the Carian
names from indirect sources, without discussion of the direct documentation, I refer the reader to Neumann (1988) and, above all, Neumann
(1994).
CHAPTER THREE
THE INSCRIPTIONS
A. Introduction
The most direct and important sources of Carian language are obviously the inscriptions in Carian alphabet, although strangely the bulk
of this epigraphic corpus does not come from Caria itself, but from
various other locations in Egypt. The historical reasons for this curious circumstance have been covered in Chapter 1.
Inscriptions on funerary stelae and other objects, mainly from Memphis
and Sais, and grati found in other parts of Egypt are the result of
this long presence of Carian-speakers in Egypt. About 170 inscriptions
have been found in Egypt to date. All these texts are relatively short,
given their typology (onomastic formulae in funerary textsCarians
were somewhat laconic when writing epitaphsand brief grati).1
The epigraphic material found in Caria itself is far less abundant
(approximately 30 inscriptions), but it includes several texts that are
more extensive than those discovered in Egypt, particularly the following three: a decree from Kaunos whose precise terms are still
unknown (C.Ka 2), the proxeny decree for two Athenian citizens written in Carian and Greek, also from Kaunos (C.Ka 5), and a decree
enacted by the Carian satraps Idrieus and Ada, possibly concerning a
syngeneia of the temple of the god Sinuri, near Mylasa (C.Si 2). To these
three inscriptions now must be added the new inscriptions of Mylasa
(C.My 1) and Hyllarima (C.Hy 1), the latter in fact a fragment that
completes the inscription already known.
Besides Egypt and Caria, we know of several other inscriptions found
in the bordering regions of Lydia and Lycia, as well as in Greece. For
convenience, I will classify the texts of Tralleis and of Krya (on the
Gulf of Telmessos) as Carian, since we are dealing in both cases
with areas very close to Caria. It is logical to assume that there was
1
On Carians in Egypt, see Masson (1969), Masson (1977[78]) and now Vittmann
(2003:155179).
18
chapter three
2
Tralleis was situated north of the River Maiander, which served as the traditional
boundary between Lydia and Caria, but this boundary was undoubtedly permeable to
contact between people, see Hornblower (1982:2). According to Strabo (XIV, 1, 42),
Tralleis was inhabited by Lydians, Carians and Ionians, and the Carian avour of the
alternation -ll-/-ld- in Trallew vs. Traldew was already noted by Benveniste (apud
Robert 1945:20, n. 2). As for the Krya inscription, it clearly belongs to the Kaunian
alphabetic variety, which is congruent with the geographical proximity of the two
places.
3
As a exception note only the Kaunian letters T t (vs. in the rest of the alphabets) and / (a specic Kaunian sign), whose value has been established from the
bilingual (about these letters see here pp. 228229).
the inscriptions
19
20
chapter three
4
A likely alternative was <c>, which would coincide with the letter used in IPA
for this type of sound. However, this is a very ambiguous letter in Indo-European studies, so a more precise letter like seems preferable to me.
the inscriptions
21
N (Masson)
Letters
Transcription
1(+8)
3
4
5(+41)
6
7
9
10
11
12
14
15
17
18
19
20
21
22
24(+2)
25
26(+8)
27
28
29+30
31
32
33(+34)
35(+36)
37
38
39 _
40(+23?)
42
434445
46
a A ~ (E)
dDG
l
WVW
rR
s2L
qQ
b5B
mM
o
tT
f F S/ _
s
H
uU
xX
nN
p p ()
zZ
IyYI
ee
w
kK
&
v
0 8?
199
%
jT
1
c C / O?
6
4 B &? b?
a
d
l
y
r
l
q
b
m
o
t
s
?
u
n
p
i
e
k
d
w
g
j
?
t / t2?
b
b2?
Note nally two conventions also used throughout this book. Dagger ()
indicates a transcription of a word or letter by means of a dierent
system of decipherment. Double-dagger () is used to mark an old reading of a word or letter now discarded. A combination of both signs
() serves to signal both the use of a superseded deciphering system
and an erroneous reading.
22
chapter three
B. Para-Carian or Caroide Inscriptions
the inscriptions
23
but in this case, we ought to accept that this variety was extremely
uncharacteristic. Since further Carian epigraphic testimonies from
Aphrodisias are lacking, this text (which is also uninterpretable) will be
excluded from our corpus.
These texts had been included in the successive inventories of Carian inscriptions: Ancin = D 5, Labraunda = D 17 (recent edition: Meier-Brgger 1983),
Estratonicea = 26* (Hanfmann-Masson 1967); Chalketor = D 4 and 27*
(Neumann 1969a; revised in Blmel 1988); for the Aphrodisias text, see
Innocente (1994:107108 [text n 7]). Blmel (1998:168) mentions the existence of several other inscriptions in Chalketors alphabet. The Turkish
approach has been suggested by Hasan Malay to Blmel, see Blmel (1998:
169).
I have some doubts about the true Carian character of the two identical
inscriptions from Keramos (here C.Ke 1, C.Ke 2), but I retain them, though
in a provisory way, in the corpus insofar as all the letters that appear there
can be analysed as Carian.
The so-called tegola de Iasos, an inscription consisting of eight signs published by Lucia Innocente (Innocente 2002) could be Carian, but, as Innocente
herself observes, the very few letters that can be identied are not unequivocally Carian, and no valuable results can be obtained. Therefore, I exclude
it from the present corpus.
For similar reasons I exclude from the corpus the alleged Carian inscription from Labraunda, recently published by Belli and Gusmani (Belli-Gusmani
2001). According to Gusmani, the inscription reads (a) e E 2 e s m (b) M
U.. While part (a) has a Carian avour, the co-occurrence of e and 2 would
be very strange. Also, a form such as E is rather puzzling. As for (b), as
Gusmani rightly observes (Belli-Gusmani 2001:41), a form M instead of the
typical Carian form s for s is surprising.
As for the alleged Carian fragment from Kaunos 51*, consisting of only
two letters c a (see Frei-Marek 2000:125126), I consider it as non-Carian: the
letter c is totally absent from the Kaunian alphabetic inventory, and the form
of a is very dierent from the all the variants attested for this letter in the
Carian alphabets.
24
chapter three
the inscriptions
25
noting the rather surprising graphic anities between the Peiser-Bhlvon Grotthus tablets and the Carian alphabet. Only a signicant increase
of the documentation available would allow us to move forward in
their study.
The only eort at decipherment of which I am aware is that of Nahm, regarding the third tablet (Nahm 1974). After reducing the inventory of dierent
signs as far as possible (cf. above), he transcribes with Greek letters those signs
that show a certain similarity to them. His observations on several recurrent
sequences are of some interest, but they are conditioned by the somewhat
questionable attempt to decrease the total number of signs.
26
chapter three
5
Possible mentions of Carians in Biblical sources are, according to Hornblower, an
inviting but nebulous topic (Hornblower 1982:16, n. 82). Avishur-Heltzer (2003) does
not add any new evidence for these alleged references, and employs dangereously circular reasoning: the kr of the Bible are Carians precisely because the masons marks
show Carian letters (!).
the inscriptions
27
28
chapter three
the inscriptions
29
6
Schrr (2001c) oers a very hypothetical interpretation of the text: em-?-l / salpde/
. . . ubrod bore. No clear connection with the Carian corpus can be established for any
of these sequences.
30
chapter three
C. The Carian Inscriptions from Egypt
the inscriptions
31
ogy of the funerary stelae, has established that some of these inscriptions can be assigned earlier dates. It is true that not all of the methodological procedures used by Kammerzell in order to determine the
chronology of Caromemphite stelae are similarly convincing, but at
least in the case of E.Me 7, wherein the same person is mentioned in
both the Carian and the Egyptian parts, a dating before 570 seems
very probable. A more speculative suggestion is his identication of the
name pikre- of the stela E.Me 3, as corresponding to the Pigres (Pgrhw)
mentioned in Polyaenus Stratagemata (7, 3). This gure was referred to
as an adviser of Psammetichus I in the early years of his reign, so this
stela should be dated approximately between 660 and 620 B.C. But it
is very dubious to base, as Kammerzell does, the chronological attribution of E.Me 3 and typologically similar stelae only on this indemonstrable personal identication.8
Until now, the oldest Carian inscription from Egypt is the base of
a statue of the goddess Isis, which can be dated to the second half of
VII century thanks to the presence of a cartouche displaying the name
of the pharaoh Psammetichus I. This document is therefore chronologically very close to the arrival of Carian and Ionian mercenaries in
Egypt and their subsequent settlement in the Eastern Delta (Masson
1969:3536, 1977[78]:335). As for the rest of the Carian documentation from Egypt, a precise dating can be given only to the grati from
Abu-Simbel (E.AS); there is no doubt that these grati were inscribed
in the course of the great Nubian campaign ordered by Psammetichus
II and conducted by Potasimto, as is particularly evident in a long
Greek grato, where mention is made of this historical context. This
campaign has commonly been dated in 591 B.C., but Ray (1982:85)
suggests revising this chronology slightly, to situate the event in 593/92
B.C. The Buhen (E.Bu), Gebel Sheik Suleiman (E.SS) and Murww
(E.Mu) grati are also likely to date from the same period.
The inscription on a bronze lion de provenance gyptienne (E.xx.7)
is dated by Masson (1976) at around 500 B.C., given the Achaemenid
artistic inuence visible in the gure of the lion.
For the remaining inscriptions (mainly grati plus some texts found
inscribed on various objects), there is no certain dating. Only in the
case of the grati from Abydos do we have some idea: Masson has
32
chapter three
suggested that they may be contemporary with the oldest Greek grati
from the same location, so that they can be dated around the end of
the V century.
1. Sais (E.Sa)
The sub-corpus of Sais is currently constituted by two bronze votive
objects, included in Masson-Yoyotte (1956). Both texts are bilingual and
have proved fundamental to the deciphering of Carian.
E.Sa 1 (= MY L)
the inscriptions
33
E.Sa 2 (= MY M)
E.Sa 2
pdnejt qri i
Inscription found on the base of a statuette of the Goddess Neith. For
this text in scriptio continua, I adopt the division suggested by MeierBrgger (1979a:8182), contra Masson (1978) and Meier-Brgger (1979b).
In the Egyptian texts that accompany the Carian inscriptions, a P3-djNjt son of K3rr is mentioned.9 These two names clearly correspond to
the pdnejt son of qri- in the Carian part. The use of the biliteral sign
k3 for a syllable /ku/ or sim. (= Carian q) has been correctly identied
by Vittmann, see Vittmann (1996).
The presence of a cartouche with the name of Psammetichus I allows
us to date the object to the times of this Saite pharaoh (663609 B.C.),
which would mean that this is the oldest datable inscription of the
Carian corpus from Egypt.
Photograph and drawing: Masson-Yoyotte (1956:63, pl. VIII).
9
Other names belonging to the genealogy of the dead are also mentioned. About
these forms and the possible genealogical tree of P3-dj-Njt, see Masson-Yoyotte (1956:61).
34
chapter three
2. Memphis (E.Me)
The inscriptions published in Masson (1978) and those of Memphite
origin included in Masson-Yoyotte (1956) are grouped together under
this label. This corpus has been crucial for the decipherment of Carian.
The excellent quality and preservation of a great number of stelae, the
fact that they appear on monuments, which implies a very standardized use of writing, the geographical and chronological consistency of
the corpus, and the fact that it includes some bilingual texts (E.Me 5,
E.Me 7, E.Me 8, E.Me 9, E.Me 15) make this sub-corpus the most
important direct documentation of Carian.
To this sub-corpus, we must add the so-called stela of Abusir (Masson
1978:91, Kammerzell 1993:138139), although we need also to consider that its reading is very dicult. Very recently, Diether Schrr has
tried to improve the reading of this inscription (Schrr 2003), and his
eorts will be taken into account here. Finally, I also include the fragment 180* from Kammerzell (1993) (here E.Me 66), although it is a
largely unusable document.
Generally, I adopt the readings given in Masson-Yoyotte (1956) and
Masson (1978). The dierences, concerning certain details of reading
and, above all, the order in which some texts must be read, will be
duly indicated.
E.Me 1 (= MY A)
the inscriptions
35
E.Me 2 (= MY B)
36
chapter three
E.Me 3 (= MY D)
E.Me 3
the inscriptions
37
E.Me 4 (= MY E)
38
chapter three
E.Me 5 (= MY F)
the inscriptions
39
E.Me 6 (= MY G)
triqo: parma i
klorul i
There are no problems of reading.
The stela also contains an inscription in Egyptian, but the Egyptian
names (P3-dj-st, and his mother T3-dj(t)-wsir) do not correspond to the
Carian ones. Therefore, either the stela seems to have been reused, or
we must accept a double denominationEgyptian and Carianat least
in the case of the deceased (the second name could be the fathers
name in the Carian text).
Photograph: Masson-Yoyotte (1956, pl. III). Drawing: Masson-Yoyotte (1956:28, 30).
40
chapter three
E.Me 7 (= MY H)
E.Me 7
E.Me 8 (= MY K)
E.Me 8a
E.Me 8b
the inscriptions
41
a. paraeym: armon i
b. para!eym: sb polo
Inscription on a bronze Apis. The fourth letter b, E, has always been
a source of diculty, due to the clear alternation with a (paraeWm
/ parEeWm). It has even been considered an independent sign (Masson
n 10), and the alternation a / E has received varying explanations.
In my opinion, the simplest solution is to interpret E as an a, its
strange form perhaps being the result of a spelling error and subsequent correction.10
The Apis also contains an Egyptian inscription: 3py dj n Prjm
p3wm Apis may give life to Prjm the dragoman. The non-Egyptian
name, Prjm, is logically the transcription of the Carian name Paraeym
mentioned twice in the Carian section. For the problems posed by the
Egyptian word p3wm, apparently translated in Carian as armon, see
Chapter 11, s. v. armon.
Photographs: Masson-Yoyotte (1956: Pl. Va, Pl. VIa). Drawing: Masson-Yoyotte (1956:
43, 48).
E.Me 9 (= M 1)
42
chapter three
E.Me 10 (= M 2)
the inscriptions
43
E.Me 11 (= M 3)
44
chapter three
E.Me 12 (= M 4)
the inscriptions
45
E.Me 13 (= M 5)
chapter three
46
E.Me 14 (= M 6)
the inscriptions
47
E.Me 15 (= M 7)
arli
ursle
kidbsi
(Egyptian text: Jr(3) s3 n 3rskr s3 J(?)[. . .)
Bilingual inscription. The Egyptian part was interpreted by Martin and
Nicholls (apud Masson 1978:86) as Jr(3) s3 Nrskr s3 J(?)[. . . Jresh(a)
son of Nerseker son of Ja(?)-. . .. While the correspondence of each
rst name poses no problems ( Jr(3) = arli, as in E.Me 9), the divergences between Nrskr ~ ursle- have been debated at length. The correct solution was formulated by Kammerzell (1993:12), who discarded
Martin-Nichollss analysis and argued persuasively in favour of an interpretation, Jr(3) s3 n 3rskr s3 J- Jr(3) son of 3rskr son of J(?)-. . ..
This solution is far more suitable for the second name in the Carian
part, and is now the commonly accepted interpretation.
Photograph: Masson (1978, pl. VI). Drawings: Masson (1978:25, pl. XXXV, 1).
48
chapter three
E.Me 16 (= M 8)
irow | p. ikra i
semw | mno
mwdon i
No reading problems, with the exception of the initial letter of the second
word, for which Massons intepretation, p, seems to be the best solution.
Photograph: Masson (1978, pl. VII, 1). Drawings: Masson (1978:26, pl. XXXV, 2).
E.Me 17 (= M 9)
the inscriptions
49
arnai
upe | quq
bem i mdan
No reading problems.
Photograph: Masson (1978, pl. VII, 2). Drawings: Masson (1978:27, pl. XXXV, 3).
E.Me 18 (= M 10)
(a) taubt
kuaribar | en
niqau
ptnupi
(b) idmuon
i | mdayn
i
50
chapter three
The two parts have been inscribed by dierent hands. Whilst neither
section poses problems of reading, the overall structure of the text
remains obscure.
Photograph: Masson (1978, pl. VIII, 1). Drawings: Masson (1978:28, pl. XXXV, 4).
E.Me 19 (= M 11)
E.Me 19
pnuol
zmu i
Curved stela (stle cintre). No problems of reading.
Photograph: Masson (1978, pl. VIII, 2). Drawing: Masson (1978:29).
the inscriptions
E.Me 20 (= M 12)
E.Me 20
E.Me 21 (= M 13)
51
52
chapter three
punwol: somne
qblsi i
False-door stela. No reading problems.
Photograph: Masson (1978, pl. IX, 2). Drawings: Masson (1978:30, pl- XXXVI, 1).
E.Me 22 (= M 14)
E.Me 22
artay: upe: [. . .
False-door stela. In the damaged part there is sucient space for a
complete onomastic formula.
Photograph: Masson (1978, pl. X, 1). Drawing: Masson (1978:30).
E.Me 23 (= M 15)
E.Me 23
the inscriptions
53
ap[]ws
a[rb]ikarm i
False-door stela. The integration of the second word was proposed by
Kammerzell (1993:214), who also claimed to have identied a former
inscription under the current one. Nevertheless, his reading of this previous text does not lead to any connection with the rest of the Carian
materials: (a)?p[. . .]ws # --]b[-]aubm[-].
Photograph: Masson (1978, pl. X, 2). Drawing: Masson (1978:31).
E.Me 24 (= M 16)
E.Me 24
tduol
kbos | amsqi[. . .?
False-door stela. The crack in the stone makes it impossible to establish whether the last word is complete.
Photograph: Masson (1978, pl. XI, 1). Drawing: Masson (1978:31).
54
chapter three
E.Me 25 (= M 17)
E.Me 25
ayriq | parpeym i
yiasi
False-door stela. The order of reading adopted here is dierent to that
used by Masson (who began from yiasi ), and is the same as in Kammerzell
(1993:214). Contra Masson and Kammerzell, I believe that there is no
text after yiasi. It is true that the stone is damaged, but the existing
part shows evidence enough to assume that yiasi is a complete word
and that the text nishes here.
Photograph: Masson (1978, pl. XI, 2). Drawing: Masson (1978:32).
the inscriptions
55
E.Me 26 (= M 18)
E.Me 26
11
The inscription appears marked with an asterisk (*) in the transliteration appendix (Kammerzell 1993:214), which means that he controlled the text, but if he was
able to recognize any letter before ]u, one would expect it to be marked as a doubtful reading, rather than using [ ].
56
chapter three
E.Me 27 (= M 19)
E.Me 27
irow: psHm[-]
pttu: mno
False-door stela.
Photograph: Masson (1978, pl. XII, 2). Drawing: Masson (1978:33).
E.Me 28 (= M 20)
the inscriptions
57
sanuq | ue | pntmun i
mwdon i
False-door stela. Unproblematic.
Photograph: Masson (1978, pl. XIII, 1). Drawings: Masson (1978:33, pl. XXXVI 2).
E.Me 29 (= M 21)
E.Me 29
58
chapter three
E.Me 30 (= M 22)
E.Me 30
aruol
pleq i: ugli
False-door stela. Unproblematic.
Photograph: Masson (1978, pl. XIV, 1). Drawing: Masson (1978:34).
E.Me 31 (= M 23)
E.Me 31
the inscriptions
59
E.Me 32 (= M 24)
E.Me 32
60
chapter three
E.Me 33 (= M 25)
E.Me 33
E.Me 34 (= M 26)
the inscriptions
61
me | somne | tata[r]
False-door stela. The integration of the last word, proposed by Masson,
is based on the occurence of the same word in complete form in E.Me
41.
Photograph: Masson (1978, pl. XVI, 1). Drawings: Masson (1978:36, pl. XXXVI, 3).
E.Me 35 (= M 27)
E.Me 35
62
chapter three
E.Me 36 (= M 28)
E.Me 36
E.Me 37 (= M 29)
E.Me 37
the inscriptions
63
qlali | [. . .]
tkrabi
False-door stela. It is not possible to calculate the extent of the letters
lost after qlali (see Masson 1978:38).
Photograph: Masson (1978, pl. XVII, 2). Drawing: Masson (1978:38).
E.Me 38 (= M 30)
E.Me 38
64
chapter three
E.Me 39 (= M 31)
E.Me 39
[. . .]s? | arila
mno
False-door stela. Dierent reading order (cf. also Kammerzell 1993:215):
Massons reading began at mno.
Photograph: Masson (1978, pl. XVIII, 2). Drawing: Masson (1978:39).
E.Me 40 (= M 32)
E.Me 40
the inscriptions
65
E.Me 41 (= M 33)
E.Me 41
66
chapter three
E.Me 42 (= M 34)
E.Me 43 (= M 35)
E.Me 43
the inscriptions
67
E.Me 44 (= M 36)
68
chapter three
E.Me 45 (= M 37)
E.Me 45
[q?]lalis
[?]iam i
alos arnos
False-door stela. The integration of the initial letter of the rst word
is already in Kammerzell (1993), from the parallel form qlali in E.Me
37.
Photograph: Masson (1978, pl. XXI, 2). Drawing: Masson (1978:43).
E.Me 46 (= M 38)
E.Me 46
the inscriptions
69
E.Me 47 (= M 39)
70
chapter three
E.Me 48 (= M 40)
[] j[-]
[-]owt
i: msnord
Note our reading of d d instead of i i in the nal word, cf. above,
E.Me 3.
Photograph: Masson (1978, pl. XXIII, 2). Drawings: Masson (1978:44, pl. XXXVII, 3).
E.Me 49 (= M 41)
the inscriptions
71
E.Me 50 (= M 42)
(a) enurt
(b) psimt i
Also likely to be a reused oblong stela. No problems of reading.
Drawings: Masson (1978:46, pl. XXXVI, 4).
E.Me 51 (= M 43)
72
chapter three
arli | psikro [?
ue
Upper fragment of a curved stela (stle cintre). The reading oered
here is new: in my opinion, the last sign of the second word is clearly
z //, and not N /n/ (see plate xxiv in Masson 1978). As for ue,
which appears just below arli, it is possible that it must be read immediately after this latter word (arliue | psikro ), which would represent
a more logical structure (ue, upe, etc. always appear in a second position).
Photograph: Masson (1978, pl. XXIV, 1). Drawings: Masson (1978:46, XXXVII, 5).
E.Me 52 (= M 44)
E.Me 52
[. . .] ardybyr | md[. . .]
Upper fragment of a false-door stela.
Photograph: Masson (1978, pl. XXIV, 2). Drawing: Masson (1978:46).
the inscriptions
E.Me 53 (= M 45)
E.Me 53
[. . .]qsi
Fragment of a false-door stela.
Photograph: Masson (1978, pl. XXIV, 3). Drawing: Masson (1978:47).
E.Me 54 (= M 45a)
E.Me 54
[. . .] mrsj[. . .]
Fragment of a false-door stela.
Photograph: Masson (1978, pl. XXV, 1). Drawing: Masson (1978:47).
73
74
chapter three
E.Me 55 (= M 46)
E.Me 55
[. . .] psma[/k . . .]
The integration proposed here is based on the identication of the
beginning of the typical Egyptian name, Psammetichus. Given that this
name can appear in Carian spelled either with or , I choose not to
discard either possibility.
Photograph: Masson (1978, pl. XXV, 2). Drawing: Masson (1978:47).
E.Me 56 (= M 47)
E.Me 56
[. . .] ark[bi/jom . . .?]
Fragment of a false-door stela.
I follow the suggestion of Meier-Brgger (1979b) and Ray (1982b:
189) of reading f instead of i i (Masson 1978) at the beginning.
the inscriptions
75
E.Me 57 (= M 47a)
E.Me 57
[. . .]i i
Fragment of a false-door stela. Clear ending in genitive + particle i.
Photograph: Masson (1978, pl. XXVI, 1). Drawing: Masson (1978:48).
E.Me 58 (= M 47b)
E.Me 58
[. . .]s i
Undetermined fragment. A typical ending in genitive + particle i, as
in E.Me 57.
Photograph: Masson (1978, pl. XXVI, 2). Drawing: Masson (1978:48).
76
chapter three
E.Me 59 (= M 48)
E.Me 59
[. . .]utr[. . .]
Fragment of a false-door stela.
Photograph: Masson (1978, pl. XXVI, 3). Drawing: Masson (1978:48).
E.Me 60 (= M 48a)
E.Me 60
(?)
[. . .]
Fragment of a false-door stela.
Photograph: Masson (1978, pl. XXVI, 1). Drawing: Masson (1978:48).
the inscriptions
E.Me 61 (= M 48b)
[. . .]i
Undetermined fragment.
Drawing: Masson (1978:48).
E.Me 62 (= M 48c)
[. . .][. . .]
Undetermined fragment.
Drawing: Masson (1978:49).
E.Me 63 (= M 48d)
E.Me 63
(a) idyes
(b) m [?
77
chapter three
78
E.Me 64 (= M 49)
the inscriptions
79
80
chapter three
12
For technical reasons, the source of my illustrations will be Friedrich (1932), where
Sayces drawings are reproduced.
the inscriptions
81
pisiri
Revised by Yoyotte (Masson 1974:131). There are no reading problems.
panejt iarja
Expressly mentioned as revised in Masson-Yoyotte (1956:13, 63). Massons
reading is adopted, but with dierent segmentation (the rst name is
clearly an Egyptian one whose nal element is -nejt).
ptne | ibarsi
Revised by Yoyotte, according to Masson-Yoyotte (1956:63). For the
second name, I follow Schrrs proposal of reading ibarsi, not irarsi
(Masson).
82
chapter three
amow ltari
Revised by Yoyotte (cf. Masson-Yoyotte 1956:39). Massons reading is
adopted, but with dierent segmentation (Massons reading would indicate amowl tari.
amow ltari[]
Revised by Yoyotte (cf. Masson-Yoyotte 1956:39).
Masson groups Ab. 3b F and Ab. 3c F under a single epigraph, Ab
3bc F. This procedure, debatable even if the content were exactly the
same, is inappropriate here, as the second word appears complete in
the case of E.Ab 4 = Ab 3b F, but incomplete in E.Ab 5 = Ab. 3c
F (ltari[]). On segmentation, see above E.Ab 4.
the inscriptions
83
plat | pals
plat pals
plat pals
E.Ab 7, 8 and 9 do not pose reading problems. The three inscriptions
are grouped together by Masson.
84
chapter three
piubez
qurbo
Revised by Yoyotte (Masson-Yoyotte 1956:9), this inscription formed
by two personal names still raises serious reading problems. Massons
reading (1978) distances the rst name from the very similar example
found in E.Ab 15. Schrrs reading seems preferable (Schrr 2000:172,
n. 7), because it allows us to connect this name with the second name
in E.Me 1 and with the name mentioned in E.Ab 15 (although we
cannot establish an absolutely certain link). Regarding the second name,
although in Masson-Yoyotte (1956:9) the reading urbo is preferred
(thus also evorokin 1965), in Masson (1978), Sayces reading qurbo
is restored.
?
[. . .]it
Since the letters are apparently Carian, I reintroduce this very fragmentary inscription to the corpus, even though it is of no use to us.
the inscriptions
85
untri uantrpo
untri | uantrpu
abrq[. . .?
Regarding E.Ab 12, 13 and 14, I am unsure as to whether Massons
readings are the result of a revision of the texts. Lacking a better reading, I adopt Massons.
86
chapter three
pdubez or
Revised by Yoyotte (Masson-Yoyotte 1956:13). The reading in Masson
(1978) is not the same as in Masson-Yoyotte (1956:13): pdubtzor vs.
pdubtzt r (with r as a part of a dierent grato!) respectively. I adopt
the reading proposed by Schrr and Vittmann (see Vittmann 2001:42).
nprosn
Revised? In any case, it does not pose reading problems.
pa[-]in[-]t
Revised? I follow Masson (1978)
tamosi | inut
the inscriptions
87
tamosi utnu
ninut | tamosi
to[-]a[] l
tamosi u?tnu?
These four grati seem to coincide in that they contain the same personal name. Rather surprisingly, in Massons list, this name is read as
trmosi- in E.Ab 18, E.Ab 19, and as tamosi- in E.Ab 20, while E.Ab 21
is excluded. These readings were adopted in Adiego (1993a). It is quite
possiblealthough I cannot conrm itthat this discrepancy has arisen
because only E.Ab 20 was revised by Yoyotte.13
13
chapter three
88
[-]untlau[-]|
This brief grato is very dicult to read, but it seems to show true
Carian letters. For this reason, I include it in the list (as evorokin
did: evorokin (1965), 34 ).
beol
14
the inscriptions
89
[. . .] arli
Revised by Yoyotte (cf. Masson 1978:51). This revision identies the
well-known Carian name arli (contrary to Sayces reading, araii ).
ttubazi kattri
Revised by Yoyotte (Masson-Yoyotte 1956:4, 33). According to MassonYoyotte (1956:33), the sign for t here adopts the form C, as in E.Me
7. The segmentation adopted here diers from that of Masson and is
based on Schrrs works.
[. . .]pri | ptnuq?i?
Masson (1978:28) points out that this grato was not rediscovered by
Yoyotte in 1956. Note that in Adiego (1993a) the end of the (incomplete) rst word was transcribed incorrectly as ]pre, instead of ]pri (a
90
chapter three
yysmtoHa[
Divergences between Sayces and Massons readings lead me to think
that the grato was revised by Yoyotte, but I cannot conrm this. I
follow Massons reading. Note that the drawing is based on Sayce/
Friedrich editions.
the inscriptions
91
[. . .]r[--]tnit
Grato consisting of only ve signs. The readings given by Sayce and
Masson coincide.
aye
92
chapter three
arr
arpt | p[-]lu
For E.Ab 3133 I follow Massons readings.
dbkrm [-]kb?[
Despite the diculties of interpretation, Schrr has been able to identify a good Carian sequence, dbkrm (Schrr 1996b:154, n. 8; see Chapter
11, s. v.). For this reason I have decided to reinstate this grato to the
Abydos sub-corpus.
the inscriptions
93
uol | mi kdu.usi
For this grato, I adopt the reading proposed by Schrr (2001b:108,
111), apparently based on the collations of Yoyotte and evorokin.
E.Ab 36E. Ab 43: indits de Yoyotte, unpublished new grati
found by Yoyotte in 19551956. I include only those transcribed by
Masson (1978). As mentioned above, E.Ab 43 = Ab. 34 Y is not strictly
an unpublished grato: a drawing of it appeared in Murray (1904),
and it is also included in evorokin (1965) (= 24 ).
E.Ab 36 = Ab. 8 Y
[-]ars, [-]urb
E.Ab 37 = Ab. 9 Y
arur
E.Ab 38 = Ab. 15 Y
piew
E.Ab 39 = Ab. 26 Y
uarila[-]os
E.Ab 40 = Ab. 27 Y
ialli | qblio
E.Ab 41 = Ab. 28 Y
ttbazi kt?tri
I follow Schrrs reading (see Schrr 1996a:60).
E.Ab 42 = Ab. 29 Y
aru[. . ?
94
chapter three
?-ras
Although Murrays drawing points clearly to an initial k k (by extension, kras), Massons reading leaves the sign unread.
Grati excluded from our collection:
Ab. 3a F (= Sayce 1887[92] 4), also excluded by Masson.16 It seems
to begin with am[, which explains how Bork could link it to E.Ab 4
and E.Ab 5.
Ab. 23 F (= Sayce 1887[92] 30), also excluded by Masson and by
evorokin. Apparently it has not been revised since Sayce (MassonYoyotte 1956:46: non retrouv par J. Yoyotte; Masson 1974:131 n. 43:
non revis). The grato could possibly be Greek.
Ab. 30 F (= Sayce 1887[92] 38), also excluded by Masson. It is an
almost illegible grato, which cannot even be denitely identied as
Carian.
The drawings made by Sayce are reproduced below:
Ab 3a F (Friedrich 1932)
Ab 23 F (Friedrich 1932)
16
the inscriptions
95
Ab 30 F (Friedrich 1932)
96
chapter three
uarbe
E.Th 2 = 48 (= D 3)
dtbr | kbokt
katbr
E.Th 3 = 49 (= D 2)
pla?t
the inscriptions
97
E.Th 4 = 50 (= D 5)
dbr | tatr
The second word, which posed serious problems in evorokin (1965),
was re-read in a new collation by evorokin as tatr, undoubtedly
using the model of the form tatar that appears twice in Saqqra
(evorokin, Corrections to Existing Copies, ms.). Schrr, however,
does not rule out a reading of l l instead of .
chapter three
98
E.Th 6 = 52 (= D 7)
bebnd
The last letter, d, does not appear in the old drawing by evorokin
and was thus absent in older collections of Carian inscriptions (for
instance, Adiego 1993a, where the reading bebn was given).
E.Th 7 = 53 (= D 10)
wljat
The doubts about the second and fourth letters, reected in the drawing, can be dismissed due to the clear onomastic connection of the
word ( wljat).
E.Th 8 = 54 (= D 11)
qutbe
the inscriptions
99
E.Th 9 = 55 (= D12)
kudtubr
The initial letter is now read as k k.
E.Th 10 = 56 (= D 8)
(evorokin 1965, 57 )
chapter three
100
psma[k] [?
| nm[
mplat | o[
Schrrs dossier puts these two lines together, formerly interpreted as
dierent grati. The clearest element is the presence of the name
psmak.
E.Th 12 = 59 (= D 13)
the inscriptions
101
E.Th 13 = 60 (= D 14)
102
chapter three
E.Th 17 (= A 2)
ku
E.Th 18 (= A 3)
t n
Very uncertain reading.
E.Th 19 (= A 4)
dbikrm
k presents an inverted form l, apparently l, but the identication is
based on the good onomastic correspondence of the reading dbikrm (see
Chapter 11, s. v.).
E.Th 20 (= A 5)
orb
r i
E.Th 21 (= A 6)
mmnal
An inverse reading lammn is also possible.
E.Th 22 (= A 7)
mwk | te
E.Th 23 (= A 8)
bebi
E.Th 24 (= A 9)
kow[?-?]
The drawing made by evorokin available to me points to koweq.
E.Th 25 (= A 10)
ktmno
Inverted k (l). The interpretation as k, not l, is supported by the
good onomastic connection of ktmno (see Chapter 11, s. v.).
E.Th 26 (= A 11)
brsi yri
the inscriptions
103
E.Th 27 (= A 12)
pnwol | mlqi
E.Th 28 (= A 13)
bejeym | teboot
K
bebi. nt ken
The strange diamond-sign also appears in E.Si 3, preceding precisely
the same word bebint, but it is not present in the other examples of this
word (E.Th 30, E.AS 7), which makes it dicult to consider it an actual
letter. The exact function therefore remains unexplained (see pp. 253254).
E.Th 29 (= A 14)
]ke
Some uncertain signs follow.
E.Th 30 (= A 15)
bebint | psrkrte | mumntnse-?
wkn
E.Th 31 (= A 16)
(Very uncertain reading)
Impossible to describe (Schrr). Allegedly a sign with the form s
appears twice, and a sign % appears once, both of which are alien to
the standard inventory of Carian letters (for this latter sign see also
E.Th 34 below).
E.Th 32 (= A 17)
tqlow
A reading in the opposite direction is also possible (wolqt)
E.Th 33 (= A 18)
lbiks
The second letter could also be a k (evorokins reading).
E.Th 34 (= A 19)
slmaewm | urt | kwri | prnanon | dm-?-n | matnor | qanor | uro
104
chapter three
the inscriptions
105
E.Th 44 (= B 5)
dquq | ewmlane | tebot | gkem
The rst word shows a good onomastic identication, see Chapter 11,
s. v. The second word contains the typically Theban sequence (m)lane.
The third word is the same as in E.Th 28.
E.Th 45 (= B 6)
krw
Cf. the rst word of E.Th 39.
E.Th 46 (= B 7)
prpwri kblow
Apparently a sequence of two names. The rst seems to belong to the
family of yriq/ydiq names, but spelled with w, not y/, and with (as
in Euromos idyri). For the rst spelling, cf. perhaps the sequence wdiq
in E.Th 38, although I do not think we should rule out that v w
may in fact be a variant of W y, so that the name could be read *prpyri.
E.Th 47 (= B 8)
w.dbokn ewl.e [
E.Th 48 (= B 9)
brsi
A well-known Carian name, see Chapter 11, s. v. and cf. above E.Th 26.
E.Th 49 (= B 10)
bal ewlane | rb[-]sal|
E.Th 50 (= C 1)
pn-?
E.Th 51 (= C 2)
p
E.Th 52 (= C 3)
plqodse | ewm-?-?-?-? | rqemw | k-?[
106
chapter three
In plqodse, perhaps the name plqo should be identied, see Chapter 11,
s. v.
E.Th 53 (= C 4)
driem
5. Luxor Temple (E.Lu)
Some Carian grati were recently identied in the Luxor Temple.18
They are very brief, damaged texts, and only one of the seven I consider to be genuinely Carian19 suggests a clear connection with the rest
of the Carian Corpus.
E.Lu 1 (= G 19)
ds-?
E.Lu 2 (= G 21)
the inscriptions
107
rsy
suso
?rquq [. . .?
The clearest grato of the collection. The last word isif the reading
of the rst letter here proposed is acceptedthe well-known Carian
name rquq.
E.Lu 3 (= G 22)
E.Lu 4 (= G 23)
?-?-[-]ms[-]ry-?-?
Very uncertain letters at the beginning and the end of the grato. The
letter immediately after y could be j j, and the last letter a D d.
108
chapter three
E.Lu 5 (= G 24)
b?s?uiam | o?
Van den Hout (pers. comm.) suggests reading the apparent interpunction trace .as L l. The resulting sequence mlo would have a good parallel in C.Ka 9 [. . .]ois?ur?mlo. The presence of % h, not a typical letter
in the Carian alphabet of Egypt, is not certain: the letter could be also
r r. But note that % also appears in the nearby corpus of Thebes.
E.Lu 6 (= G 25)
| urq
The reading is far from certain. The last sign could also be .
the inscriptions
109
E.Lu 7 (= G 26)
110
chapter three
the inscriptions
111
E.Si 1 = Si 39 F
iqud | marariso[-. . .]
E.Si 2 = Si 53 F
Sayce I
Sayce II
20
For technical reasons, the source of my illustrations will be Friedrich (1932), where
Sayces drawings are reproduced.
112
chapter three
Legrain
E.Si 2 (Friedrich 1932)
[]eld | wa | psmak |
uejresi | qan | kolt | kowrn[. . . ?
I oer the three existing copies of this grato (two by Sayce, the third
by Legrain 1905) and adopt Schrrs proposed reading (Schrr 2000:172).
In any case, as noted above, the only clearly recognizable form is the
name psmak in the rst line.
E.Si 3 = Si 54 F
irasa | n[-]eakrnanb
E.Si 4 = Si 55 F
Sayce
Legrain
E.Si 4 (Friedrich 1932)
the inscriptions
113
E.Si 5 = Si 56 F
betkrqit[. . .]
E.Si 6 = Si 57 F
E.Si 7 = Si 58 F
psmak
114
chapter three
E.Si 8 = Si 59 F
bijpe (. . . ?)
E.Si 9 = Si 60 F
[. . .]rbna[. . .
E.Si 10 = Si 61 F
?mpi
E.Si 11 = Si 62 F
the inscriptions
115
dmobqs
Reading taken from Schrr. The photograph of the inscription published by Winckler in 1939 (which I was made aware of by Schrr)
quite clearly substantiates the reading proposed by Schrr. It also serves
to denitively rule out the alleged presence of a letter b in the Carian
alphabet of Silsilis.21
8. Abu Simbel (E.AS)
Fortunately the current situation of the Abu Simbel corpus is very
dierent to those mentioned above; we have at our disposal a recent
and very careful edition of these grati, thanks to the eorts of Olivier
Masson (Masson 1979), who was also responsible for the publication,
some years ago and in collaboration with Andr Bernand, of the corpus of Greek grati from the same location (Bernand-Masson 1957).
The Carian grati from Abu Simbel are strongly tied to the history
of research on Carian: it was Richard Lepsius who rst edited and correctly identied as Carian these inscriptions found on the legs of the
two colossi of Abu Simbel (Lepsius 1844, Abt. 6, Bl. 98 [Kar. 13],
and Bl. 99 [Kar. 47]). This theory was conrmed by Sayce (1874,
1887[92]) when texts in a similar alphabet were found in Caria and
bordering areas. However, from an epigraphical point of view, Sayce
could not contribute to an improved edition of the text, and he had
to be satised with Lepsius copies (see Masson 1979:3536 for details).
Massons edition is based on the drawings and photographs made
by Andr Bernand and Abd el Latif Ahmed Aly in 1956. The drawings had already been published provisionally (Bernand-Aly 1959?), and
reproduced in evorokin (1965). The corpus presented here introduces
some corrections and additions made by Diether Schrr.
21
See Schrr (1996b) where, contrastingly, the presence of a letter / is argued.
Later, Schrr argued in favour of a f, which seems more likely. This latter reading
is the one that I adopt here. For the alleged initial letter my in the inscriptions, see
the convincing arguments in Schrr (1996b) for rejecting it.
116
chapter three
E.AS 1 = AS 1
parolou
[. . .]oe
Grato discovered by Bernand.
E.AS 2 = AS 2
abd?aikal
Also a new grato found by Bernand, absent from Lepsius corpus.
Schrrs reading is followed here.
the inscriptions
117
118
chapter three
platt
sla i
E.AS 8 = AS 8
the inscriptions
119
E.AS 9 = Kar 2
sm [?
This grato is omitted without any reference in Masson (1979). It had
already been identied as a part of a Greek grato in Bernand-Masson
(1957:38; the grato is Bernand-Masson n 32), but Schrr ( per litteras)
maintains that it is in fact Carian. In fact, no connection seems to exist
between the clear drawing wsm of Lepsius and the Greek grati as
reproduced in Bernand-Masson loc. cit.
9. Buhen (E.Bu)
Also in the case of the grati from Buhen, we can refer to an excellent, recent edition, made by Masson and published together with the
Saqqra corpus (Masson 1978).
In 1895 Sayce published seven inscriptions copied in the Southern
Temple of Buhen (then mentioned as Temple of Thothmes III at
Wadi Halfa (Sayce 1895). He had serious doubts about the Carian
nature of two of these (numbers 6 and 7). They have not been rediscovered since and must remain outside our collection.
For his edition, Masson was able to re-read three of the ve clearly
Carian grati (E.Bu 2, 3, 6), and he also added a new and important
grato found during the British campaign 19621963 (E.Bu 1). For
the remaining Carian grati (4 and 5), Masson was obliged to work
only from Sayces copies.
120
chapter three
Despite the quality of his edition, Masson was unable to nd a satisfactory solution to the problem posed by the same word that appears
repeatedly in dierent inscriptions from Buhen. Following the decipherment of Carian, we now know that this word is the name Psammetichus in Carian, and that the many divergent readings adopted by
Masson must be brought together. This correction aects E.Bu 1 ( psmak,
not psmau ), E.Bu 4 ( psmak, not psmam) and E.Bu 5 (identical correction). Other discrepancies with Massons edition aect the word ari
(not arli !) in E.Bu 1 and E.Bu 2 (evorokins correction, see evorokin
1984[86]:199), and ibrsi (not iyrsi !) in E.Bu 4 (Schrrs correction:
Schrr 19911993). These corrections were already set out in Adiego
(1993a).
E.Bu 1 = M 50
the inscriptions
E.Bu 2 = M 51
euml?bnasal | ari
pdtom
urom | ankbu
E.Bu 3 = M 52
[-]tmai[]
121
chapter three
122
E.Bu 4 (= M 53)
Sayce (1895)
Massons copy of Sayces drawing
E.Bu 4
psmak
ibrsi
This constitutes a good example of a biased interpretation of a text
known only from a single copy; the inscription was not found again
when Masson was preparing his edition, so he had to use Sayces drawing. Masson interpreted the second letter of the second line as a W,
modifying Sayces copy in order to approximate the traces of the letter to a more standard form. However, as Schrr (19911993:167) has
convincingly demonstrated, this letter is actually b, and not W y,
since we are dealing with the typical Carian name ib(a)rsi, brsi, attested
by a number of examples. The other problematic letter is the last one
of the rst line, for which an interpretation as k k is now beyond
doubt, as the whole word is the Carian form of the Egyptian name
Psammetichus.
E.Bu 5 (= M 54)
psmak
As in E.Bu 4, the last sign is now interpreted as k, in order to obtain
the well-known Egyptian name psmak.
the inscriptions
123
E.Bu 6 (= M 55)
eypsal
puor | aor
urseak i
This inscription is extremely dicult to read, so some uncertainties
remain. In any case, the reading aor for the third word should be preferred to ar, as found in previous works, given the good parallel in
E.Me 1 and the sound onomastic identication (see Chapter 11, s. v.
aor ).
10. Gebel Sheik Suleiman (E.SS)
E.SS 1 (= 72 F)
This grato, which constitutes the southernmost document of Carian
to be found in Africa, is known only from two dierent copies: Sayce
(Sayce 1910 = Friedrich 1932) and A. J. Arkell (reproduced in evorokin
1965) respectively. As we are informed by Masson (1978: 35, n. 1, and
98), this inscription, which never was photographed, now lies beneath
the waters of the Nile. The correction introduced in Adiego (1993a) is
maintained here: the second word of the second line is read in, not
n, because it is undoubtedly the same word that appears in E.Me
38.
124
chapter three
Friedrich (1932)
evorokin (1965)
nn[-]s|aruol
pneit|in
pard
11. Unknown Origin, Likely from Egypt (E.xx)
Under this title I include seven inscriptions whose Egyptian origin seems
clear, but for which no exact location can be determined.
E.xx 1 (= MY C)
the inscriptions
125
E.xx 2 (= MY I)
E.xx 2
wliat
This so-called ichneumon of Berlin, is actually a reliquary for a
mummied shrew with a Carian name followed by an Egyptian votive
formula X (the god incarnated by the animal) may give life.
Photograph: Masson-Yoyotte (1956: pl. 4). Drawing: Masson-Yoyotte (1956:37). My
drawing of the shrew is based on the photograph.
E.xx 3 (= MY a)
E.xx 3
chapter three
126
ionel
Inscription on the mount of a ring.
Photograph: Masson-Yoyotte (1956: pl. VIII). Drawing: Masson-Yoyotte (1956:11). My
drawing of the object is based on the photograph.
E.xx 4 (= MY b)
E.xx 4
pduba
Word engraved on a vase.
Photograph: Masson-Yoyotte (1956: pl. VIII). Drawing: Masson-Yoyotte (1956:12). My
drawing of the object is based on the photograph.
E.xx 5 (= MY c)
the inscriptions
127
owmebt
This is the scarabaeum with a Carian inscription, rst edited by
Sayce (1887[92]). It was briey referred to in Masson-Yoyotte (1956)
(MY c), but neither photography nor drawing or transcription was
attempted at the time, given that neither editor knew where the object
was. The object was rediscovered a short time after the publication of
Masson-Yoyotte (1956), and Masson dealt with it in an article (Masson
1959b). In the absence of more information, Masson considered it to
be pseudo-Carian. In Masson (1978) it was omitted.
Contrastingly, evorokin included it in his book on Carian (evorokin
1965: 127; 6 ) and oered a very plausible reading (owmebt). The
nal sequence bt is a particularly attractive suggestion, because it also
appears in two grati from Thebes (E.Th 12 and E.Th 13). I have
therefore included alongside the other Carian texts.
Photograph: Masson (1959: pl. 2). Drawing: Masson (1959: pl. 3).
E.xx 6 (= 4 )
E.xx 6
arnajs | sb taqbos
Inscription on the so-called Leningrad Isis, published by evorokin
(evorokin 1964b; evorokin 1965). As in the case of E.xx 2, a Carian
chapter three
128
E.xx 7 (= Lion)
ntros: pridas
ora
nu mdane: uksi wrm
Inscription on a lion of Egyptian origin, edited by Masson (Masson
1976). Some years ago, I suggested to Masson the possibility of reading ntros ntros, instead of noros noros (sic in Masson 1976), a
suggestion based both on the photograph and the comparable sequence
ntro ntro in C.xx 1. Yoyottes revision of the inscription made this
correction possible, which was already included in Adiego (1993a) and
is now widely accepted.
Photograph: Masson (1976: pl. 1). Drawing: Masson (1976 pl. 2).
the inscriptions
129
photographs and epigraphical information, and Deroy (1955), a collection of drawings based on the photographs published by Robert.
The numbering of the inscriptions introduced by Robert and adopted
by Deroy became the standard (hence the use of D or, less frequently,
R.-D. followed by a number to refer to the Carian inscriptions from
Caria). This ordering did not follow a coherent set of criteria.22
As for the inscriptions published after the Robert-Deroy edition, in
Meier-Brgger (1983) a catalogue was established (although the inscriptions were not edited) and the numbering system of Robert-Deroy was
continued, but an asterisk mark was added to the new inscriptions
instead of the D and R.-D abbreviations.23 The numbering criterion employed was the order of publication of the new inscriptions. A
source of further confusion was the fact that both Robert-Deroys and
Meier-Brggers catalogues included Para-Carian inscriptions, here omitted from the true Carian corpus. The inscriptions from locations other
than Caria were also listed, so this catalogue actually comprises all the
non-Egyptian-originated epigraphical documents of Carian.
In this study, a new classication system, parallel to that introduced
for Carian inscriptions from Egypt, will be introduced. The inscriptions
are classied according to the locations in which they were found.
We are clearly in a better position to analyse the corpus from Caria
than the corpus of Egyptian texts: with the sole exception of C.Tr 2,
at least photographic evidence is available for all the inscriptions.
Moreover, some of the texts edited by Robert and Deroy have been
revised thanks to the eorts of Blmel, Gusmani, Frei and Marek,
whereas the texts found after Deroys compilation have generally been
edited satisfactorily.
22
13 are already published. 45 are inscriptions neglected by scholars prior to
Robert (in fact, Para-Carian inscriptions from Chalketor and Ancin, south of Alabanda).
613 are inscriptions found by Robert himself. 14 is a text discovered by G. E. Bean,
15 is a Carian (Kaunian) inscription from Lycia already known and previously published (as 13), and 16, oered in addendum, is the great inscription of Kaunos, also
discovered by Bean. In Deroys article, the confusion continues: D 17 are Para-Carian
grati from Labraunda, D 18 Carian coins, and D 19, the Greek-Carian bilingual
inscription from Athens.
23
For the continuation of the numbering after Meier-Brgger (1983), see MeierBrgger (1994:113), Frei-Marek (1997:6, n. 10), Frei-Marek (2000:85).
chapter three
130
1. Tralleis (C.Tr)
C.Tr 1 (= D 1)
Deroy (1955)
sdi amt[
pau
art{ }mon
This inscription has not been re-found since it was seen and copied at
the end of the 19th Century, but Deroys drawing, based both on a
photograph of the cast and a copy conserved in the notes of Kubitschek
in the Austrian Academy of Vienna (which I reproduce here)24 is quite
reliable. Moreover, the inscription does not pose any particular problems of reading. The third letter of the rst line is denitely Y i.
I adopt the reading suggested by Schrr (cf. Schrr 2001b:109,
n. 12), but I am unsure about the segmentation of the rst line.
Photograph of a cast and drawing in Deroy (1955:307 and pl. I).
24
I am grateful to Dr. Georg Rehrenbck (Austrian Academy of Sciences, Vienna),
for your extreme kindness in sending me a reproduction of Kubitscheks drawing and
notes concerning this inscription.
the inscriptions
131
C.Tr 2 (= D 2)
Pappakonstatinous drawing
(Meier-Brgger 1978)
chapter three
132
C.Al 1 (= D 13)
(Deroy 1955)
sdi a[-]mob[
Found by Robert in Eski ine, south of Alabanda. To my knowledge,
the inscription has not been seen again. I adopt Schrrs reading (Schrr
2001b:109, n. 12).
Photograph: (1950: pl. II 1, VIII 2, XXI 2). Drawings: Robert (1950:17), Deroy (1955:319).
3. Euromos (C.Eu)
C.Eu 1 (= D 3)
the inscriptions
133
C.Eu 2 (= D 8)
134
chapter three
omob i: temazi
dun: oniabkol
armon qyrbmudolo
manon
This inscription was re-edited almost simultaneously, and with divergent
readings, by Blmel (1988) and Gusmani (1990). Wolfgang Blmel was
kind enough to allow me to see a cast of the inscription, and I can
conrm the accuracy of his edition. I reproduce Blmels drawing here.
The text does not pose reading problems. The most remarkable innovation of the current transcription is the interpretation of the letter e
not as a variant (Kaunian-like type) of L l, but rather as a local form
of e e, as in Hyllarima and probably also in Mylasa (see below p. 225).
Photographs: Robert (1950), pl. IV. Drawings: Deroy (1955:316),
Blmel (1988:262), Gusmani (1990:49).
4. Kindye (C.Kn)
C.Kn 1 (= D 6)
pares
Extremely fragmentary inscription found by Laumonier, which has been
not recovered.
Drawing: Deroy (1955:314). Photograph: Laumonier (1933:35).
the inscriptions
135
5. Hyllarima (C.Hy)
C.Hy 1 (= D 7 + new fragment)
ubzol tu brsi
pau mane ybrs
(b) kduopizipususot
mol msot ylarmit
(Greek textonly the oldest inscriptions that appear also in the illustration):
(a) ereew yen pntvn:
Ermaw Fanv Ermadow
(b) erew yen pntvn:
Ussvllow Arrissiow
136
chapter three
turned out to be a fragment of the same stone, the two pieces tting
together. This sensational discovery provides us with almost the complete marble stela (only the lower part is missing), and the result is a
complex mixture of inscriptions from dierent periods, which makes
the interpretation of the Carian text dicult, both internally and in
connection with the Greek texts.
The rst problem is to establish whether the two rst Carian lines
of each column must be read as two complete lines (the rst line of
column (a) being followed immediately by the rst line of column (b),
and likewise for the two second lines), or if one must begin reading
from the rst two lines of (a) and then the rst two lines of (b), or
whether column (a) and column (b) in fact represent two independent
inscriptions.
Also problematic, and related to this discussion, is the connection
between Carian and Greek texts. It is clear that the majority of Greek
texts seem to have been engraved long after the Carian lines,25 but the
rst four lines of column (b) could be contemporary with the Carian
texts. Whether this contemporaneity implies a connection between the
two texts or not is impossible to decide.
The problem is compounded somewhat by the fact that in the Carian
text of (a), the last three lines, clearly separated from the preceding
ones, show marked dierences in the shape of the letters, and thus
seem to have been written long after the preceding lines. A similar situation can be observed in the four Greek lines mentioned, the last two
showing divergent traits to the rst. This opens the way for a number
of dierent hypotheses about the order in which the sections of the
Carian inscription and the sections of the oldest Greek inscription were
engraved.
Independent from the problems of interpretation, which will be dealt
with in pp. 305308, the inscription of Hyllarima is an exceptional
document: it is the best-preserved long Carian inscription, the text being
complete and with only one diculty of reading: the antepenultimate
letter of the fth line of column (a), apparently a R r.
25
The Greek texts are the following: in col. (a), immediately after the Carian inscription, a list of Apollos priests at the time of the joint rulership of Antiochos and his
son, dated in 263262. In col. (b), after the Carian text, a list of priests of all the gods
followed by a sale of the priesthood of all the gods, and a land renting document. In
the lateral side of col. (a), another sale of priesthood of the same date as that of col.
(b), the name of the divinities implied not being readable. In the lateral side of col.
(b), other land renting documents.
the inscriptions
137
6. Mylasa (C.My)
C.My 1
C.My 1
138
chapter three
his taskas the editors of the inscription have pointed out (BlmelKzl 2004: 138)and that some dicult readings could in fact be mere
errors.
The reading adopted here follows in general terms that given in
Adiego (2005), but with the inclusion of improvements suggested more
recently by Blmel (Blmel 2005). I am aware of some reading problems that still exist. In any case, this inscription is a very important
document both for Carian onomastics and for our knowledge of the
Carian alphabetic variety of Mylasa.
Photograph: Blmel-Kzl (2004). The drawing presented here has been made on the
photograph.
the inscriptions
139
C.Si 2 (= D 10)
chapter three
140
(Greek text:)
Robert (1945), n. 75
[
Idrivw Ekatmnv]
[ ka A]daw Ekatmnv ka[
[ ?S]uennitvn eriow [
[ ]now Ponmoonnou [
[tl]eian pntvn ep[
Bilingual inscription found by Louis Robert. The Carian part was edited
by Robert (1950) and Deroy (1955). The Greek part can be found in
Robert (1945). Regrettably, neither Blmels eorts to locate the inscription years later nor the steps given by Schrr in order to obtain Roberts
cast have been successful.
In any case, the reading of the three rst lines is quite certain,
with the important correction made by Schrr, consisting in reading d
d instead of F, in the name ada. Things are not so clear from the fourth
line onwards: H in lrH could be U (therefore lru), and the t t in stsp could
be o o (sosp), etc. Also problematic is the reading of the entire fth line.
Schrrs suggestion of linking this fragment of stone with another
from Sinuri that contains two decrees in Greek by Idrieus and Ada
(Robert 1945, n 75) seems to me a very attractive theory, and it is
adopted here (see Schrr 1992:136138; cf. Adiego 2000:134135 for
details; I reproduce the text Greek edited in this latter article).26
26
the inscriptions
141
8. Kildara (C.Ki)
C.Ki 1 (= D 11)
[. . . . . . . (.)]zolbaa[..(.)] kil[
[. . .]uda[. . .] trqdimr qrds tazomd[
kilarad[-]ybzsdmHnmkda[-]aHuq[
iasoum
Greek text:
doje Kildaresin, kklhshw genomnhw: Uss[vllvi?]
Samvou eergthi genomnvi Kildarvn t[leian]
donai ka proedran ka sagvgn ka jagv[gn]
ka n ernhi sule ka sponde ka ati
ka kgnoiw: ka Kildaraw enai n y[lvsin?]
142
chapter three
drawing and reading synthesize the readings of Deroy and BlmelAdiego, both conserving the letters that were impossible to identify in
the revision, and incorporating the new readings of some letters.
I still see the exact reading of the last word as problematic; the reading m of the last letter implies the presence of a M oriented to the
left, contrary to all the other instances of the letter in the inscription
(m), and also the rightward direction of the writing. The reading of the
remaining letters is also uncertain. I believe therefore that a reading
*Amous amous, instead of AsouM iasoum, cannot be altogether
dismissed. Such a reading would be compelling, insofar as it would
allow us to identify in the Carian text the name of the father of the
individual honoured in the Greek section, and consequently to establish a connection between the texts. But for want of sucient evidence,
I maintain the old reading, iasoum.
Photographs: Robert (1950:pl. VI 2, VIII 1, IX 2, X), Blmel-Adiego (1993:pl. 1).
Drawings: Deroy (1955:318), Blmel-Adiego (1993:89).
9. Stratonikeia (C.St)
C.St 1 (= D 12)
C.St 1
]sel a[]a[]om
]som[n?]e brsi ula[]ol
]latmne ysal[
the inscriptions
143
] ari maqly[
]sel piks[
]sel p[
This inscription, found by Robert in 1946, has not been revised since
then. The present reading and modied drawing are based on my own
interpretation of the photograph published by Robert (1950). The most
remarkable innovation appears in the second line. I propose that a possible personal name som[n]e (see Chapter 11, s. v. somne/somne ) can be
recognized, followed by the well-known name brsi, in genitive: the letter R r seems to be certain (and not W y, as formerly read), and the
sign preceding it (b) seems to be the local form of $ 4 b, although
neither Roberts photograph nor Deroys drawing provides a clear image
of what the exact form of the letter was. Also new is the reading Q
q, not o o, of the seventh sign of the fourth line.
For the rst line, I adopt the reading of Schrr (2001b:106).
Photograph: Robert (1950:pl. VI). Drawing: Deroy (1955:319). The drawing oered
here has been made on the photograph.
C.St 2 (= 36*)
uol uodrou u[
mute ymezus[
diye uodryia[
uliade pidaru[
144
chapter three
maqaraHrl-?-[
darqemorms[
Hdaqedorms[
Inscription edited by }ahin (1980).
I adopt Schrrs suggestion that l. 7, sign 5 is Q q, not o o. In fact,
some rounded signs of the inscriptions are dicult to distinguish correctly (they could be o, z, or Q).
Photograph: }ahin (1980:pl. V 1). Drawing: }ahin (1980:206). The drawing presented
here is a modied version of }ahins, in order to introduce the new readings of some
letters.
C.Ha 1
the inscriptions
145
C.Di 1 (= 21*)
C.Di 1
]ub
Inscription on a broken fragment, datable to the 6th century B.C.
Although this grato is located not in Caria, but in Ionia, I include
it in the Carian section of the corpus given the clear proximity of
Didyma (and Milet) to the Carian country.
This is a very dicult text: not even the direction of reading is clear.
It is ascribed to the Carian corpus based on the clear presence of the
letter w . The overall reading is far from certain (see remarks in Adiego
1993a:80). The reading proposed here (the same as in Adiego 1993a)
is merely hypothetical. Steinherrs reading, adapted to the present decipherment system, would be ult, whilst Innocente (1994:106) prefers
to read a, in reverse direction
Photograph: Naumann-Tuchelt (1963/64: pl. 25). Drawing: Adiego (1993a:324). See
also Tuchelt (1970), which includes a reading and some notes made by Steinherr. My
new drawing is based on the photograph.
146
chapter three
C.Ia 1 (= 20* a)
]la
limtaoa | [
om
Inscription on the neck of a vase. I have not seen any photography,
and my only sources of information are the drawings and comments
in Levi-Pugliese Carratelli (196162 [1963]:632) and Pugliese Carratelli
(1985[86]:151).
Drawings: Levi-Pugliese Carratelli (196162 [1963]:632), Pugliese Carratelli (1985[86]:
151).
C.Ia 2 (= 20* b)
]uel | ob[
Although a reverse reading is possible, given that all the letters present
in the inscription are symmetrical, the theory is practically dismissed,
insofar as it would situate L l as the initial letter of a word, which is
highly improbable.
Photograph: Levi-Pugliese Carratelli (196162 [1963]:632); Drawings: Levi-Pugliese
Carratelli (196162 [1963]:632), Pugliese Carratelli (1985[86]: 151).
the inscriptions
147
C.Ia 3 (= 38* a)
C.Ia 3
148
chapter three
clearly has a form of ~ very similar to the example in the rst word
(the only dierence being the somewhat rounded upper trace). It can
therefore extremely unlikely to be a letter comparable to / and variants. Therefore, Pugliese Carratellis reading is preferable.
Photograph: Pugliese Carratelli (1985[86]:pl. I). Drawings: Pugliese Carratelli (1985[86]:
150), Gusmani (1988:146). My drawing has been made directly on the photography
published by Pugliese Carratelli.
C.Ia 4 (= 38* b)
n[. . .]
pr[. . .]
is[. . .]
Very fragmentary inscription published by Pugliese Carratelli (1985[86]).
The few remaining letters are easily readable.
Photograph and drawing: Pugliese Carratelli (1985[86]:152).
C.Ia 5 (= 47*)
baqgk[. . .]
the inscriptions
149
C.Ia 6 (= 48*)
[. . .]b?e
?]y?n
C.Ia 57 are three very recently discovered grati on vases, edited by
Fede Berti and Lucia Innocente (Berti-Innocente 1998 for C.Ia 5, 6;
Berti-Innocente 2005 for C.Ia 7). Note the surprising letter v in C.Ia
7, apparently a variant of Mylasa W, Sinuri-Kildara V (cf. Berti-Innocente
2005:21).
150
chapter three
usot
C.Ke 2 (= *39b)
usot
This pair of inscriptions with the same text, rst published in Varinlio[lu
(1986), were briey the focus of attention when Ray ingeniously suggested that the sole word they contained could be identied with the
well known Carian name Ussollos, uol (Ray 1988). This identication
was based on an assumption that has since turned out to be false: that
the letter c could be equivalent here and in Hyllarima to the letter L
l. It is now clear that c does not represent l in Hyllarima, where
there is a particular letter for this sound (L), and the supposedly equivalent sequence usoc in Hyllarima has nothing to do with the Carian
name mentioned (even the segmentation is far from certain!). As already
mentioned (p. 23), I even have a number of doubts concerning the
true Carian nature of these documents, which contain an initial sign
| that makes no sense as a letter in Carian. The disposition of the letters is also a little strange, and their inclusion in the Carian corpus
must be accepted not without certain reservations.
Drawing: Varinlio[lu (1986).
the inscriptions
151
C.Ka 2 (= D 16)
C.Ka 2
152
chapter three
C.Ka 3 (= 28*)
the inscriptions
153
oru
ann ibrs
This funerary inscription, rst published in Roos (1972), has been revised
by Schrr (see Schrr 1996c, Adiego 1996), and the new reading has
highlighted some important corrections: the rst letter is notas Roos
drawing indicatedan unexpected form of a letter pi, but in fact a
variant of the typical Kaunian letter /. This new reading is now
conrmed by the photograph published by Frei-Marek (2000). Schrrs
revision also allows us to identify the well-known Carian stem ibrs-.
Photograph: Frei-Marek (2000:126). Regrettably, this photograph shows only part of
the inscription. Drawings: Roos (1972:93, and pl. 40), Schrr (1996c:158). My drawing is based on that of Roos, but implements the new readings made by Schrr and
the information available from Mareks photography.
C.Ka 4 (= 30*)
C.Ka 4
[. . .]uou ibrsdr[-]
[. . .]a yomln r1_i
[. . .]dar1_ idym
This fragment, published by Masson (1973[75]), has been re-read and
re-published in Frei-Marek (2000). The new revision has allowed some
154
chapter three
C.Ka 5 (= 44*)
155
156
chapter three
The segmentation of the words is based in part on my own analysis of the text, and must be taken as provisional.
Photographs: Frei-Marek (1997), (1998). The drawing here is mine.
C.Ka 6
or
Photograph: Schmaltz (1998: Abb. 4). My drawing is based on the photograph.
C.Ka 8
potkol? aba?d?
ya
the inscriptions
157
C.Ka 9
[. . .]ois?ur?mlo
Inscription on a broken fragment, published in Frei-Marek (2000:120125).
This text poses serious problems of reading, since if the we adopt the
interpretation of signs proposed by Frei-Marek, it is not easy to establish the direction in which the letters must be read: Frei-Marek suggests four possibilities. I believe however that Schrr (2001a) oers the
correct solution to the problem in reading i, not Z, for sign 2, and
s, not m, for sign 3. If the s reading is not absolutely certain (the
apparent trace that would allow to read it as s could be an intrusive
mark), in the case of i, Schrrs proposal must be accepted, and this
latter reading would mean that the orientation of the text no longer
158
chapter three
C-Kr 1
the inscriptions
159
160
chapter three
C.xx 1 (= 34*)
C.xx 1
the inscriptions
161
C.xx 2 (=35*)
C.xx 2
162
chapter three
C.xx 3 (= 40*)
C.xx 3
akymydueryly[vacat]d
An inscription on a cult object conserved in Geneva, edited by MeierBrgger (1994:112113; photograph and transcription). I adopt Schrrs
proposed reading (in Schrr 2001c).
Photograph: Meier-Brgger (1994:112). Drawing: Schrr 2001c:118). My drawing is
based on the photograph published by Meier-Brgger.
C.xx 4 (= 41*)
the inscriptions
163
kduol
C. xx 5 (= 41*)
kduol
Regularized form of the letters of both inscriptions:
(Zalhaas-Neumann 1994)
C.xx 4 and C.xx 5 are two identical inscriptions on two bracelets published by Zalhaas-Neumann (1994). Although the origin of both objects,
conserved in Munichs Prhistorische Staatssamlung, is unknown, their
inscriptions are not only clearly Carian, but even display manifest connections with the Kaunian alphabetic variant: note the form Z of z
and particularly the presence of the letter / , characteristic in this
alphabet (see already Zalhaas-Neumann 1994:166). Note however the
use of l l instead of l (L, Kaunos 2) in uol (vs. uol in other places).
There are no reading problems.
Photographs: Zalhaas-Neumann (1994: between 166167). Drawings: Zalhaas-Neumann
(1994:161161, 164).
chapter three
164
G 1 (= D 16, Athens)
G 1
G 2 (= 42*, Thessaloniki)
G 2 (Tzanavari-Christidis (1995)
the inscriptions
165
qlali | k?[
This inscription was found in Thessaloniki and edited by Tzanavari
and Christidis (Tzanavari-Christidis 1995). It appears on a fragment of
a skyphos. The vase is dated by Tzanavari to the third quarter of the
5th century B.C. The Carian character of the inscription is indisputable.
Photograph: Tzanavari-Christidis (1995:pl. I). Drawing: Tzanavari-Christidis (1995:14).
CHAPTER FOUR
This periodization is dierent from that adopted in Adiego (1993a). There, it was
more important to separate the previous unsucessful or incomplete eorts (including
Zauzich and Ray) from the principal goal of the book: to present a complete decipherment of the Carian alphabet.
167
1962). It is true that the foundations of the alleged Carian semisyllabism had already been questioned at the very beginning of the 1950s,
when Theodor Bossert observed that the then recently discovered long
inscription of Kaunos pointed to a purely alphabetic system, but it is
also true that the semisyllabic transcription was still used (indeed in a
conventional way) by Masson (1959b).
To Archibald H. Sayce we owe, among many other things, the rst
paper to oer an overall table of sound values for Carian letters (Sayce
1887[92]).2
In order to decipher Carian, Sayce started with the mixed origin of
the Carian writing system: he stated that, on the one hand, a great
number of letters were of Greek-Phoenician origin, whereas some signs
came from what he called an Old Asianic Syllabary, traces of which
would also remain in the Lycian alphabet and whose last vestige would
be the Cypriot syllabary:
It is clear at rst sight that the main part of the letters is derived from
the Phoenicio-Greek Alphabet, but that, as in the case of the Lykian
alphabet, certain other characters have been added to express sounds
which were unrepresented in the Greek. Now Dr. Deecke, Dr. Isaac
Taylor and myself have pointed out that these additional characters
have in the case of Lykian been taken from the old Asianic syllabary,
a local form of which continued to be used in Cyprus down to a late
date. A probability therefore arises that the additional characters in the
Karian inscriptions also come from the same source (Sayce 1887[92]:
128).
2
Sayce had devoted a previous article to Carian (Sayce 1874), but Sayce (1887[92])
is the rst (and last) complete study of the Carian alphabet by the British scholar.
168
chapter four
Sayce (1887[92])
169
170
chapter four
171
This latter point could have oered interesting resultsat least regarding the criterion of geographic proximity, since it is well known that
nearby languages tend to share phonetic traits, but Bork had a very
sui generis vision of Lycian phonetics, far removed from the communis
opinio. For both languages Bork assumed the existence of sounds like
/pf/ or /kh/ (this latter an aricate palatal), and in Carian he established ve series of consonants (labials, dentals, palatals, gutturals and
velars), with three articulation modes for each one ( fortes, aricates and
spirants). Borks transcriptions therefore appear complex, with an array
of aspirates mixed with syllabic signs. This is his decipherment system,
as appears in Bork (1930):
Bork (1930)
172
chapter four
Friedrich (1932)
173
174
chapter four
The so-called Bork-Friedrich system was adopted in a purely instrumental way by Masson in his editions of Carian texts until 1976.
Brandenstein also adopted Borks systemalthough with some modicationsin his article Karische Sprache for the Pauly-Wissowas
Realencyclopdie (Brandenstein 1935a): he not only took on the simplications of Friedrich (1932), but also recovered two values proposed
by Sayce: t = (Bork he) and i = e (Bork he, Friedrich he). His proposal of attributing a value p to x X is new, and based on the alleged
labial value of X in Lydian (at present, this Lydian letter is in fact commonly interpreted as representing a labiovelar [transcribed by q]).3 This
proposal, put forward by Brandenstein in a former paper (Brandenstein
1934b) was unsuccessful:
Brandenstein (1934b)
3
175
Mentz (1940)
4
Die entscheidende Erkenntnis ist, da das karische Alphabet keine Mischung von
176
chapter four
Laut- und Silbenschrift ist, wie man seit Sayce allgemein annahm, sondern ein rein
Lautschrift. (Mentz 1940:279)
5
The sole exception is Stoltenbergs decipherment, where syllabic values are assigned
to a few letters in a rather capricious way. But even he refuses any connection to
Cypriot syllabary, see below.
177
1. Steinherr (195051:336) proposed a liquid value for the sign z resorting, among other arguments, to the comparison of the genitival
endings in -z with the oblique case in -l of Lydian. This proposal
anticipated an idea developed later by evorokin, but which has
since been superseded.
2. Steinherr suggested that j had to have a value near to i, because
both alternate in some inscriptions. Consequently, he proposed a
transcription / e, respectively. This observation, for many years
ignored (a nasal-like value for j was for a long time the preferred
theory), has since proved to be correct, now that the Carian alphabet has been denitively deciphered (i = i, j = j ).
3. Steinherr pointed out that the sign f F (and variants) could hardly
have an r value, because it often appears in an initial position,
whereas Anatolian languages show a clear reluctance to an initial r,
a well-founded argument reiterated by Ray (1987).
4. For this latter sign, Steinherr suggested a t value. We now know
that he was wrong, but only partially: the sign has in general an
value, but the bilingual inscription of Kaunos has revealed that in
the Kaunian alphabet the letter T was actually used for t. Moreover,
in at least one case his analysis was right: he proposed that the letters i F in the bilingual coin of Erbbina, dynast of Telmessos, read
t e, could correspond to the Lycian legend teleb(ehi) erbbina Telmessos
/ Erbbina in other coins (Steinherr 1955:184192). Similar reasoning is nowadays used to explain the Carian legend i F, by assuming that the alphabet used is of Kaunian type (a very plausible
assumption from a geographical point of view), see Adiego (1998b:
5860), Meier-Brgger (1998:45).
Steinherrs work can hardly be considered a decipherment, but it does
deserve a great deal of respect: before the Egyptian approach, this
was the only moment in the history of decipherment that a correct
method of analyzing the Carian alphabet had been envisaged, even if
it was in a very limited way.
The fties ended with another failed attempt at decipherment, by
H. L. Stoltenberg (Stoltenberg 1958a, b, 1959).
Stoltenberg started with the automatic attribution of Greek values to
the allegedly Greek letters: a = a, o = o, m = n, p = m, and so on.
As for the apparently non-Greek signs, he rejected any comparison with
the Cypriot syllabary and proposed as an alternative to resort to the
Minor Asian onomastics of Greek sources, and the comparison with
178
chapter four
Stoltenberg (1958a)
179
180
chapter four
evorokin (1965)
evorokin 1994
181
chapter four
183
chapter four
Reviews of evorokin 1965: Pisani 1967, Gusmani 1967 (laudatory,
although he believes that it is precipitate to consider the decipherment
as done), Zgusta 1968 (totally favourable: We can then, conclude that . . . the
basic step is done and the Carian inscriptions are really deciphered
(p. 154)).
Otkupikov (1966)
185
chapter four
187
188
chapter four
6
Zauzich also believed that a Carian name beginning with p could be connected
with an Egyptian name with an initial p in E.Me 6, an incorrect assumption, because
this is a case of a re-used stela, and indicates no correspondence between Egyptian
and Carian epigraphs. It is also true that Zauzich was right in assigning a sibilant
value to z, but this attribution was based on faulty interpretations.
Kowalski (1975)
189
190
chapter four
7
= Zauzich ir. However, Kowalski does not make reference to Zauzichs interpretation. Zauzich aimed to connect this form with Greek uw, an assumption untenable from the point of view of both Greek dialectology and the structure of Carian
inscriptions.
191
192
chapter four
but published three years later (Ray 1983). This brief article is important for two reasons: here Ray already establishes a criterion for the
use of bilingual inscriptions, consisting in leaving aside those inscriptions where the individual has an Egyptian name in the Egyptian part
and deciphering only those where the Egyptian part contains a nonEgyptian, presumably Carian, name. The other contribution is his
hypothesis, now conrmed, that the name Psammetichus can be identied
in the Carian sequence of signs kfasip / pismazk ,
which would suggest totally innovative values for allegedly Greek signs
as p, m or f.
It is interesting to note that the rst assertion is now known to be
partially false: Egyptian names from the Egyptian part of the bilingual
inscriptions do appear in the Carian part (E.Sa 2, E.Me 5). However,
in somewhat paradoxical fashion, this limitation imposed on the inventory of bilingual inscriptions proved instrumental in triggering the rst
dramatic steps towards a denitive decipherment. Apart from the two
inscriptions mentioned above, Ray also left out E.Me 6, in this case
with good reason: there is no correspondence between the names in
the Carian and Egyptian parts. So we can see that, unlike Kowalski,
Ray did not obtain incorrect sound values for his decipherment by
using an inappropriate bilingual inscription. Kowalskis error was, as
we have seen, to include this inscription in his decipherment.
Ray (1981) oered the rst complete proposal of decipherment, based
on the inscriptions of Saqqra. His method consisted in bringing the
sound values obtained from the bilingual texts to the remaining inscriptions, in order to nd Carian proper names comparable to those preserved in Greek sources. This onomastic comparison as a form of
conrming and developing the decipherment was not new, as the history of Carian studies shows. The singularity of Rays approach to the
onomastics of indirect sources lies rather in the cautiousness with which
he operates: the onomastic identications are not so numerous, but
some important similarities begin to appear. Another prudent decision
was the initial limitation to the Saqqra corpus: almost all the bilingual inscriptions used were from Saqqra, where a very unitary and
standardized alphabet was used. This left little room for confusion
between letters and variants, a risk that the former followers of the
Egyptian approach did not take care to avoid. It must be added that
Ray was also much more rigorous than his predecessors in the use of
the Carian alphabet: unlike some, he did not distort the Carian signary in order to obtain a particular equivalence between forms.
193
Ray (1982b)
The proposed sound values vary slightly from one article to another,
but they can be characterized in the following way:
1) A signicant number of signs had been transcribed in a similar manner by Kowalski. The coincidence is logical: these are the letters that
appear in the bilingual inscriptions used by both authors. However, in
contrast to Kowalski, Ray does not oer arbitrary groupings or separations of signs.
Rays use of bilingual inscriptions is shown in the table of p. 194.
There were admittedly some problems of interpretation: the value of
l, that in Egyptian appears adapted by means of r, and which was
Carian
forms
Egyptian
version
E.Me 15
E.Sa 1
farKbiom 3rkbym
E.Me 5
psmfk . . . Psmk . . .
E.Me 7
Camou
T3-n-jm.w
E.Me 7
Canaiz
T3[
E.Me 8
paraeWm Prjm
E.Me 9, 15 arlifz
Jr3, Jwr3
E.Me 9
arlio
[ Jry[m]3
Inscription
-a-r-k-b-e-o-m
p-s-m--k-. . .
-a-m-o-u
-a-k-a-e-
p-a-r-a-j--m
a-r-d-e--
a-r-d-[sic]-o[m-]
u-r-s-h-d-j-
Rays
transcription
(Ray 1982b)
arlio[m]
ursle
arkbiom
psmk . . .
tamou
tanai
paraeym
arli
+
+
+
Current
interpretation f =
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
k = k
+
+
r = r
194
chapter four
195
troublesome for Ray; the only partial analysis of the name in E.Me 5;
the problematic reading Nrskr (now read 3rskr); the imprecise analysis
of vocalism, hampered by the almost purely consonantal adaptation in
Egyptian. Yet most of the values proposed by Ray have in fact turned
out to be right. Note that a great number of the sound values were
established on the basis of more than one correspondence: m = m results
from its presence at the end of two names (3rkbym, Prjm), and in the
middle of a third one (3n-j.mw), f = is established thanks to E.Sa
1, E.M 5, E.Me 9, and E.Me 15, etc.
2) Other values are the result of graphical alternations in the inscriptions of Saqqra already noted by Masson (1978) and Meier-Brgger
(1979a): i / j, u / v, etc.
3) Curiously, two of the most important sound values proposed by
Ray were not obtained from the bilingual inscriptions: L = l (Ray
used ld to transcribe it) and z = .
The rst equivalence- totally new- is based on C.Ki 1(Kildara) ke-ld-a[ (now kila[ ) interpreted as the Carian form of the place name
Kildara (following Kowalskis suggestion, although he interpreted L as
z), and the endings in -oL = o-ld (now -ol), that Ray correctly compared with the typical Carian names in -vllow from Greek sources.
The second equivalence (z = ) was already suggested in Meier-Brgger
(1979a)as Ray pointed outbut based on weak argumentation, and
without exploiting the consequences. Rays basis for this equivalence
was initially only the interpretation of the name vzoL- as --o-ld(now wol-), corresponding thus to the Carian name Ussvllow (Ray
1981:161), although it was subsequently noted in Ray (1982b:189) that
more convincing evidence could be found: the clear alternation between
z and f = in the Egyptian name pismak / pismak.
4) For the remaining signs, whose values he could not ascertain from
the bilinguals used, Ray generally kept to the traditional transcription
used by other scholars (evorokin, Meriggi, Gusmani, Masson), id est,
that is based on the similarities with Greek alphabet: d = g, t = q, n
= k, k [= kt ?], q = t, even l = d, etc. This is also valid for vocalic
signs: given the consonantal character of the majority of Egyptian transcriptions, Carian-Egyptian bilinguals were useless for establishing vocalic
values, and Ray chose to keep the traditional value e for i, despite
the evidence of onomastic identications, that pointed clearly to i.
In Ray (1988), several inscriptions from Caria itself are analysed.
The most relevant contribution is the comparison of the nal sequence
196
chapter four
in C.Hy 1, read -d-a-r-m-e-ld (now ylarmit) with the place name where
the inscription was found, Ullrima.
Two further articles by Ray previous to the denitive decipherment should
be cited here: Ray (1990a) is an ambitious attempt to systematize the
results of his decipherment, but there are few new ideas. The most striking contribution is the discussion devoted to the sign n, in which Ray
mentions, and rejects, the proposal of a nasal value suggested to him privately by Schrr.
Ray (1990b) oers an interpretation of the initial line of C.Si 2, which
owes much to Schrrs brilliant analysis, also privately communicated (see
below). However, in trying to adapt this to his own decipherment system,
Ray seriously distorts Schrrs ideas and the nal result is unconvincing.
The role played by John D. Ray in the decipherment of Carian is crucial: for the rst time, true Carian names emerge from the inscriptions,
although in some cases Rays transcription does not correspond exactly
to the Greek adaptation: u--o-ld = Ussvllow, -a-r-u--o-ld =
Sarussvllow, a-r-d-e- = Arlissiw. Even more importantly, a great
number of the values involved in these forms were established from
the independent evidence of Egyptian bilinguals and the alternation of
letters.
Yet despite these merits, Ray was unable to oer a complete decipherment system. The values proposed for very important consonantal signs were either wrong (d t q n), or inaccurate (l & X), while
others remained undeciphered. As for vowels, Rays transcriptions were
also imprecise, when not mistaken (i = e, j = , e = j, W = ),
to the extent that the Egyptian bilinguals were rendered useless given
the almost purely consonantal notation of Carian names. Only in the
case of a o u v and to some extent w, did his transcriptions seem
to more accurately reect the actual value of the letters. The sound
system that arose from his proposal was also inadequate, the most
important gap being the absence of a letter for n, the basic nasal consonant in all the sound systems of the world. As for the onomastic
identications, although the spectacular comparisons cited above pointed
clearly to the accuracy of the Egyptian approach, they were counterbalanced by the great number of personal names in the Carian inscriptions left without suitable interpretation. Forms such as -d-e-a-q,
e-r-t-u-t, t-q-b-a-j-m-, -a-ju-g-e-t-, -a-r--k--a-q-, m-s-k-o-r-e-,
(now wliat, !rquq, qtbl!em-, adiq-, arwl !jat-, msnord-) and many others,
which are now easy to interpret from the point of view of Carian onomastics by using the denitive system, remained obscure in Rays system.
197
198
Carian form
Egyptian form
Ray
Adiego (1993a)
chapter four
E.Me 5
E.Sa 2
psmfkvneitz
Psmk-wj-Njt
p-s-m--k--k-j-e-q-
p-s-m--k--n-e-i-t-
[now: psmkwneit ]
pdnejt
P3-dj-Njt
p-g-k-j-e-q
p-d-n-e--t
[now: pdnejt]
The t value of t allowed me to analyse the Athens bilingual inscription in a both straightforward and convincing way: read as : san tur[
(now transcribed jas : san tur[ ), the third last letters could be connected
to the Carian name present in the Greek part, Tur[.
Another important improvement concerned the vocalic letters: i =
i (not e), j = (given its alternation with the former, not [now j ]),
e = e (not j ) and sound values close to /u/ for the letters w = w
(Ray ju, but on a weak basis; now []), W = (Ray [now y]). All
these values are now universally accepted.
As for other letters, a labial character was proposed for $ (m [now
b]), based on the good correspondence ( para)i$rel = Imbarhldow, and
a liquid value for 6.
A brief report on this new decipherment system was published in
Kadmos (Adiego 1992a).
An error of decipherment, regarding q, was rectied shortly after
the completion of the doctoral dissertation, in which a more traditional
value t was envisaged (which explains the use of t for transcribing t).
However, a more detailed analysis of E.Sa 2 brought me to the conclusion that the second name in the Egyptian part, K3rr, was also
identiable in the Carian part, qwri-, so that a tectal value for q
was proposed. This value was also reinforced by convincing onomastic identications, such as quq = Gugow, or qtblem = Kotbelhmow, Kutbelhmiw.
The new value was presented in a lecture held in Cologne in 1992
and incorporated into my book Studia Carica (Adiego 1993a), wherein
a denitive decipherment of Carian was proposed.
Adiego (1993a)
199
200
chapter four
As for the linguistic results obtainable by means of this decipherment, a very prudent method was adopted: both in Adiego (1990a) and
in Adiego (1993a) the attention was focused exclusively on the most
evident grammatical information recognizable in the Carian texts: the
existence of an opposition Nominative - / Genitive (or Possessive)
-. The clear connection with Hittite, Luwian, Lycian, Sidetic, and
Pisidian sigmatic genitives and possessives, and the Lycian, Sidetic, and
Pisidan zero nominatives was seen as a clue for the consideration Carian
as an Indo-European Anatolian language, more closely related to these
later dialects. This assertion was fully consistent with the indices observable in Carian onomastics, as evorokin and others had already showed.
During these decisive years for the elaboration of my own decipherment system (19891992), I was unaware that another scholar,
Diether Schrr, had already obtained to the same results for the sound
values of t, d, q, n, i and j. As early as 1982, also inspired by the
works of Ray, Schrr had observed the signicance of the bilinguals
E.Sa 2 and E.Me 6 for deciphering Carian, which explains the coincidence of the values proposed for these letters. However, Schrr merely
communicated his theory privately to Ray, who rejected it, and after
this disappointing answer he became silent until the appearance of my
rst works. This explains why his rst contribution appeared after Adiego
(1992a) (Schrr 1992). The positive side was that the two studies had
reached very similar conclusions independently of each other, which
served to reinforce the validity of the decipherment.
However, Schrrs decipherment was not totally coincident with my
own: the main dierence lay in the values attributed to vocalic signs.
While he agreed with i = i, and j = [now j ], he was very sceptical about e = e, or about the u-like values of w and W. In any case,
Schrr has since come to accept these values. He has been also sceptical about other aspects of my decipherment, such as my interpretation of the Athenes bilingual, or the identication of the name Ullrima
in C.Hy 1 ( ylarmit)an idea formulated by Ray (see above) and easily integrated into my decipherment system.
Despite these discrepancies, Schrrs proposals opened up new interpretations of some aspects I had disregarded. The most relevant was
undoubtedly his brilliant explanation of the Sinuri bilingual inscription
(C.Si 2), in which he was able to recognize the Carian version of the
formula Idrieus (son) of Hekatomnos and Ada (daughter) of Hekatomnos
that appears in Greek, in some decrees enacted by this pair of Carian
satraps. Schrrs explanation of the letters & and $, which he con-
201
8
Dierent ordering of names has been given by scholars to refer to the system of
decipherment that has become standard (alphabetical: Adiego-Ray-Schrr, strictly chronological regarding the published works: Ray-Adiego-Schrr). The ordering adopted here
responds to the authentic chronological succession of the research, even if Schrrs rst
contribution appeared after my rst works.
9
. . . aber nun endlich scheint doch ein erfolgreicher und nahezu vollstndiger
Abschlu der Entzierung in Reichweite zu kommen (Neumann 1993:296).
202
chapter four
reinforced. Also important was the analysis of snn and orkn as accusatives
in -n (< PA *-n < PIE *-m), an analysis equally relevant for the linguistic
position of Carian, and later conrmed by the Kaunos bilingual.
Another scholar to take the Ray-Schrr-Adiego system as a starting
point for research on Carian was Michael Janda, who in his contribution to Rome Symposium oered a series of new ideas, among them
the fascinating hypothesis (developed here) regarding the presence of
ethnic names in the onomastic formulae of Saqqra ( Janda 1994).
Finally, Ivo Hajnal was another of the scholars quick to take up the
new decipherment, with excellent results: he devoted a paper to the
Carian particle i, analysing it as originally a relative pronoun from
PIE *k wi- (Hajnal 1997a). Moreover, in an independent way, Hajnal
and Schrr (1996[98]) identied two further Carian words: ted father
and en mother, clearly related to the corresponding Lycian and Lydian
nouns.
It is not easy to briey sum up the amount of new ideas and hypotheses regarding Cariansome conrmed, others ruled out- that arose in
the rst half of the 90s: apart from those quoted above, other particularly sound theories were: the sound value z (< *st) proposed in Schrr
(1996a) for the letter 1; the identication of the name of the Anatolian
Storm God under the forms trqude, trqd (Blmel-Adiego 1993) and of
the name Hekatomnos in the unedited grati from Thebes (Adiego
1995); the reconstruction of the Carian name of Kaunos as *kbid(Adiego 1995:21), denitively conrmed a year later by the discovery
of the Kaunos bilingual; the attribution to Kaunos of the coins with
the Carian legend kb, interpreted as the beginning of the place name,
discovered by Konuk and also conrmed by the bilingual (Konuk
1998);10 the satem-treatment of PIE palatals in Carian, as in Luwian
and Lycian (Melchert 1993); the identication of the Carian family of
names in (i)br- = Gr. Imb(a)r- made by Schrr (19911993), etc.
During the excavations of summer 1996 in Kaunos, a new bilingual
inscription in Greek and Carian was found. The behaviour of the two
scholars responsible for the editing of the inscription, Peter FREI and
Christian Marek, was exemplary: they edited the text as quickly as
possible, but also extremely accurately (Frei-Marek 1997), and suggested
10
Although this paper appeared after the publication of the Kaunos bilingual, it is
clear that Konuks hypothesis was formulated previously (see Konuk 1998:218, n. 14,
and 223 n. 51).
203
Carian
Transcription
Lycian evidence
Kaun[]oiw,
Kaunv[n
Ipposynouw
Nikokla
Lusiklouw
Lusikla
Lusikrt[ouw]
Ayhnao[n]
[A]yhnaon
k5idn,
k5dWn/
i[]ini
ni[]lan
lWsiklas[
lWs[]an
lWsikraTas
oTonosn
oTonosn
kbidn,
kbdyn
i[]ini
ni[]lan
lysiklas[
lys[]an
[ lysikratas[
otonosn
otonosn
204
chapter four
perhaps the most notable new discoveries are: (1) the word otr-, whose
probable meaning is self and is possibly etymologically connected to
the Lycian atra/etli self , (2) the ethnic sux -yn- in kbdyn- Kaunians,
clearly comparable to Luw. -wanni-, Mil. -wni-, Lyc. -ni- (with the
same function in all three languages), (3) the accusative plural ending
-, related to Lyc. and Mil. -s < *-ns. To these discoveries we must
add the conrmation of -n as an accusative singular ending, and of sb
as a coordinative conjunction. A plausible interpretation of the remaining words and formants has yet to be made.
CHAPTER FIVE
A. Alphabetic Varieties
One of the areas of Carian studies in which our knowledge has dramatically improved in recent years is undoubtedly the writing system.
Thanks to the denitive decipherment and the appearance of new
inscriptions, we can now create an overview of the dierent alphabetic
varieties that, although still limited and with very important gaps, was
unthinkable some years ago. If we compare the table of the Carian
alphabet established by Masson in the 1970s with the results that will
be uncovered here, it will be easy to acknowledge the progress made
in this eld. Masson was able to oer a complete inventory only for
the alphabetic varieties of Egypt and Kaunos; we now have an almost
complete inventory for the alphabets used in two other two Carian
cities (Hyllarima and Mylasa). Moreover, the combination of new information obtained both from the decipherment and from these new
inscriptions gives us a much better understanding of the relationship
between the dierent alphabetic varieties. Certain signs that Masson
had deemed independent are now interpreted as variants, in some cases
within an alphabetic variety, in others belonging to dierent alphabetic
inventories but functionally equivalent. Finally, the total of 44 dierent
letters in the table drawn up by Masson, the result of combining the
alphabets of Egypt and Caria could give the false impression that the
Carian alphabet consisted of a surprisingly high number of dierent
letters. In fact, as we will see, the number of dierent letters found in
each alphabetic variety barely exceeds 30 (31 in Memphis is currently
the highest number of letters documented for a concrete alphabet).
Many questions remain unresolved, however. The new inscriptions
from Caria complicate to a certain extent former classications of the
dierent alphabets of Caria proper, based on a geographical criterion
that now seems to be too rigid. Our current knowledge also makes it
dicult to establish the exact nature of the relationship between the
Carian alphabet of Egypt, a very homogeneous sign inventory, and the
alphabets of Caria proper, which are much more varied between
206
chapter five
themselves, and are also dierent from the Egyptian alphabet. Finally,
the most intriguing question of all is yet to receive a wholly satisfactory answer: what is the origin of the Carian writing system?
In the following pages, we will see rstly the known inventory for
each Carian alphabetic variety, together with a succinct commentary
on the main characteristics in each case. In the subsequent sections of
this chapter, the open questions mentioned above will be briey dealt
with.
1. Alphabetic Varieties of Caria Proper
Alphabet of Tralleis We do not yet possess sucient Trallean materials
to reconstruct the alphabet used in this Carian-Lydian city: C.Tr 1
oers 12 dierent letters, C.Tr 2, 12 or perhaps 13.1 Given the brevity
of the texts and the coincidence of some words, the combination of
both inscriptions produces an inventory of only 1314 dierent letters.
This means that in all probability less than the half of the complete
inventory of letters is attested. However, despite the very limited number of letters, some interesting traits can be observed. Perhaps most
striking are the unique characteristics of C.Tr 1: it shows a right-toleft orientation, totally atypical for Carian inscriptions from Caria proper.
Moreover, the letters for a and r seem to be A and A respectively.
This is a clear contrast with the corresponding forms in C.Tr 2: a
and R. The form of a A is the same as that found in the Sinuri-Kildara
variety, and shows the particularity of a dextrorse orientation in a sinistrorse context. As for A, at a glance it seems closer to Egyptian and
Kaunian r (r) than to the more extended shape of the letter in the
alphabets of Caria proper (R). In any case, it is very likely that the
denitive form of both letters is the result of internal tendencies to symmetry (A | A): such tendencies to structural uniformities are well known
in the history of the writing system. Regarding the rest of the letters
from C.Tr 1, particularly remarkable is the form adopted by the sign
for i, a right-to-left version (Y) of the i found in Hyllarima (y). Also
in this case, C.Tr 1 divergesthough to a lesser degreefrom C.Tr
2, where the corresponding letter is Y. Both y and Y point to an identical subtype of Carian i characteristic of the Northern zone (see above),
1
The real sign that appears at the very end of C.Tr 2 is much disputed: it could
be a Q (as assumed here) or simply a z. See p. 131 and here below.
207
a
d
l
y
r
l
q
b
m
o
t
N
p
z
y
e
K
&
9
c
B
n
p
i
e
k
d
z
t
b
The most remarkable absence is the letter for (x X in other alphabets). This absence is most probably a matter of chance. It is also possible that other letters, less common but nonetheless found in other
alphabets of Caria proper (such as %, H) could have belonged to the
inventory of Hyllarima. In any case, these 25 letters constitute an inventory large enough to allow us to consider our knowledge of Hyllarimas
alphabet to be fairly comprehensive.
chapter five
208
a
d
l
y
r
q
s
U
x
nN
z
I
s
u
209
table (cont.)
Alphabet of Euromos
B
m
o
t
e
kK
&
9
b
m
o
t
e
k
d
z
The absence of the signs for two very important and widespread Carian
sounds ( p and ) is without doubt a coincidence. It is also likely that
the alphabet of Euromos had specic letters for , t and b, as in
Hyllarima. It is particularly unfortunate that we are unable to ascertain whether there was a specic letter for l, or if this sound was
assumed by l l, as is the case in Thebes and Mylasa.5 The letter e,
formerly interpreted as a sign for l similar to the Kaunos form of the
letter (rotated 2 against L in other alphabets), must now be considered
a sign for e: Kaunian 2 is a peculiarity that is hard to separate from
the similarly rotated form Z of z , a letter that appears in Euromos
in the more widespread form z. e as e in Euromos is more consistent
with the use of the sign with this value in the nearby cities of Mylasa
and Hyllarima.6
Alphabet of Mylasa The newly published single inscription of Mylasa,
of signicant length, oers us a very wide inventory of letters, which
undoubtedly marks a clear improvement in our knowledge of the local
alphabetic varieties of Caria.
Alphabet of Mylasa
a
D
l
W
R
Q
B
a
d
l
y
r
q
b
U
x
N
p
z
I
e
n
p
i
e
(continued on next page)
5
The two sole examples of l (in C.Eu 2) appear in contexts without the parallels
that would allow us to decide if they represent l or l.
6
Schrr (pers. comm.) has independently come to the same conclusion.
chapter five
210
table (cont.)
Alphabet of Mylasa
m
o
t
F
s
m
o
t
k
&
9
&
k
d
z
b (?)
211
a
d
l
y
r
l
q
m
o
t
s
?
X
N
p
z
e
K
&
9
b (?)
n
p
i
e
k
d
z
b
chapter five
212
Apart from this new letter, the alphabet of Stratonikeia does not
oer other remarkable traits, with the exception of the form of i, ,
until now exclusively documented in this alphabet, and which shows
certain similarities to corresponding signs in Mylasa and Sinuri-Kildara.
Also comparable with Mylasa and Sinuri- Kildara is the form of F .
Regarding the rest of the letters, we nd the typical forms Q, 9 of
Caria proper (against q, 1 respectively, in Egypt and Kaunos). In any
case, it is worth noting the form of , X, against x in most of the
Carian alphabets from Caria proper (including Kaunos).8
Alphabet of Sinuri-Kildara The combination of the letters documented in
the inscriptions of Sinuri and Kildara gives a total of 26 dierent signs:
Alphabet of Sinuri-Kildara
Sinuri
Kildara
A
d
l
V
R
L
q (??)
Bb
m
o
t
TF
s
H (?)
U
x
N
p
z
A
d
&
%
V
R
L
Q
B
mM
o
t
s
u
x
n
k
&
9
a
d
l
y
r
l
q
b
m
o
t
s
?
u
n
p
i
e
k
d
z
?
8
The form X only appears in the inscription C.Ia 3 (but note also x in Iasos, C.Ia
2) and in the inscription C.xx 2 (of unknown origin).
213
An attentive examination of the inventories of letters used in each location reveals the close anity between the alphabets used in Sinuri and
Kildara, which allows us to speak of a single alphabetic variety. Note
particularly the forms of a (A), y (V), i (). The new inscription from
Mylasa has served to reinforce this theory, because several letters, which
formerly seemed unimportant given their presence in other varieties,
have become more representative insofar as they are absent, or dierent,
in the inventory of Mylasa. This is the case of e e (against Mylasa e)
and L (absent in Mylasa).
What is alleged to be the most remarkable dierence between Sinuri
and Kildarathe use of q in Sinuri against Q in Kildaraperhaps
does not exist: the reading of q in C.Si 1 is far from assured (see
p. 138). Note that other divergences occur within the alphabet of one
or both places: b and B in Sinuri, m and M in Kildara (but about the
doubts regarding the reading of this latter sign, see p. 142).
We can suppose that this inventory of Sinuri-Kildara is practically
complete. If compared with the inventories of Hyllarima, Mylasa, and
Stratonikeia, only the letters for b and t are missing.9 Conversely, it is
interesting to note the presence of % (as in Tralleis and Kaunos).
Alphabet of Kaunos The alphabetic variety of Kaunos is the best known
of all the varieties attested in Caria proper, thanks for the most part
to the long inscription C.Ka 2, and the bilingual text C.Ka 5. The
inventory of signs, which we can consider complete,10 consists of 29
letters.11
Alphabet of Kaunos
a
d
l
W
r
2
q
a
d
l
y
r
l
q
x
N
p
Z
I
k
n
p
i
k
(continued on next page)
9
This latter sound, however, could be represented by H, see the similar observation on Stratonikeia above.
10
Obviously, it is not impossible that some letter has still not been documented,
but in this case its functional value would be very low.
11
I assume that is the form of C.Ka 5 corresponding to 4 in C.Ka 4.
chapter five
214
table (cont.)
Alphabet of Kaunos
5
M
o
T
/
s
H
U
b
m
o
t
s
?
u
&
8
1
%
1
O
4,
d
g? (if = 0)
z
? _
?
t (if = c)
b
215
3. The letters for l and show a rotation (2, Z) regarding the rest
of alphabetic varieties (L, z).12
Other Less Documented Alphabets (Kindye, Eski ine, Keramos) Little can be
said about the alphabet varieties of other Carian locations due to the
scarcity of documents.
In Kindye, the most remarkable feature of the single, six-letter inscription is the sign w, unknown in the other alphabets of Caria proper.
Merely hypothetically, we could consider the possibility that this is the
form adopted by V y in this alphabetic variety. Note that in Kindye
the Egyptian-like letter w exists side by side with R, the typical form
for r in Caria proper (against Egypt and Kaunos r).
In the case of the Eski ine (near Alabanda) inscription (C.Al 1),
note the shape of the sign for i, apparently ,13 which recalls the typical northern forms (Tralleis Y, Hyllarima y).
The Problem of the Iasos and Halikarnassos Alphabets The alphabets studied to date share the characteristic that they are attested in inscriptions
for which an origin from the location where they are found is the simplest and most logical explanation. In the case of Hyllarima, Kaunos,
or Sinuri-Kildara, for example, there is no doubt that each alphabetic
inventory reects the local writing used in each place; in Kaunos,
Kildara and Hyllarima, evidence is given by the mention of the place
name (kilara, kbid Kaunos) or the ethnic name ( ylarmit Hyllarimean(s),
cf. also kbdyn Kaunians). In Sinuri, the Carian text of C.Si 2 is inseparable from the preceding Greek text, and the two together t well in
the context of inscriptions concerning the syngeneia in charge of the
sanctuary of Sinuri. The funerary inscriptions of Tralleis and Euromos,
and the long inscription of Mylasa also seem to be closely related to
the places where they were found, and the characteristics of the respective alphabetic varieties are consistent with the geographical situation.
The case presented by the inscriptions from Halikarnassos and Iasos
is very dierent.
12
It is true that z can occasionally appear as Z in some Egyptian inscriptions (see
for instance E.Me 14), but this occurs as a result of the disposition of the text on the
stela. The particularity of the Kaunos alphabet is that this rotated form is the canonical form of the letter.
13
At least this is the form that can be hypothesized both from the photograph in
Robert and the drawing in Robert and Deroy, see p. 132.
chapter five
216
M
o
t
s
N
p
w
K
&
r
l
b
m
o
t
s
n
p
k
d
217
C.Ia 2
C.Ia 3
C.Ia 4
l
W
rR
L
q
m
o
t
F
s
u
X
U
x
i
e
z
i
e
k
&
C.Ia 6
C.Ia 7
a
v(?)
Q
B
B
m
o
t
C.Ia 5
z
e
k
0
?
a
d
l
y
r
l
q
b
m
o
t
s
u
n
p
i
e
k
d
g?
b
Supposing that all the inscriptions found in Iasos reect the local writing, we obtain a total of 24/25 dierent letters, a number very similar to the almost complete inventories of signs documented in other
Carian cities. Note the presence of 0, a typical Egyptian letter, and
the absence of H, c, , %, and of a sign for z (1, 9, 9 in other alphabets). Such absences could be due to chance. None of the specically
Egyptian letters j, v, w appears (but note v!).
The Alphabets of the Inscriptions of Unknown (but Presumably Carian) Origin
It is particularly regrettable that we are ignorant of the origins of the
chapter five
218
two inscriptions on vases, C.xx 1 and C.xx 2, since they show the closest anities with the Carian alphabet of Egypt: in both inscriptions the
letter j j is found; moreover, in C.xx.2 the letter w appears, also typically Egyptian; signs for r, q, i, z are of the Egyptian (and Kaunian)
type: r, q, I, 1. In fact, both inscriptions could t well in the Egyptian
corpus, because all the letters have a similar form to the Carian alphabet of Egypt, and there is no example of a letter alien to that writing
variety. Here is the inventory of letters from both inscriptions:
C.xx 1
C.xx 2
a
#
q
m
o
t
D
s
u
N
p
z
e
w
k
l
+
m
o
t
s
X
nN
p
i
e
w
k
&
1
j
a
d
l
r
q
b
m
o
t
s
u
n
p
i
e
k
d
z
j
219
chapter five
220
Egypt only one form for each letter is found (q, r, i), which implies
a common alphabetic model for the Carian of Egypt. Only in the case
of Theban grati can we envisage a sucient number of remarkable
traits to speak of a specic variety, and even in this case the dierences
are more functional (the absence of some letters whose function is
fullled by another sign) than formal.
Alphabet of Memphis As already said, the corpus of the alphabet of
Memphis (Saqqra) shows a complete and clear inventory of letters:
Alphabet of Memphis
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
a
dD
l
W
r
L
q
bB
mM
o
t
fg
s
H
uU
xX
a
d
l
y
r
l
q
b
m
o
t
s
?
u
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
nN
p
zZ
I
kK
&
0
1
c
e
w
v
jT_
6
n
p
i
k
d
g
z
t
b
e
w
j
The following traits must be taken into account when making a comparison with the best-known alphabets of Caria proper:
The Memphis Alphabet, along with the other alphabets from Egypt,
has specic letters for the semivowels /j/ /w/ and perhaps also /w/:
j, v and w or W. In this latter case, it is not possible to clearly
establish which of the two letters was originally used for the semivowel, and which for the vowel. In the Carian alphabets of Caria
itself, there is neither j nor v, and in the case of w/W only one of
the signs is used (V/ W, very probably an evolution of w in SinuriKildara and Mylasa, W in the rest).
Also specic to Memphis, and to some other Egyptian alphabets, is
the use of the letter 6 for a special liquid sound ( ). No comparable
221
14
However, it is methodologically advisable not to rule out the possibility that in
Kaunos the sign 1, still undeciphered, corresponds to 6 in Memphis.
222
chapter five
Memphis d D). Regarding the remaining letters, the dierences are not
so marked, and in fact seem to correspond to the more informal character of the grati or to varying degrees of skill of the engravers.
The Case of Thebes The alphabet of Thebes shows some singularities
when compared to the alphabetic model of Memphis. Unfortunately,
the importance of these dierences is hard to estimate without a complete epigraphical edition of the entire Theban corpus. I can only base
my observations on the partial knowledge gained from the drawings of
the inscriptions, thus the conclusions that will be formulated here must
be taken as merely provisional.
One singularity of the alphabet of Thebes is the absence of a letter
for l, a sound represented simply by l l, a feature also apparent in
the alphabet of Mylasa and in the two objects C.xx 4 and C.xx 5.
This particularity is best attested by the clear example pnwol, against
pnuol, punwol in Memphis.
Another trait already observed in this alphabet, namely the absence
of a letter for d (against & in the rest of the alphabets), and the use
of l (and occasionally t)15 in its place, is nowadays less clear: in the corpus of Theban inscriptions provisionally elaborated by Diether Schrr
and followed here, the letter & does appear (in E.Th 4 and E.Th 14).
Rather surprisingly, both inscriptions are not new, but were in fact
already published in evorokin (1965), where the letters in question
were read in a dierent way. Due to a lack of further information, the
question remains open. In any case, it must be stressed that the problem posed by the presence or absence of & in Thebes transcends the
topic of the alphabetic varieties and aects the linguistic interpretation
of Theban inscriptions, because the identication of the Theban word
mlane with the form mdane depends on the hypothetical lack of & in
Thebes and its substitution by l l. Also, from a phonological point of
view, this trait will be inseparable from the absence of a letter for l:
in Thebes, l l would represent three dierent but related sounds (l,
l , d ) or the convergence of these three sounds in a single one.
In the unpublished inscriptions of Thebes, other rather surprising
traits appear, but they must be considered with caution until a satisfactory edition of the whole corpus is edited. According to the drawings
15
This latter use would be visible in the name katbr if its equivalence with Janduberiw
(attested in Lycia) were accepted (see Chapter 11, s. v.).
223
Note also its possible (but doubtful) presence in Luxor (E.Lu 5).
chapter five
224
q
b
t
i
e
z
b
a (A)
?
R (/A!)
?
Q (?)
?
t
?
z
Y
?
?
?
a
W
R
L
Q
B
t
S
z
y
e
9
B
a
W
R (/r?)
?
Q
B
t
?
z
I
e
9
b (?)
a
W
R
Q
B
t
F
z
I
e
9
& (?)
a
W
R
L
Q
?
t
F
z
e
9
?
A
V
R
L
Q
bB
t
F
z
e
9
?
a
W
r
2
q
5
T
/
Z
I
1
4
The rst, and most important, contrast can be established between the
Kaunos alphabet and the rest of the alphabetic varieties. As we have
commented previously, some (but not all!) of the particularities of the
225
226
chapter five
227
chapter five
228
(both cities near Halikarnassos), yjasi-, from Iasos, and kojol- from Kos.17
The possibility that alos arnos may be the Carian form of the place
name Halikarnassos would also have some interesting consequences:
alos arnos appears in an inscription from Memphis (E.Me 45), which
would support the idea that this place was one of the points of origin
of the Carians in Egypt, and also in C.xx 2, one of the inscriptions of
unknown origin that contains an alphabet very close to the Egyptian
alphabetic variety. However, these examples cannot be considered as
conclusive, and must be used with care.
6. The Common Origin of the Carian Alphabetic Varieties
The existence of a number of strongly dierentiated alphabetic varieties in Caria proper, and the hypothesis that the alphabetic variety
used in Egypt is not a sort of Uralphabet but rather another local
variety, does not preclude the possibility of an original unity behind
the divergent Carian local writing systems. There is clear evidence in
favour of a common origin for these varieties: all the alphabetic varieties
share the same aberrant sound values assigned to the Greek-looking letters. In
other words, it is the unexpected use of the Greek letters that allows
us to speak of a common origin for the Carian alphabetic varieties.
Had the Greek letters retained the same sound values as in Greek, a
polygenesis of the diverse local writings could be conceivable. Conversely,
the fact that q Q is q, b B is b, m M is m, and so on, in all the Carian
alphabets can only be explained by attributing them a single origin.
The (apparently) non-Greek letters also show consistent values in the
dierent local writing systems, which reinforces the hypothesis of a monogenesis of the Carian alphabet. Even the exceptions can in general be
easily explained. Note the case of Kaunian t (T): this letter (or others
of a similar shape) represents in the rest of the Carian alphabets,
where t is used for t. But the Kaunian situation is not a chaotic one,
and can be explained in the wider context of Carian writing: (1) T and
t letters share enough formal similarities to consider a single origin;
(2) in Kaunos, / is used for , a letter that seems to have been created
from T by means of a diacritic mark. The reason for the introduction
17
229
a
d
l
y
r
l
q
b
m
o
t
s
(?)
u
xX
nN
p
zZ
IIYy
e2
w
kK
&
v
08
199
jT_
c C (O ?)
$ 4 ( ? & ?)
n
p
i
e
k
d
w
g ?
z
j
t
b
In this inventory only four letters, of more limited use, are missing:
18
The evolution that led to Kaunian T and / strongly recalls the process that
occurred in Latin regarding P and R: the rst letter, originally G, changed to P, and
consequently, the original P become R.
chapter five
230
1
6
(?)
231
19
chapter five
232
Value
a
dD
l
W
a
d
l
y
rR
L2
r
l
bB5
mM
o
tT
f F (> /)
s
H
uU
xX
m
o
t
s
(?)
u
nN
p
zZ
n
p
IIYy
e2
w
i
e
kK
Possible origin
Greek. a /a/
Greek lD /d/
Greek B /l/
Originally a non-Greek value
Perhaps a modication of r /w/?
Greek T /r/
Non-Greek value
Note in Hylllarima L, directly from Greek B /l/ plus
diacritic mark
Greek value? In any case, an origin from Greek t
seems likely
Greek B (?). Note the archaic forms of beta ,
in
Crete
Greek M (more exactly a M form)
Greek O
Greek T
Non-Greek value
Greek M san or S sigma
? (most probably with a non-Greek value)
Greek U
Non-Greek value
Modication of one of the tectal letters K /k/ q q x /kh/?
Greek N
Greek B (cf. Lydian b /p/)
Non-Greek value
Related to sampi-letter 3?
Greek E /e/, E or EI /ej/ (> closed /e/)?
Greek E, H //
Non-Greek value
A modication of Carian e?
Greek K /k/ or rather N /kh/?
(continued on next page)
233
table (cont.)
Letter
Value
&
08
199
jT_
g ?
c C (O ?)
$4
( ? & ?)
z
j
Possible origin
Non-Greek value (at least originally)
A ligature of Greek ll /dd/?
Non-Greek value (?)
A modication of r /w/?
Non-Greek value
Non-Greek value (?)
Non-Greek value
Perhaps related to Phrygian letter for /j/, y, Y
Non-Greek value
Related to sampi-letter 3?
Non-Greek value (at least originally)
A ligature of Carian bb /bb/?
Note in Hyllarima the use of B directly from Greek
20
In any case, I consider that the parallel examples in other writing systems, although
they are not at all useful as evidence, do oer some support several explanatory hypotheses on the origin of the Carian letters. This is the case of the South-Picenian letters
for t or q, see Adiego (1998b:68).
CHAPTER SIX
PHONOLOGICAL FEATURES
phonological features
235
The most remarkable fact is undoubtedly that the Egypto-Carian system displays a higher number of graphemes than the other two systems. How can this discrepancy be explained? During the decipherment
process, it became evident that the Egypto-Carian system contains
graphic alternations: i alternates with j, u alternates with w, and y alternates with :
i/j
u/w
y/
i/j
pnuol/pnwol
uksmu/wksmu-
upe/wpe
uol/wol
mdayn/mdan
(psmkw)neit/(pd)nejt
(ar)kbiom/kbjom-
arnai-/arnaj-s
wliat/wljat
yiasi/yjas[i-]
236
chapter six
phonological features
237
238
chapter six
phonological features
239
240
chapter six
system very close to the Semitic model of the Greek alphabet, that is
to say from a purely consonantal system. But this hypothesis, attractive as it may seem at rst sight, runs into serious obstacles. The use
of vowel signs is generally very consistent; no forms such as **ul or
even **l besides uol or **kbjm besides kbjom are found, forms which
one would expect to nd if the defective notation of vowels was a
purely graphical question. Moreover, in general, at least one vowel sign
is found in each independent Carian word, a particularity that warrants an explanation.3
Given that these consistencies are more important than occasional
alternations like dwol-/iduol-, a linguistic basis for the defective notation of vowels seems more likely. The possibility that the omitted vowels is a sort of schwa-sound can explain some cases, particularly those
in which a vowel a or e is found in the Greek adaptations. Note particularly an alternation like Ussaldvmow/Usseldvmow. Even in some
examples of Greek o/u vs. in Carian, the back character of the schwavowel could be attributed to a secondary backing caused by the preceding consonant; in all of these cases, the sound preceding the unrecorded
back vowel is q, a possible uvular sound (see below p. 244). However,
this explanation would make it dicult to explain i in dwol- vs. iduol.
Perhaps then we are dealing not with schwa-like vowels, but simply with
non-stressed, short vowels (*a, *e, *i, *o/u) vs. stressed and/or long vowels. Finally, another factor that could account for the presence of vowels in Greek and their absence in Carian has been conveniently noted
by Tremblay (1998:119); it is possible that some Carian names were
borrowed by Greek before certain processes of vowel weakening or loss
took place in Carian. Tremblay (ibid.) put forward an important argument in favour of this hypothesis, suggesting that some indirect Greek
forms seem to be more archaic than the direct Carian equivalents (note
for instance the absence of original medial i in the ethnic ylarmit vs.
Greek Ullarima, if it continues the cuneiform place name Wallarima).4
3
Exceptions like sb are undoubtedly connected to the fact that this type of word
always appears attached to the following word (sb=polo, sb=ada, etc.), which would suggest a proclitic nature. In other cases such as snn, the presence of syllabic nasals could
explain the absence of vowels.
4
Other examples given by Tremblay (ibid.) seem to me less compelling. Also the
attempt of elaborating a relative chronology (Tremblay 1998:117118) is in my opinion premature.
phonological features
241
chapter six
242
The behaviour of the names of the uol-family in the Saqqra subcorpus also substantiates the use of w for w(V); in this case, the name
uol, both in its solitary and compounded forms, appears with u when
in nominative case, but with w when in genitive: pnuol (E.Me 19),
tduol (E.Me 24), aruol (E.Me 30) vs. wol (E.Me 12), punwol (E.Me
13), dwol (E.Me 35).5 A compelling explanation for this situation could
be that there was a stress displacement, with /uol/ vs. /w(V).ol/.
In the genitives, the unstressed vowel would not be notated graphically,
and w would represent a true semivowel preceding it. This hypothesis
has a counter-example: in Thebes a nominative pnwol is found. However,
in the Saqqra sub-corpus the rule functions well and the examples
seem to go some way towards supporting this explanation. It is also
corroborated by the likely connection of uol with the family of nouns
ending in -uassiw (Aktauassiw, Panuassiw, Saruassiw, cf. also Oa3a3iw),
where a *wa- basis could be reconstructed.
Also in the case of the names wljat, wliat, arwljat- and r-wli, the
etymological connections proposed (see Chapter 11, s. v. wliat) point to
original *waliat-, *wali- forms.
2. Consonants
Voiceless Stops
The following ve voiceless stops can be recognized in Carian:
p
p
t/T
t
xX
kK
k
q/Q
q
Adiego (1993a:273).
phonological features
243
This explanation was formulated for the rst time in Adiego (1995:2931).
It is interesting to recall that Ekatomnvw can plausibly be seen as a pure Greek
name, as Neumann has repeatedly pointed out, see Neumann (1994:17).
6
7
244
chapter six
Greek form reects a more archaic stage than Carian, and that in this
latter language a syncope would have taken place, permitting a contact between k and t. In any case, it seems more than a mere coincidence that the same name appears in Lycian spelled as katamla, with
k [c], not x [k].
Apart from ursle and tmo-, there are no more clear examples of
onomastic identications where would be included: the connection of
alos(d) arnos(d) with the place name Halikarnassos remains very doubtful. In any case, it would only be useful for conrming the tectal value
of the sound. As for psimt, although its connection with the wellknown Egyptian name Potasimto (P3-dj-r-sm3-t3wy, shorter form P3dj-sm3-t3wy, Greek Potasimto) suggested by Schrr (apud Ray 1994:205)
is a compelling theory, the phonetic details of the Carian adaptation
of the name remain obscure to me.
The tectal character of q is also beyond question; in the Greek adaptation of Carian names it is systematically represented by k or g: qtblem
= Kutbelhmiw, qlali, qlalis = Kolaldiw, Kulaldiw, quq = Gugow etc. In
the bilingual inscription E.Sa 2, the Carian name qyri is adapted in
Egyptian as K3rr, with the use of the biliteral sign <k3> for ku ~ q
(Vittmann 1996). It is also used in the possible Carian adaptation of
the Egyptian name Ny-k3w, Nekw, niqau.
This letter appears in several of examples followed by o, u (triqo, plqo,
quq, trqude, etc.), and o, u are also the vowels used in Greek after k
when this latter corresponds to a q in contexts of defective vowel notation (qlali, qlali = Kolaldiw, qtblem = Kutbelhmiw, Kotbelhmow, perhaps also qtblo = Kotobalvw, and this would seem to point to a back
articulation of q (uvular /q/?)
Occasionally, both k and q (there are no examples available for ) are
rendered in Greek through a voiced velar stop: pikre = Pigrhw, yrqso =
Urgosvw, quq = Gugow, dquq = Idagugow. The two rst examples can be
easily categorized as allophonic; k, q would tend to become voiced in
contact with the sonorant r (note the alternative spelling Pikrhw for the
second name, which conrms the rather spontaneous and irregular voicing phenomenon). More delicate is the case of (Ida)-gugow, wherein the
spelling of the two voiced stops is systematic, making possible the existence of true tectal voiced sounds, not noted graphically in Carian.
An alternation /q can be identied in the family of names in yriq/yri
(= Greek -urigow), note ayriq vs. idyri-, paryri(-), and perhaps also in
diq/d (adiq- vs. pard- ) (for the possible common origin of yriqand diq- stems, see below pp. 262263). It would be dicult to oer
phonological features
245
a clear explanation of this alternation if the rather distant sound values argued here ( palatal vs. q uvular) are accepted.
Voiced Obstruents(?)
bB5
b /b/ [ b]?
dD
d /d/ [ ]?
&
chapter six
246
, 4, (Hyllarima) B, (Mylasa)
b
/mb/ or /b/?
&
/nd/ or /d/?
phonological features
247
l
l
/l/
/rj/?
L2L
l
/l.l/?
248
chapter six
9
It is worth noting that the new text of Hyllarima (C.Hy 1a) oers for the name
Arrissiw the form ari, without any special sign for the (possibly peculiar) sound rendered in Greek as -rr-.
phonological features
249
/m/ /n/ ?
m and n represent the labial and dental nasal stops typical for many
phonological inventories of world languages.
m is used to adapt Egyptian m: pismak (and variants) = Psmtk.
Conversely, Carian m is reected in Egyptian by m, and in Greek by
m: paraeym = Prjm, arkbiom = 3rkbym, kbjom = Kebivmow, msnord cf.
Masanvrada, etc.
n reects Egyptian n and Greek n: -nejt, -neit = -Njt, ntokri = Nj.t-jqr
(Nitvkriw), niqau = Ny-k3w (Nexvw), nik[ ]la- = Nikoklw; and Greek n
transcribes Carian n: somne = Svmnhw, pnuol, punwol = Ponussvllow,
msnord cf. Masanvrada, etc.
Schrr correctly established that , a letter absent from the Carian
alphabet of Egypt, also represents a kind of n, on the basis of the onomastic identications tmo- (2) = Ekatomnvw and pmnn- = Ponmoonnow
in the Sinuri bilingual text (E.Si 2), and this has since been conrmed by
the new inscription of Hyllarima, where tu is found side by side with
Tonnouw. Note also the alternation /n in tmo vs. (Thebes) ktmno.
Its absence from the Egyptian inventory is a little surprising, especially considering its wide distribution in most of the Carian alphabets
of Caria itselfit appears in such distant places as Hyllarima and
Kaunosand the tendency of Egypto-Carian writing to contain letters
that the alphabets of Caria have lost (j j, v w, for example). Perhaps
the formal resemblance of to z played a part in its disappearance.
chapter six
250
/s/ //
//?
The exact value of the three fricative sibilants of Carian, and also their
origin (see below) is undoubtedly the phonological particularity of Carian
that has yielded most discussion.10 In this case, Greek adaptation of
Carian names proves to be largely useless, due to the existence in this
language of a single sibilant s /s/. The three Carian sibilants are systematically transcribed as s- /-s(s)-: aruol = Sarussvllow, arli =
Arlissiw, msnord- = Masanvrada, (i)brsi, ibarsi = Imbarsiw, Imbras(s)iw
etc. In the other direction, Greek s is adapted to s in Carian (lysiklas,
lysikratas).
More interesting, however, is the contribution of Egyptian, in which
Carian s is adapted to s and Carian to : ursle- = 3rskr, arkbiom =
3rkbym. As for the adaptation of Egyptian names, it is particularly
noticeable that and alternate in rendering the sound t /t/ of the
Egyptian name Psmtk ( pismak, pismak, etc.), in contrast with the use of
Carian t for the same Egyptian sound in tamou (see below). A possible use of Carian s for Egyptian s could be seen in psimt if the connection of this form with Egyptian Potasimto (P3-dj-r-sm3-t3wy,
P3-dj-sm3-t3wy, Potasimto) were accepted.
From all this information, certain conclusions can be drawn: (1)
Carian s most probably represents the basic voiceless dental sibilant in
the phonological systems of the world, as shown by its use for transcribing
Greek s in the two Greek names quoted above; (2) is probably a
palato-alveolar voiceless fricative, which can be concluded from the use
10
phonological features
251
252
chapter six
phonological features
253
254
chapter six
28, E.Si 4), in both cases preceding the same word (bebint). Note that
the other two examples of the word are not accompanied by this sign
(E.Th 30, E.AS 7), making it highly unlikely that the sign was actually a letter.
5. Phonotactics
The defective notation of vowels makes it very dicult to draw an
accurate picture of Carian phonotactics, since the task of distinguishing whether a sequence of consonants actually represents a consonantal group, or whether in fact one vowel is graphically missing, is extremely
complicated. Accuracy is also compromised when resorting to the indirect evidence in the Greek adaptation of Carian names, as there is a
risk of identifying certain characteristics as Carian when they in fact
belong to Greek adaptations of Carian onomastics. The only solution,
although far from perfect, is to combine both sources, but the results
are then incomplete and many gaps and uncertainties remain. Therefore,
in the following points, I shall limit myself to pointing out certain traits
that in principle can be denitively attributed to Carian.
1. Carian seems to share with other Anatolian languages the absence
of initial r-: there is no example of R- in Greek adaptations of Carian
personal and place names, and the only denite example of initial r in
Carian is found the name rtim, in the new inscription of Hyllarima (to
which rtmi of Tralleis can be added if a segmentation sdia rtmi is preferred to sdi artmi). In this case, a defective vowel notation (rtmi for
/artmi/) or a syllabic r produced by aphaeresis could be the cause
/tmi/ (for this latter possibility, cf. the similar explanation given by
Lycian rMmazata in Melchert 1994:297). In any case, it seems certain
that the possibilty of rV- at the beginning of a word does not exist in
Carian.
2. As stated above, there is no denite example of the letter l in
an initial position (Adiego 1993a:276). This restriction is consistent with
the geminate origin of the sound represented by l.
3. A similar tendency can be observed when considering d, as evidence of (possible) initial d is very scarce. Our glossary only contains
three forms: darqemorms[, den, drual. We should also note that for two
examples a connection with two etymologically related function words
has been suggested (den as preposition comparable to Hitt. andan; drual,
segmented in d = rual, where d would be a preposition comparable to
Lycian te, see Chapter 11 ss. vv. for details). Also in this caselike l
phonological features
255
256
chapter six
(br-, gl-, kr-, pl-, pr-, tr-),11 but there are no denitive examples in
Carian, in the sense that practically all the examples can be alternatively
interpreted as sequences of stop plus syllabic liquid (note for example
pridas, prpwri, trqude) or as cases of defective vowel notation (qlali- =
Greek Kolaldiw, etc.).
B. Overview of the Historical Phonology of Carian
The content of the following pages must be considered purely provisional. Our present knowledge of Carian is such that we must be cautious when attempting to sketch an overview of this kind. It must be
noted that most of the information that can be obtained from Carian
sources comes from Carian proper names, and onomastics is not always
a good tool for comparative research: rstly, because the etymological
interpretation of proper names can only be based on formal criteria,
since they lack an actual meaning; secondly, because we cannot be sure
that all the personal names correspond to the actual language, as some
of them could come from nearby languages, and others could betray
the conservation of old traits, modications caused by analogical processes,
and other such characteristics. In any case, both problems can be
avoided to a certain extent when the volume of evidence and internal
consistencies makes it logical to interpret them as a true reection of
Carian language. But I deem it necessary to issue this warning when
one comes to evaluating the information that follows.
I adopt the reconstruction of Proto-Anatolian (PA) as it appears in
the fundamental work of Melchert (Melchert 1994), which currently
represents the most useful tool for comparison.
It is impossible to give a complete account of the outcome of PA
sounds in Carian, with particular diculties being found in the vocalism. Evidence is extremely limited in many cases, due to the defective
vowel notation, and the complexity of the treatments of vocalic sounds
from PIE to PA and from PA to the particular Anatolian dialects. In
other cases, the evidence is simply nonexistent. Here I shall merely
indicate the more relevant aspects that can be identied from our current knowledge of Carian.
11
phonological features
257
1. Vocalism
(1) One of the few traits that can be established is of great relevance
to the position of Carian, since it supports the theory that Carian
belongs to the group of Luwic dialects of Anatolian (Luwian, Lycian
and Milyan). This is the change of PA * to /i(:)/. This is demonstrated
above all by the root pik-/-bik- < PA */be:H/- < PIE *bh h2- to shine,
present in dierent Carian names (dbiks, pik(a)rm, pikre . . .).
(2) A unique characteristic of Carian is the emergence of a rounded
front vowel y, /y/ and its semivocalic counterpart /w/. This is a conditioned change, but it is impossible to identify all the precise contexts
in which it takes place. However, at least a trigger for the fronting
seems clear: the immediate contact of original /u(:)/, /w/ with /i/,
/j/. We come across examples such as yiasi, yi ?biksi, []ryin,
uodryia[, yjas[i], in (2), and diye, siyklo, ikr that point to */wi/
> /wi/, */uj/ > */yj/, */iw/ > /iw/, */ju/ > /jy/. Particularly striking is the Kaunian alternation yomln (C.Ka 4) / uiomln (C.Ka 5). It is
very likely that both spellings are attempts at representing /wi( j)o/-.
The absence of a specic grapheme for the semivowel /w/ in the alphabet of Kaunos would explain the graphical oscillation. Note that ui is
only attested in Carian in this word, and that there are no examples
of wi, uj in the entire Carian documentation. It is also likely that other
examples of y, before a vowel other than i should be explained in a
similar fashion, as yomln: idyes, aye, terez, asd. Note particularly the
last example: it is tempting to bring it closer to yiasi, yjas[i] and to
reconstruct a protoform */wijas(V)nd/-.
For the remaining examples of y, , the case is not so clear, but the
inuence of a near i, j can be envisaged: in the family of names in
ydiq/yriq (see below pp. 262263), a sort of metaphony caused by the
i in the following syllable could be suggested. Even in ylarmit, one could
imagine a more distant assimilation, triggered by the nal i, or rather
by the (un-notated) i present in the Greek form of the place name,
Ullrima (*/ularim/ > /ylar(i)m/. In the case of ethnics formed with
the Luwic sux CLuw. -wanni, Mil. -wni, kbdyn, mdayn/mdan, the connection with []ryin cannot be overlooked, but the exact interpretation of y/ in these forms remains unclear: is y/ here used for /wi/,
like in yomln? Or rather has /wi/ coalesced into a single vocalic sound
/y/? A third possibility would be to ascribe the fronting process to
metaphony, by postulating a *-uni- > -yn(i) evolution.
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chapter six
12
That arma was an a-stem in PA seems the most likely explanation, although the
evidence is not certain: note Lyc. N304, 5 arMma, wherein the isolated context of the
form does not allow us to conrm that in Lycian it was also an a-stem (Melchert, DLL
s. v.).
phonological features
259
(4) The vocalism of the words en, mother, and ted, father, is a clear
indication of an umlaut process a > e / _.Ci similar to that of Lycian:13
PA sg. nom. *anna-s (cf. Hittte anna- ) > Luwic *anni-s (with i-motion,
cf. CLuw. anni- ) > carian en, like Lycian e ni; PA *dda-s > Luwic *tdis (with i-motion, cf. CLuw. tti- ) > Carian ted, like Lycian tedi. Cf. the
similar explanation above for -el.
(5) The form otonosn shows a strange vocalic harmony in o. At least
the second and third vowels can be explained with * > o (*Ayhn*a- >
*atn-,14 cf. Lycian atnaze/i ) > *atono-), but the rst seems to be caused
by metaphony (*atono- > otono-).
2. Consonants
(1) The PA labial and dental voiceless stops remain unaltered in
Carian:
PA */p/ > Carian p /p/: para(eym), para(ibrel), Para- < *PA pr/pr:
cf. Hittite par forth. Cf. pun-/pn- in punwol, pnuol, perhaps also in
punot2, < Luwic puna- all (Lyc. punma- totality, CLuw pna- all).
*/t/ > Carian t /t/: trqud-e, trqd-os < PA *THt- Storm-god (CLuw
Tarunt-, Lyc. Trqqt-). -t < -te or -ti < PA pret. 3rd sg. *-to or pres.
3rd sg. *-ti in bt < *ubete oered or < *ubeti oers, cf. Lyc. ubete.
(2) Like the other Luwic dialects, Carian presents a satem-like treatment of PIE, PA *, as can be seen in the demonstrative pronoun sa/sn- this in sa, san, snn < PA *o- (Hitt. ka-, Luw. za-). Perhaps also sidi,
sdi tomb, if it can be connected with PIE *ei- to lie (Lyc. sije-).
(3) Luwic also deals with * > in *emro- steppe > *imr- >*imbr- >
ibr-/br-: (i)br-si < *imbrV- < *emr-, (para) -ibrel- < *emrli-.
(4) The only clear example of the treatment *kw is the (original) relative pronoun i < PIE, PA *k wis (Hitt., CLuw. kui, Lyc. ti, Mil. ki
[ci]). in this case Carian displays a process similar to Milyan: delabialization and fronting before i.
(5) Forms like tedi < PA *dda/i- or pik- (in pikre-, pikarm-, etc.) in
addition to dbiks and dbikrm point to an unvoicing of voiced stops in
initial position, a process that has also taken place in parallel to this
in other Anatolian languages (cf. Lycian tedi, Lydian taadas).
13
Melchert (1994:296).
For the probable non-Doric origin of the form (according to Blmel), see above
p. 237. The non-existence of e in Kaunian is sucient to explain the adaptation of
Greek h to a.
14
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phonological features
261
15
The exact analysis of -s and its actual value in Carian is not relevant here, see
pp. 314317 for the problems posed by the Carian s- ending.
16
I consider this interpretation of in (a)r- as preferable to Melcherts use of Lydian
serli-/selli- (note that Lydian <s> = //!) for explaining the palatalization. The development of a secondary support vowel in contact with syllabic r is also visible in pikarm vs. pikrm- (from pikr, cf. pikre- ) and the Milyan testimony seems then more compelling
than the need for postulating that Carian ar- comes directly from *ser-.
17
No explanation has yet been found for the form ib(a)rsi- if it comes from an -ass-
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(perhaps re-derived by -*iye in *-assiye-) sux, because the phonological context is very
similar to that assumed for the origin of -. The possibility that these forms contain a
dierent sux (*-o- or *-tyo-, see Melchert 2002:310 n.13) cannot be ruled out, but
it is a more ad hoc solution.
18
For this form a connection with CLuw. annara/i- strong can be envisaged (Neumann
1994:22; see here p. 333).
phonological features
-dGreek
diq-
Paraudigow
263
-r-
d-
Greek
yriq-
pard- E
adiq- E
yri- (wri-?)
yri- (?) C
idyri- C
paryri(-) C
Saurigow ayriq E
Senurigow
prpwri? E
rather prpri?
Spareudigow
Semeuritow?
19
The alternation q/ remains unexplained (cf. supra pp. 244245). As for y/, see
above pp. 235236.
20
A further example, qarpsi- vs. qarsi-, oers a totally dierent context, and cannot
be compared to the two cases mentioned above, where p would be lost between vowels.
CHAPTER SEVEN
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chapter seven
266
ttbazi kt?tri E.Ab 41
dbr | tatr E.Th 5
psmak ibrsi E.Bu 4
Nominative + Genitive i
pdnejt qri i E.Sa 1
pnuol zmu i E.Me 19
(a) enurt (b) psimt i E.Me 50
platt sla i E.AS 5
sending (?) + Genitive i
ap[---]ws a[rb]ikarm i E.Me 23
idmns | myre i E.Me 33b, cf. E.Me 33a
We can conclude that the second name represents the fathers name from the
Egyptian text that accompanies the Carian one, where P3-dj-Njt is mentioned as the
son of K3rr = qri-.
267
In general, the stelae from Memphis, insofar as they are integrally (or
almost integrally) preserved, show more complex onomastic formulae.
It is common to nd threefold formulae, as well as another type of
formulae that includes more proper names.
1. Threefold Formulae
To the individual name + fathers name formula, a third word in
genitive can be added. The simplest interpretation of these threefold
formulae would be to take the third name as the grandfathers name
(papponym). As we will see below, this interpretation is certain in cases
such as the threefold onomastics formulae of the new inscription of
Hyllarima (C.Hy 1a), but in the Memphis sub-corpus, where this type
of formula is very frequent, (in fact, it can be considered the typical
onomastic formula of the funerary stelae) the situation is not so clear.
In Memphis we nd the following three types of threefold structures:
N- N- N-, N- N- N- and N-s N- N- (with or without i after
the second and/or the third name). When the individual name is in
genitive, a word for stela (ue, upe,4 wpe, upa) can appear (cf. above the
4
In one case (E.Me 26) accompanied by a demonstrative pronoun: upe sa this stela
(on sa, see Chapter 11, s. v.).
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chapter seven
example of E.Me 51), so that the use of the genitive simply indicates
that the stela belongs to the individual it mentions.
The inscriptions consisting of only these kinds of threefold formulae
I leave aside for now the inscriptions of a more complex structure
are the following:5
Nominative + Genitive + Genitive
uksmu | lkor | mrsi E.Me 2
tamou tanai qarsio[-?] ? E.Me 7
irow | pikarm | mwdon E.Me 14
uol | mi kdsi E.Ab 35
Nominative + Genitive i + Genitive
aruol pleq i : ugli E.Me 30
qorb | isor i | ugli E.xx 1
Nominative + Genitive i + Genitive i
uqsi | rwli i | mwdon i E.Me 20
plqo | pikrm i | mwdon i E.Me 40
Genitive + Genitive + Genitive
ttbazi[] | piub[a]zi | aor[] E.Me 1
pikre ue arwljat msnord E.Me 3
arli ursle kidbsi E.Me 15
[. . .]u | upe sa | triel | mrsi E.Me 26
s[--]et | [--] | ynemori | mwdon E.Me 29
me | somne | tata[r] E.Me 34
| or | wpe | qdarou | tatar E.Me 41
Genitive + Genitive i + Genitive
arli : upe : arlio[m] i : yjas[i] E.Me 9
wksmu | wpe | lkor j qarpsi E.Me 36
[--]j[-] [-]owt i : msnord E.Me 48
Genitive + Genitive + Genitive i
punwol : somne qblsi i E.Me 21
(a) asd | yi?biksi (b) mwdon i E.Me 46
Genitive + Genitive i + Genitive i
dtat | upa | w | wet i | mwdon i E.Me 13
sanuq | ue | pntmun i mwdon i E.Me 28
sEnding + Genitive + Genitive i
ntokris | dwol | mwdon i E.Me 35
5
I add to this list an example from Abydos (E.Ab 35), and also the inscription of
unknown origin (but clearly close to the Memphis stelae) E.xx 1, which is consistent
with this type of threefold formula.
269
The possibility that the third word is not a papponym can be deduced
from at least three factors: rstly, the very large number of examples
of the word mwdon in that position, a word for which there are no
parallels among the Carian personal names in Greek sources; secondly,
the iteration of some words in that very position (ugli, msnord, mrsi );
thirdly, the fact that these words never appear as a rst name in any
onomastic formula, and even their appearance as a second name or
patronym is limited to the word tatar, which appears in E.The 5 as
a clear patronym (dbr tatr ). These distributive properties do not
favour the interpretation of most of these forms as simple personal
names functioning as papponyms.
An alternative interpretation that was envisaged some years ago is
to classify them as ethnic names.6 This possibility is very clear in the
case of mwdon; there are few doubts that mwdon is the genitive corresponding to the nominative mdayn, mdan also found in the Memphis
sub-corpus, and following the discovery of the Kaunos bilingual inscription, -yn/-n has been conrmed as a sux for the formation of ethnic names (kbd-yn- Kaunians).7 The exact meaning of mwdon is a
dierent question, for which I refer to the Glossary (Chapter 11), where
a discussion of the various proposals of interpretation is oered. For
now it is sucient to state that it could simply mean foreigner or, if
it refers to a concrete place, that this must be the main point of origin
for Carian mercenaries in Egypt, given the high number of occurrences.
For some other third-position words, the possible connections with
well-known place names have not gone unnoticed (see Janda 1994:
174176; Melchert apud Adiego 1995:20; Adiego 2004:310): ugli <
Souaggela, kidbsi and/or kd!usi < Kinduh, yjasi[] < Iasow, msnord <
Maosanvrada, ksolb < Kasvlaba, qblsi < Kubliss/ow/. There is also
the interesting possibility of recognizing certain suxal formations: -siin kidbsi, kd!usi, and also probably in mrsi, qarpsi; -i- in yjasi[] and
6
In Adiego (1993:212), the hypothesis formulated by Meriggi (1980) of interpreting
mwdon- as an ethnic name, was already taken into consideration, but the rst author
to propose that a number of third names in onomastic formulae could be interpreted
as ethnic names was in fact Janda, see Janda (1994:174176). The idea was also taken
up by Melchert (apud Adiego 1995:20) and further developed in Adiego (2004:309310).
That I did not mention Jandas work in this latter paper is a regrettable oversight, for
which I ask forgiveness.
7
For mwdon as an ethnic name, see Adiego (1993:212). For integration of mdayn/
mdanmwdon into the same paradigm and for the identication of the Luwic ethnic
sux, see Melchert (1993:8283).
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qblsi. For -si-, a connection with Lycian -zi- is likely. For -i-, cf. Lyc.
-i( je)- (in Trmmili( je)- Lycian), and above all the Carian form ylarmit,
which seems to contain an -i- sux attached to the place name *ylar(i)m(a)= Hyllarima in order to express the meaning Hyllarimean. In the
case of msnord, ksolb, no suxation can be recognized, perhaps due
to the defective vowel notation. It is rather puzzling that none of these
forms, leaving aside mwdon, show the typical -yn-/-on- ethnical sux,
but this could be due to chance (cf. the great variety of ethnical suxes
also present in Lycian).
A new argument can be added to this evidence for ethnic names:
there are three inscriptions in which a N- N- N- formula is found,
which means that the third name can hardly be a papponym, since it
agrees in nominative case with the rst name. Moreover, in two of the
three cases, the third word can be interpreted as an ethnic name:
ayriq | parpeym i yiasi E.Me 25
idmns | myre i | mdayn i E.Me 33a
triqo : parma i klorul i E.Me 6
In the rst example, read thus,8 we nd the word yiasi, which cannot
be anything other than the nominative form, referred directly to the
individual name ayriq, of the word that appears in E.Me 9 as yjas[i ],
and which we have just connected to the place name Iasow.
E.Me 33a is equally clear: here, the third position in nominative is
occupied by mdayn, which has also already been interpreted as an ethnic name (corresponding to genitive mwdon). In this same inscription,
the onomastic formula appears iterated, but for the second time (E.Me
33b) without the ethnic name (idmns myre ).9
In the case of klorul, a similar explanation can be envisaged, although
it is necessary to admit that there are no parallels in the place names
of Greek sources for a place name *k(V)loru- or similar.10
A further example of a possible ethnic name in nominative is oered
by E.Me 44:
(a) apmen rquq kojol i
(b) mwton i
271
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chapter seven
273
The structures of both inscriptions are very similar, and the dierences
easy to explain. In both cases, the name of the deceased appears in
genitive; in E.Me 38 it depends on the word for stela (here upe),
whereas in E.Me 32, as in many other cases, the word for stela is
elliptical. The construction of the kinship noun with i is identical in
both texts: N- i ted, N- i en, and the interpretation, clearly parallel: who (is) the father of N, who (is) the mother of N.
The construction with the particle i presents very interesting characteristics. First of all, the interpunction in E.Me 32 seems to be more
than a mere coincidence; unlike the most widespread type of construction with i, characterized by the postclitical position of this particle (it appears systematically attached to the preceding word), in this
case, i hangs on the following word en. This prosodic discrepancy
seems to correspond to a deeper, syntactic, dierence. It must be noted
that in both examples, ted and en must be analysed as nominatives,
which implies that the construction with proclitic i constitutes a true
relative clause, despite the absence of an express verb, with i and
ted/en in nominative (as the syntax of the relative clause demands) vs.
the respective antecedents in genitive. This diers from the postclitic
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chapter seven
Regardless of whether arnai- is in this case a female nameif so, quqcould be interpreted as the husbands name, as in E.Me 16, 32 and
38or a masculine onewhich would imply that we are dealing with
an individual name + patronym + papponym formulathe most relevant fact is that bem- (gen.) i mdan (nom.) is exactly parallel to
in- . . . i ted and iturow- . . . i = en, in contrast to the abundant examples of postclitic constructions (mwdon = i (irow pikra = i semw mno
mwdon = i E.Me 16, etc.).
This analysis of i mdayn/mdan vs. mwdon = i encounters some problems in the interpretation of two inscriptions containing mdayn = i:
(a) taubt / kuarib/ar | en / niqau / ptnupi
(b) idmuon / i | mdayn i (E.Me 18)
(a) idmns | myre i | mdayn i
(b) idmns | myre i (E.Me 33)
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276
As for E.Me 10, the lacunary character of the text makes it dicult
to understand. The most remarkable fact is that this inscription apparently contains a ve-fold formula, which represents an exceptionally
long structure. This unusual characteristic, and the presence of mno
after the third name, leads us to the possible conclusion that we are
once again dealing with a stela for a woman; aside from the last name,
the structure is very similar to E.Me 16, the only dierence being the
genitive vs. nominative case for the rst name, although this is largely
irrelevant:
[--]qarm q[---] i:
irow
pikra i
pdubi mno
semw mno
(E.Me 16)
277
12
Schrr (1992:155) tries to connect the peculiar content of this inscription to the
fact that the stela in which it appears is a stle de donation, representing the Pharaoh
Apries making an oering to the god Ptah.
278
chapter seven
279
280
chapter seven
281
ture and meaning of inscriptions for which we do not possess a reliable reading would be a very risky practice. In my view it is preferable to limit the research to those inscriptions we can be condent of
reading correctly.
1. Inscriptions on Objects
Two Pharaonic Objects (E.Me 8, E.xx 6) and the Use of sb and
We begin with two very brief inscriptions on so-called pharaonic objects,
which serve to illustrate the use of the coordinative conjunction sb
E.Me 8, a bilingual inscription on the base of a statuette of Apis,
consists of two parts. The text that appears in the rst part, paraeym:
armon i, is now interpreted without diculties as Paraeym the interpreter, in direct correspondence to an identical formula that appears
elsewhere in Egyptian (see p. 41 and Chapter 11 s. v. armon). In this
case i introduces an apposition to the personal name in nominative.
In the second part, two personal names in nominative are united by
sb, which has been unanimously interpreted as a coordinative conjunction (and), above all since the discovery of the Kaunos bilingual,
where it appears repeatedly with this function. E.Me 8b paraeym sb polo
can therefore be interpreted as Paraeym and Polo.
A construction similar to E.Me 8b, but in s-ending case, is visible
in the inscription E.xx 6 on the basis of a statuette of Isis: arnajs sb
taqbos For/of arnaj and Taqbo. It is probable, but impossible to
demonstrate, that these formulae of EMe 8b and E.xx 6, consisting of
a pair of names, represent the names of a husband and wife.
Three Inscriptions on bowls (C.xx 1, C.Ha 1, C.xx 2)
Three inscriptions on bowls constitute a type of small sub-corpus of
particular interest. In a very inuential and decisive article, Melchert
(1993) oered an interpretation of one of these texts (C.xx 1), which
in my opinion remains essentially valid. We will begin thus with this
inscription, adopting in general terms the views expressed by Melchert:
rquq | qtblem | bt | snn | orkn | ntro | pjdl? C.xx 1
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semantically to Lycian ubete, oered, and secondly that snn orkn is the
direct object of this verb, formed by a demonstrative snn (which would
belong to the same paradigm as san in the Athens bilingual inscription)
and a common noun referring to the phiale, orkn. Both elements appear
in the accusative singular, morphologically reected by the ending -n
(sn-n ork-n). Melcherts elegant interpretation of the ve rst words of
C.xx 1 is now supported by the discovery of the bilingual inscription
from Kaunos, which has conrmed the existence in Carian of an
accusative sg. ending -n and has dispelled the doubts about the value
of y/ (close to u), thus assuring the equivalence bt = Lyc. ubete.
The last two words remain problematic. Melchert has recently revised
his initial views on these forms. In his 1993 article he intepreted ntro
as a dative of the Carian name for Apollo. For pjdl, he proposed the
analysis as an apposition to snn orkn with the meaning gift, etymologically related to Hitt. pi-/piya-, Luw. piya-, Lyc. pije- to give: -dl
would represent a sux*-dhlo-). However, Melchert (2002:309310)
denies the existence of Carian datives ending in a vowel and, following a suggestion by Schrr, prefers to interpret of ntro as referring to
rquq, with the meaning priest of Apollo: rquq (son) of Qtblem dedicated this bowlthe priest of Apollo as a gift. Leaving aside for now
the discussion about the alleged datives in -s, the internal syntactic
reasons that Melchert adduces in refusing the interpretation of ntro as
dative are not particularly convincing: he states that pjdl cannot be an
apposition to the direct object if ntro is a dative, due to the separation
that this latter word introduces between snn orkn and pjdl. For this reason, he classies both ntro and pjdl as two epexegetic, add on phrase[s]
dening, respectively, the subject and the direct object, as his translation oered above tries to reect. However, following this logic, I see
no reason why we should not consider only the word pjdl as an epexegetic phrase (= rquq (son) of Qtblem dedicated this bowl to Apollo
as a gift). A further complication arises if we take ntro to be not the
Carian name for Apollo, but rather a derivative of it: it obliges us to
recognize the same derivative in E.xx 7, where an s-ending form appears
(ntro-s), which Melchert interprets as a dative. We must also assume
therefore that this latter inscription is dedicated not directly to Apollo
Branchid but to an unmentioned priest of Apollo Branchid, perhaps a
less satisfactory solution (see below p. 317).
In any case, despite these diculties that depend to a great extent
on the crux about datives in Carianon which see pp. 314317 for
283
Melchert (1993:81) correctly notes the presence of snn and orkn, the
same nominal phrase that appears as a direct object in C.xx 1. Given
that both inscriptions are engraved on similar objects, this parallelism
is consistent with the interpretation of snn orkn as this bowl (acc.). But
the correspondence between the two inscriptions ends here, and it would
be very dicult to interpret the structure of C.Ha 1 using the example of C.xx 1. The only clear form (apart from snn orkn) is smdbrs,
which is undoubtedly a personal name, although this is ambiguous due
to the nal -s, which could be either an inection mark (s-ending) or
simply the nal consonant of an s-stem. Forms such as ktbr, ardybyr-,
dtbr, Arduberow could point to the rst solution, but the new personal
name ybrs- from Hyllarima (C.Hy 1a), a true s-stem that seems to contain the same root ybr-/br-, allows us to classify smdbrs as a pure nominative form.
The presence of orkn . . . snn leads to the assumption that a transitive
verb must be also present in the inscription. Without entirely discarding the possibility of omitting the verb, suggested by Melchert (1993:81),
it is advisable from a methodological point of view to pay careful consideration to whether any of the three remaining words ( psnlo, md, tn)
could represent the verb of the inscription. If we look at each of the
three possibilities in turn, we will see that the choice here is not easy.
It seems almost certain that tn is a word in agreement with orkn snn,
given that it is situated between these two words; a dierent explanation would imply that the noun of the recipient and the demonstrative
that accompanies it form a discontinuous noun phrase, a hyperbaton
that is not altogether impossible, but certainly quite unlikely.13 In the
case of md, we must not overlook its resemblance to the forms mda,
However, the interpunction that separates md orkn tn from snn suggests that this
possibility should not be ruled out altogether.
13
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mdane, which have been interpreted as verbs in various studies (see for
instance Melchert 2002:308, n. 7). However, in my view, the forms mda
and mdane forms cannot be verbs, as we will see later (p. 324). This
leaves psnlo as the form most likely to be a verb. As evidence to support this hypothesis we could consider the resemblance of psnlo | md
to pisoimda in the Hekatomnids decree from Sinuri (C.Si 2). In Adiego
(2000:141143), this latter form was connected with the Anatolian verb
for to give (Hitt. pi-/piya-, Luw. piya-, Lyc. pije-, etc.), see p. 304.
An alternative analysis of psnlo would be to take it as a personal
name; this possibility would lead us to accept Melcherts hypothesis on
the absence of an express verb, or to attribute this function to md or
tn, the diculties of which have already been mentioned. If pnslo is
a personal name, the resulting sequence smdbrs psnlo would create an
embarrassing dilemma: is smdbrs the indirect object and psnlo the subject, or vice versa? The dilemma is inseparable from the problem of
the Carian dative (see pp. 314317).
Shown below is the third inscription on a bowl:
biks not : alosd arnosd : jzpe mdane (C.xx 2)
14
285
on a set of hypotheses, and as such is far from conclusive. But the core
of the discussion must be retained here: not and mdane are the most
obvious choices for constituting the verb of the sentence, and either
choice has important repercussions for the interpretation of the other
inscriptions containing mda, mdane.
The inscription on a bronze lion (E.xx 7)
Another very interesting short inscription is found on the base of a
bronze statue representing a lion (E.xx 7):
ntros : pridas / ora / nu mdane : uksi wrm
ntro-s prida-s shows an inected form of ntro, the same word that appears
in C.xx 1, where it was interpreted as a god name (the Carian Apollo;
cf. however the alternative explanation as a derivative, priest of Apollo).
ntro-s is accompanied by prida-s, whose nal s seems to indicate an
agreement with ntro-s. Schrr proposed that this could be identied as
a Carian form connected to Greek Bragxdai, the Branchidsthe
name of the family of priests consecrated to the cult of Apollo in the
sanctuary of Didyma near Milet (Schrr 1998:158)but as attractive
as this theory is, it is dependent on the rather ad hoc assumption of
a phonological value close to gx for the infrequent and obscure Carian
letter %. Lacking further evidence, I have chosen to adopt this assumption here in purely conventional fashion (which explains the use of <>
for transliterating %, see p. 20). In any case, there is a general consensus that pridas constitutes an attribute or an apposition to ntros, with
which it would agree.
Melcherts interpretation of the whole inscription (see Melchert
2002:308) is as follows: Uksi, (son) of Ur(o)m, has now given it, the
ora, to the priest of Apollo, the Branchid. There are no particular
problems posed by analyzing uksi wrm as a typical onomastic formula,
individual name + fathers name in genitive, and uksi as a nominative
and consequently, the name of the donor. The rest of Melcherts interpretation is more controversial: he claims that mdane is the verb, nu is
an adverb,15 ora is the name of the object and nally ntros pridas must
then be the indirect object in dative case. We have already seen (above
15
No comments are made about this word in Melchert (2002), but it is self-evident
that he assumes an etymological connection with PIE *nu- now (Hitt. nu-, Lat. nunc,
Gr. nn, etc.)
286
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287
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288
Both ktais and idyri admit good onomastic identications: ktais recalls
Ekataow, a Greek name commonly attested in Caria, perhaps because
of its resemblance to the indigenous name ktmno (adapted in Greek as
16
289
17
Only the segmentation sidi artmi could be contested, because one could theoretically separate sidia rtmi (for this latter, cf. rtim C.Hy 1a), but this alternative segmentation does not aect most of the possible interpretations that will be considered here.
18
The third possibilityreading o, hence parao?seems to be excluded, given that
a nal sequence ao in this position has no parallels and does not lead to any satisfactory analysis.
290
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there are no clear parallels for a name para-, the typical onomastic
element par(a)- can be easily recognized. Even a connection to pridas
could be considered: if prida-s corresponds to the name of the priest
family of Didyma Branchidai, para- could be the Carian name corresponding to Greek Brgxow. However, the problem is to syntactically
connect the onomastic formula rtmi pau- para- with the initial formula an sidi. This latter seems to consist of a noun that would denote
the funerary monument, sidi, preceded by what is probably a demonstrative pronoun an (cf. san in G.1): therefore, an sidi would mean this
tomb, or this (is) the tomb, or similar. The presence of this formula
seems little consistent with an N- (nominative) rendering of the name
of the deceased. This sentence could only make sense if we interpret
an sidi as an accusative, and assuming an elliptical verb (made).
An attractive alternative is to suppose that artmi is not an accusative,
but rather a dative, which would mean that the overall sentence must
be interpreted as This tomb/this (is) the tomb for A., (son) of P., (grandson) of P. Developing this hypothesis further, one might wonder if -i
could be a true dative ending for a stem artm-. This possibility would
allow us to integrate artm-i and the name (in nominative) rtim from
C.Hy 1a in a single paradigm (nominative (a)rtim- / dative art(V)m-i ).
However, the existence in Minor Asian onomastics of a large number
of names formed on the basis of the onomastic element art(e/i)m-, but
with dierent derivations, makes this paradigmatic connection of artmi
and rtim a very fragile theory.19 Consequently, it is currently impossible to decide whether artmi is a nominative or a dative, since there are
signicant diculties encountered by either solution.
The reading paraq would give a new perspective. If para- is a personal name stem, -q could recall ugli-q in E.Me 5, but this is an obscurum per obscurius solution, given that the interpretation of ugli-q in the
context of E.Me 5 is also very problematic (see above). A very dierent
way of analyzing paraq was suggested in Adiego (1993a:263) and developed further by Hajnal (1995[97]:20). Taking as a starting point my
proposal of connecting paraq with the Lycian verb prnawa- to build,
very common in Lycian funerary inscriptions (ebene xupa prnawate
X, . . . X has built this tomb . . . and variants), Hajnal tries to connect
nal -q with the 1st singular active preterite ending in Luwic languages:
19
291
CLuw. -a, Lyc. -xa, -ga. The advantage of this hypothesis is that it
convincingly resolves the structural problems posed by the text; an sidi
would be therefore the accusative of a verb meaning to make (or,
with a more specialized meaning, to build), and the problem of an
onomastic formula with an individual name in nominative would no
longer be relevant, as the text would read, This tomb (acc.) Artmi,
(son) of Pau, I made. This is undoubtedly a very attractive hypothesis, but it is seriously weakened by the doubts surrounding the exact
phonological value of % <>.
sis : sdisa-/s : psuol / mal : mno C.Ka 1
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292
tomb is much clearer in the other inscription in which this form appears
(C.Kr 1):
qot2omu sdisas?n odubr
sb mno knor
noril?ams
or rather: mn odubr?
or rather: norimams?
In this inscription, the existence of more than one burial can be deduced
not only from the clearest part of the inscription, odubr- sb mno-,
which can be translated of odubr and the son, but also from the
fact that the tomb clearly contained three burial chambers, as pointed
out by Olivier Henry (pers. comm.). Unfortunately, the overall structure of the inscription remains very unclear. It is possible that qot2omu
could be a personal name, which would allow us to recognize the reference to three individuals (qot2omu, odubr- and one son, mno-), but
the syntactical connection of qot2omu with the rest of the inscription,
and the sequence n that appears after isolating sdis-as, remain unexplained. Note also that the reading of the nal s in sdisas and the subsequent segmentation are far from conclusive. If we accept (with some
reservations) the reading sdisas, we could tentatively envisage that qot2omu
is not a nominative functioning as subject, but rather a nominative of
appellation, designating the owner of the tomb. In this case, n could
be a resumptive pronoun referring to Qot2omu: Qot2omu. These tombs
(are) of him, of odubr, and of the son . . . Needless to say, this interpretation is more a desideratum than a fact based on solid evidence.
As for knor norilams (or knor norimams), practically nothing can be said.20
The two remaining inscriptions that contain sdi- are too fragmentary to attempt an interpretation. In C.Tr 1, two personal names, one
in nominative (artmon) and the other in genitive ( pau ) can be identied,
but sidi appears followed by an unclear and incomplete sequence, amt[.
The case of E.Al is worse still, where only sdi a[-]mob[ is legible.
The last funerary inscription of this sub-corpus, although complete
and without reading problems, thanks to the recent autopsy made by
Diether Schrr, is very brief and contains no specic word to designate the tomb:
oru / ann ibrs C.Ka 3
20
Only as a purely assonant connection can we resort to Lyc. nere/i-, a term of
relationship whose exact meaning is unknown (Therefore sb mno k-nor noril?ams and of
the son and(?) the nor nori- relatives?).
293
The most striking feature of this inscription, engraved by a Carian soldier during the Nubian campaign in 593/592 BC, is the suspicion that
the personal name pismak alludes directly to the Pharaoh Psammetichus
II, under whose supreme command the military campaign was undertaken; this would closely link the grato to the well-known Greek
inscription, also from Abu Simbel, in which the same Pharaoh is mentioned.22 It is true that pismak (and variants) is well documented as a
For instance, to isolate only two personal names, oru and annibrs. Also theoretically possible is the segmentation anni brs.
22
Bernand-Masson (1957), inscription n 1: basilow lyntow w Elefantnan
Camatxo, / tata gracan to sn Cammatxoi toi Yeoklow / pleon, lyon d Krkiow
katperye, uw potamw / nh: loglsow d xe Potasimto, Aguptow d Amasiw:
21
294
chapter seven
name often used by the Carians in Egypt, but the appearance of the
word esak?dow in the grato is favourable to this hypothesis: kdow
/kndow/ (or its phonetic result) has been convincingly compared to
Lycian xtawa- to rule (cf. also xtawat(i)- ruler, king = CLuw andawat(i)supreme authority, king).23 Therefore, in esak?dow . . . pismak, we could
attempt to nd a meaning king Psammetichus or similar. Both the
initial sequence esa- and the precise function of nal - are problematic, and dierent possibilities can be envisaged: ese- could be compared
with the Lycian preverb ese-, for which a meaning with has been proposed (see Melchert DLL s. v.). Perhaps in this instance it may have
a reinforcing function. As for -, two hypotheses can be considered: it
could be a sux attached to the verbal stem kdow- to rule in order
to create a noun (cf. Lycian -za?), or it could be a nominative plural
ending. This latter theory is less consistent with an interpretation of
pismak as the name of the Pharaoh, since he would appear at the same
level as the other alleged commanders. Moreover, in the rest of the
Carian grati there is no form that can be likened to the names of
military ocials cited in the corresponding Greek inscription.
Ultimately, these doubts cannot be resolved, as the rest of the inscription remains unclear. It is possible that both the identication of pismak
with Psammetichus and the equation of kdow = Lycian xtawa- are
correct, but the overall interpretation of both words as king Psammetichus
may still be erroneous.
295
as the Milyan inscription in the Xanthos stela does not necessarily guarantee an understanding of the grammar and lexicon of this language,
but in fact implies quite the opposite. It is preferable to work with a
sizeable corpus of relatively brief textsas is the case with Lycian
than to be restricted to a single, very long, and generally impenetrable text.
This is also the situation with Carian. Texts such as the Kildara
inscription are currently impossible to analyse. We can identify some
isolated words, but we know nothing about the context in which they
appear.
The only way of getting inside such a text is through the existence
of a translation. Of the entire Carian sub-corpus of longer inscriptions,
the only inscription that is accompanied by even a minimally legible
text, and whose content corresponds undoubtedly to the Carian text,
is the bilingual inscription of Kaunos. But even in this case, the results
that we are able to obtain are very limited. Our analysis of longer
inscriptions will begin therefore with this example.
A problem that seriously impedes the interpretation of this type of
inscription is our current inability to identify verbal forms. Without
knowing which words represent verbs it is practically impossible to
devise any approach to analysing the structure of the text and the function of the common nouns that it contains. Even in the bilingual of
Kaunos, where the existence of the Greek inscription ought to help
identify verbal forms, no agreement has been reached on which of the
words must be identied as verbs. As we have already seen, the problem of identifying verbs also aects shorter inscriptions, and only with
a substantial increase in the Carian documentation available will we
be able to resolve this great problem.
1. The Kaunos Bilingual Inscription
We will begin with the only text that can be read alongside a parallel Greek text. The possibility of comparing the two texts explains the
special attention that this inscription has received since its discovery.
Even the editors of the inscription, Frei and Marek, did not limit themselves to a simple epigraphical edition, but oered in addition a rst
attempt to establish the parallel passages in both texts, paving the way
for further research.24 Following this initial study, other scholars have
24
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296
Greek version
25
297
298
chapter seven
above, that the personal names of the honoured Athenian citizens are
in accusative. This implies at least a verb that either directly or indirectly governs these accusatives, and all the proposals formulated to
date attempt to nd verbs among the words of these rst lines. Scholars
have adopted two diering approaches to the question; while some of
them have assumed that there is only a verb in personal form, without the actual presence of an innitive, others have claimed to recognize an innitive form, which would indicate the further existence of
a main verb or equivalent construction.
The options suggested as possible innite or nite verbal forms are
uiomln, mdot2un, and un (2; from segmenting mdot2 un and un do[--]tl ).
Although the verbal character of rual has also been considered, in theory there is a certain consensus to interpret it rather as a noun, within
a formula equivalent to Greek p dhmio[u]rgo Ipposynouw.
The rst editors adopted the approach of postulating a nite verb
construction. In fact, they claimed to have identied two nite verbs,
uiomln and mdot1un (interpreting O t2 as a glide sound between o and
u). Both would be third person plural preterite verbs with the respective meanings to decide and to make, to invest as, to establish as
(Frei-Marek 1997:2930), and the accusatives would be dependent on
this latter verb.
Melchert (1998) suggested that the accusatives are directly constructed
with a nite verb. But unlike Frei-Mareks proposal, he prefers to classify uiomln as a noun with the meaning decree (kbidn uiomln decree
of Kaunos, with kbidn as plural genitive of the place name),26 and
although he agrees with the rst editors in considering mdot1un (also
interpreted as mdo/w/un, with O t2 as a glide) to be a nite verb governing the accusatives, he analyzes it as a rst person plural preterite,
we have established, we have install (as). A weak point of Melcherts
interpretation is that the analysis of this word as a rst person verb
depends on the assumption that O represents a /w/ sound, as he compares an alleged ending -/wun/ with Hittite preterite rst plural ending -wen and with the corresponding Lydian ending -wn.
The proposal in Adiego (1998a) is very dierent. Here, the suggested
segmentation is mdot1 un (although without considerations about the
phonological value of O t2, which was studied in a subsequent paper,
26
For a place name kbid- as plurale tantum, Melchert reminds us of the similar
interpretation for the Lycian name of Kaunos, Xbide (Melchert 1998:37).
299
27
300
chapter seven
the archeological remains on the summit of lemez Da<, the mountain north of Kaunos. This hypothesis would t well with the initial b2
of b2o[--]ol, but the fact that the Carian word is incomplete makes it
less certain. Moreover, it is not unthinkable that sb is in fact coordinating b2o[--]ol not with kbdyn, but directly with sarni[ ] and undo[-]tl /
do[--]tl, so that the Carian equivalent to the Greek twofold formula
projnouw [k]a eergtaw would be a threefold one, (sarni . . . (un)do[--]tl . . .
b2o[--]ol ).
The identication otr = atow makes it likely that the following
sequence, sb at[ms]kmtabsims sb [, corresponds to Greek ka kgnouw
ka [.28 In Adiego (1998a) an etymological connection for at[ms]km(t?)
was proposed, based on the identication of mskm with the Luwian
stem masa- recognizable in mait- growth, prosperity, and the suggestion that at- could be compared with Hittite katta, kattan down.
at[ms]km(t? ) could therefore be a compound noun formally and semantically comparable to o-spring, German Nach-kommenschaft and
Spanish de-scendencia. As for the remaining tabsims or absims, it was
suggested in the same study (Adiego 1998a:25) that this could be a
possessive, comparable to Lycian ehbi( je) < *ebesi( je)-. All these connections are phonologically sound, but they fail to explain t (if it does
not belong to the word at[ms]km) and the nal -ms.
From absims sb on, the possibilities of interpreting the Carian text
decrease dramatically: both the sudden interruption of the Greek part,
and the lacuna of almost an entire line (l. 12) make it impossible to
continue with the analysis. We can identify further possible instances
of the conjunction sb and, but it is impossible to identify which type
of syntactic elements it is coordinating. Among the words of this nal
section of the inscription, special attention should be paid to the sequence
orouo, which recalls Lycian arawa- freedom, a term that is consistent
with the sort of privileges conferred on the proxenoi in these types of
decrees. However, the segmentation is far from certain, as it leaves an
isolated letter H between sb and orouo. Also of interest here are the possible presence of the word mno- son under the form mnos, and the
nal sequence aitusi, where we could identify a possible imperative aitu
or preterite ait of a verb corresponding to Lycian a(i)- to do, to make
(cf. Lycian aite they made).
28
301
302
chapter seven
that initiates a decree, implies that qrds could be referring to the city
or to a city institution such as the assembly.29
sarni appears twice, in both cases followed by sb, and. In the rst
instance, it is impossible to decide whether sb is joining sarni to another
plural noun, due to the crack of the stone. The second example is
much clearer: sarni sb 1orsol is undoubtedly a sequence of two accusative
(or nominative) plural nouns. The rst editors of C.Ka 5 tried to compare this latter word with C.Ka 5, l. 89 b2o[--]ol, and proposed the
integration b2o[rs]ol. Although this hypothesis is very attractive, it is
complicated by a serious diculty: b2 seems to be formally closer to
b (C.Ka 4) than to 1.30
The only form that can be identied as a possible proper name is
l. 4 yrpai (nominative?), which reappears as genitive singular in l. 9
(yrapai- ).
The clearest syntactic parallel between C.Ka 2 and the Kaunos bilingual is l. 67, otrbi sb atmsk[m . . .]dbi = Bilingual otr sb at[ms]kmt
absims themselves and (their) descendants. Unfortunately, it is impossible to calculate the letters missing between atmsk[ and ]dbi, but it
seems likely that =bi was attached to (a form of ) the word atmskm(t?),
so that the formula in C.Ka 2 would present a X= bi and X= bi
structure: otr=bi sb atmsk[m . . .]d=bi. The exact function of this = bi
is unknown. It could be a particle reinforcing the coordination (both
them and (their) ospring, not only . . . but also . . .), but it could also
be a postposition (for, with?). Both interpretations permit an etymological connection with Lycian -ppi in hr-ppi on; for (cf. for this form
Lyc. hri = CLuw. arri up; (on) top). Carian =bi could be a generalisation of the lenited form of this particle instead of Lycian unlenited -ppi
(cf. the parallel process in Lycian -be vs. CLuw. -ppa, Melchert DLL
s. v.).
3. Sinuris Longer Inscription (C.Si 2)
(a) [--]ryin tmo : sb ada tmo
eri : pisoi mda : pmnn : pdamu i aoyrri mtel
29
For a purely theoretical etymology suggested in Blmel-Adiego (1993:94) see
Chapter 11, s. v.
30
That 1_ and are dierent letters (which rules out a triple equivalence 1_ =
= ) is conrmed by their co-occurrence in C.Ka 4.
303
The longer inscription from Sinuri, engraved after a long Greek text,
could be a true bilingual, but the Greek text is so badly damaged that
it turns out to be practically unusable as a means of understanding the
Carian one.
The greatest progress in the analysis C.Si 2 has been made by Diether
Schrr: he was able to identify in the rst line of the text a reference
to the Carian dynasts Idrieus and Ada, sons of Hekatomnos ([--]ryin
tmo: sb ada tmo ). Moreover, Schrr argued convincingly that it
belonged to the same stela as a fragment of a Greek inscription also
discovered in Sinuri. This fragment adds very limited, but nonetheless
interesting information about the content of the Greek inscription preceding the Carian one, and it is certainly more valuable than the information that can be obtained from the scarce remains of the Greek text
in the bilingual fragment. The Greek unied text contains two decrees
of the abovementioned dynasts, both conceding an tleia (tax exemption). A personal name, Ponmoonnow, is also mentioned in genitive in
the rst Greek decree, and Schrr also found it in the Carian text
(l. 2 pmnn, alternative reading ?pmun). This could be the same
name that appears in later Sinuri inscriptions in the form Pormounow,
as the denomination of the syngeneia devoted to the administration of
the temple.
In Adiego (2000), I attempted to make some progress in the understanding of the text. Many of the proposals outlined in that study were
very hypothetical, and I will not repeat them in any detail in the present book. Perhaps the main idea that should be retained is my insistence on searching for verbal forms: it is logical to assume that some
verbal form must exist not very far from the mention of the Hekatomnids,
expressing the action carried out by the dynasts, in the same way that
in the second Greek text the names of the dynasts were very probably followed by a verb [dvkan] (if Roberts very plausible integration
is accepted). In Adiego (2000) it was suggested that both pisoimda (l. 2)
and mailomda (l. 4) were verbs. In the rst case, a connection was
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304
proposed with the Common Anatolian verb for to give (Hitt. pi-/piyaCLuw. piya-, Lyc. pije, etc.); in the second, I suggested a rather klingklang resemblance to Lycian mmaite in the trilingual of the Letoon of
Xanthos, a third person plural verb with a possible meaning to install,
to build. In both alleged verbs, mda was interpreted as the same element that appears as mdane in other Carian inscriptions, which I consider to be a particle chain (see p. 324). As for the resulting sequences
pisoi, mailo, o (in both forms) and i (in pisoi) were interpreted as
clitic pronouns (Adiego 2000:142):
Verb
Direct Object
Indirect Object
-mda element
Translation
pis-
-o-
-i-
-mda
mail- -o-
-mda
These postclitic pronouns, attached to the verb, were syntactically compared with the well-known nasalized preterites of Lycian ( pijete, mmait
e ),
where the nasalized vowel comes from the univerbation of the verb
with a clitic pronoun ( pije-te < *-to+om he gave-it).
The rest of the ideas contained in Adiego (2002) are merely hypothetical. In the sequence pmnn: pdamu i a construction with the
relative i was envisaged, and two possible interpretations were suggested: Pmnn- who (is) the priest or the syngeneia of Pmnn-. Both
interpretations for pdamu were considered to be consistent with an
etymological connection of pda with Lycian pdden- and Hitt. peda-,
place. For eri, I proposed a possible word for tleia, on the basis of
its resemblance to Lycian arawa-, exemption (tleia), freedom, but
without discounting the alternative view suggested by Neumann (apud
Adiego 2000:144) of eri as preverb identical to Lycian eri (cf. Hitt. ara).
Leaving aside all these speculative attempts, the most conclusive and
remarkable morphological information provided by the bilingual inscription of Sinuri is the form pmnn, which must surely be an accusativus
genitivi or, more correctly, an accusative formed on the basis of the (old)
possessive adjective, comparable to the Lycian forms in -h (Lustrah).
The same analysis is probably also valid for pdamu, although the
presence of u between and obliges us not to disregard alternative
interpretations.
305
Column B
asqariod dymda
muot armotrqdosq
kduopizipususot
mol msot ylarmit
ubzol tu brsi
pau mane ybrs
(A later Greek inscription containing
a list of priests of Apollon follows)
(Recall that other, later Greek inscriptions appear on both sides of the
inscription, see p. 136, n. 25 for details).
Any attempt to analyse the Carian text is seriously hampered from
the beginning by the doubts about the exact order in which the rst
two lines of both columns (in fact, the only part containing common
vocabulary, since the remaining lines contain only onomastic formulae)
should be read. As pointed out in Adiego-Debord-Varinlio<lu (2005),
three posibilities can be considered: (1) to read the rst line of each
column and then the second line of each column (A1 + B1 +A2 +
B2); (2) to read the two rst lines of column A and followed immediately by the two Carian lines of column B (A1 + A2 + B1 + B2); (3)
to read all of column A before reading column B, that is, to treat the
columns as (relatively) independent texts (A + B). The existence of a dividing line bewteen the columns seems to support the last solution, but
given that the two columns are apparently lists of priests, it is strange
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31
307
us to make a series of (sometimes fragile) assumptions about the morphology and semantics of the three words involved, at least in the case
of ylarmit, it seems plausible to consider a connection with the place
name Hyllarima, as suggested for the rst time by Ray (1988:152).32
The interpretation of msot as, of the gods, is based on the possibility
of connecting it with the Luwic word for god: note particularly Milyan
masa- god, and also Lyc. maha(na)-, CLuw. man(i)-. The stem also
appears in Carian onomastics: msnord-, Masanvrada (see Chapter 11
s. v. msnord ). Less definite connections can be established for mol =
priests,33 where moreover the character of the final - (an ending or
rather a derivative sux) remains unclear (see p. 318), although the
new inscription from Mylasa (C.My 1) now offers another example of
mol in the first line, preceding a long list of individuals. Even if the
meaning priests proved to be incorrect, the appearance of mol in the
heading of two inscriptions consisting of lists of onomastic formulae
would still be worth noting.
From a morphological point of view, this interpretation of mol msot
ylarmit assumes that mol must be in plural, presumably in nominative
(as in the Greek formula), although the possibility of another case cannot be totally ruled out. Following the same interpretation, msot ylarmit must by contrast be a genitive plural, characterized by the ending -t.
On these morphological repercussions of interpreting mol msot ylarmit
as priests of the Hyllarimean gods, see p. 319.
The remaining lines of column A consist exclusively of ve onomastic
formulae, engraved at dierent times (see Adiego-Debord-Varinlio<lu
2005). With the exception of the second formula, where only the names
of the individual and the father are recorded, the rest of the formulae
are threefold: individual name, fathers name and grandfathers name.
It is interesting to note that the names cited in the Carian part coincide with several names that appear in the Greek inscriptions on
the same stone; particularly striking is the fact that in one of the
priesthood sales, the daimones of an Arrisis son of Imbrasis, and a
Hermias son of Arrisis, are quoted among the other divinities mentioned.
32
Eemiaw in the Greek list of priests by isolating armit, but the value y /y/ of W, now
conrmed by the Kaunos bilingual, makes the connection between ylarmit and Hyllarima
clearly preferable.
33
Cf. perhaps Lyc. mle-, sacricial oering (??) and related words (particularly mlatraza, mluhidaza, two priestly titles) in Melchert DLL, ss. vv.
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308
Both Arrisis and Imbrasis are names that appear in the rst Carian
onomastic formula (brsi ari brsi ), and it is reasonable to assume that
we are dealing with the same individuals.34
5. Other Inscriptions from Caria
The new inscription from Mylasa (C.My 1) consists of an initial line
as the heading for a list of personal names. Therefore, only this rst
line contains what seems to be common lexicon. As is the case of most
Carian texts without personal names, it remains practically impenetrable:
idrayridsemd ?bq mol ty[
The most interesting characteristic is the presence of the word mol,
also found in Hyllarima, which has been analysed as accusative or nominative plural with the meaning priests (see above). The presence of
a noun in plural ts well with the following list of personal names. In
Adiego (2005:9293) it was also suggested that ty[ could be the Carian
adaptation of Greek Txh, the goddess of Fortune. Therefore mol ty[
could mean priests of Fortune, priests for Fortune, although this is
merely hypothetical. The preceding sequence idrayridsemdbq is very dicult
to analyze. If the reading of d is certain, perhaps a word or particle
chain, md (cf. md orkn), could be segmented. In idrayri, we can attempt
to identify two stems idra- and yri- that recall, respectively, the place
name Idriaw and the yri-formant in personal names such as ayriq, idyri,
Saurigow. Cf. also (without tectal suxation) E.Th 26 yri and possibly
E.AS 5 pnyriru.
Little can be said about the rest of Carian inscriptions from Caria.
The Euromos inscription C.Eu 2 does not seem to be a funerary
inscription, insofar as none of the typical words for tomb, burial can
be identied, as already noted. Neither can we identify any clear onomastic formulae. It is possible that the rst sequence omobi contains
34
See Adiego-Debord-Varinlio<lu (2005:614) for a rather speculative attempt to connect the formula brsi ari brsi with Arrisis, Imbrasis and Hermias, by assuming that
the two Arrissis are the same person (which implies a descendence Hermias, son of
Arrisis, son of Imbrasis), and that the Greek individual Hermias would the same as
the Carian one brsi, a supposition based in the Carian name of Hermes Imbrasow/
Imbramow.
309
the relative pronoun (hence the segmentation adopted here). As for the
following words, perhaps a genitive temazi can be segmented. In this
case, the d that immediately follows it could be compared with d in
i[---]inis=d=rual from C.Ka 5. Another word that may be present in
the text is armon, which cannot be clearly interpreted: it could be directly
compared to armon in E.Me 8 (dragoman, interpreter, although this
meaning would seem somewhat out of place here) or be analyzed as
an accusative in -n of the moon-god armo (attested in C.Hy 1a). The
rest of the inscription is even more dicult to fathom.
In the shorter text of Sinuri (C.Si 1) at least a possible onomastic
formula can be identied:
(1) adymd : yri : t[-]rsi : [. . .?]
tbe
(vacat)
(2) yri : binq : saidlo
t[-]rsi : [. . .?]tbe is convincing as a N- N- structure, and the incomplete second name can be compared with Thebes qutbe, Kuatbhw.
The rest of the inscription remains unclear, a situation that is further compounded by the reading diculties. In Adiego (2000), saidlo
was tentatively analysed as a verb, comparable to pisoi=mda, mailo=
mda. aid was directly linked to Lycian a(i)-, to make, and s was
compared to Lycian se=(e). Leaving aside these more provisional
attempts, one must focus on the striking disposition of the two texts; a
relatively large gap has been left between the two, and the fact that
in the rst text a word adymd that possibly contains a plural ending
(-, cf. mol ) is followed by a single onomastic formula, makes it plausible that the formula adymd: yri was conceived as the heading of a
list of personal names, and that this list was never completed. The
inscription from Hyllarima shows how dierent names were added to
the list on subsequent occasions, and this could also have been also
the initial aim of C.Si 1.
The inscription of Kildara (C.Ki 1), shown below, is even harder to
analyse than the preceding texts:
[. . . . . . .(.)]zolbaa[..(.)] kil[
[. . .]uda[. . .] trqdimr qrds tazomd[
kilarad[-]ybzsdmHnmkda[-]aHuq[
iasoum
The only elements to have been isolated as recognizable words are: (1)
the two instances of the place name Kildara (l.1: kil[, l.3; kilara or
chapter seven
310
Only two elements have been recognized here: the form ibrs, without
any doubt related to the family of names ibrs(i)-, brsi, and yomln, a
variant of the word uiomln in the rst line of the Kaunos bilingual,
interpreted as a verb or noun pertaining to the semantic eld of decree,
decision, to decree, to decide.
The two Stratonikeia inscriptions (C.St 1, C.St 2), as far as we can
currently tell, consist exclusively of onomastic formulae.
E. Balance and Some Controversial Questions
The sum of the preceding analysis of a great part of the Carian corpus can seem at rst sight somewhat disappointing: the results that can
essentially be considered conclusive are very scarce, and even some of
these are perhaps overly optimistic, since speculation has been unavoidable in several cases. Strictly speaking, our ability to analyze Carian
inscriptions is limited to the identication of proper names and onomastic formulae, which allows us to understand only a very small area
35
However, one could be tempted to read Amous !amous instead of AsouM
iasoum in the last line, in order to obtain the name of the father of Uss[ollos?], Samoos,
mentioned in the Greek inscription, see p. 142.
311
CHAPTER EIGHT
MORPHOLOGICAL FEATURES
A. Nominal Inflection
Our present knowledge of nominal inection is based mainly on the
information given by the personal names, to which we can also add
some common nouns. There are no examples of adjective inection,
with the exception of ethnic forms, which can be interpreted as adjectival complements (for instance otonosn in C.Ka 5). Only a few endings
can be established with some condence.
1. Nominative Singular
The singular nominative ending is systematically -, as appears clearly
in the onomastic formulae (uol, arli, ada, etc.). This also seems to be
the ending for common nouns, for instance upe, ue stele.
This zero ending can be directly compared with Lycian and Milyan
sg. nom. c. -, and we can imagine it to have a similar origin: a PIE
*-s > Proto-Anatolian (PA) *-s (Hitt., CLuw, HLuw, Pal., Lyd. -/s/)
dropped in absolute nal position. Words such as the abovementioned
upe, ue seem to be vocalic stems of the common gender, also with loss
of nal -s.1
If they are not old eh2- stems with inherited ending - for the sg. nom.
morphological features
313
2. Accusative Singular
An ending -n for the singular accusative has been clearly established
thanks to the Kaunos bilingual, conrming former interpretations which
led to the same conclusion.2 The personal names nik[]la-n, lys[ikl ]a-n
show this ending for a-stems of personal names (Frei-Marek 1997:34,
48). Another clear example of -n accusative is orkn (bowl or similar).
The ending -n for singular accusative also appears in the pronominal
exion (see below p. 320).
This ending is also comparatively transparent: PIE *-m > PA *-n.
Unlike in Lycian, where the ending in contact with a stem nal vowel
a, e results in a nasalized vowel (noted by means of special letters <>,
<e>), the Carian forms with -an could point to a conservation of the
nasal, although it is not impossible that a process similar to the Lycian
example has occurred, though not noted with the same graphical precision. In ork-n we nd the same ending, but in this case after a consonant, which could represent a syllabic nasal or merely a defective
vowel notation (/orkVn/).
3. Genitive Singular
The most characteristic ending for the genitive singular, conrmed only
by personal names, is -. Melchert (2002:311) has argued convincingly
that its origin lies in PA *-ass-, a possessive sux with i-mutation that
serves to create adjectival forms in Luwic dialects (CLuw. -ass-, HLuw.
-asi-, Lycian -ahi, -ehi, Milyan -asi, -esi ) that carry out the proper function of a genitive (cf. Lyc. eni mahanahi mother divine = mother of
the gods). This etymological connection explains the presence of -,
most probably a palatal sibilant // resulting from the contact of s
with , and either dropped or not graphically noted in Carian.3
It is less clear if - in Carian continues to act as an adjectival sux,
agreeing in number and case with the word that complements it, or if
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chapter eight
morphological features
315
From all of these examples, the most likely to have the s-ending form
is undoubtedly ntokris; Vittmann (2001:52) has argued convincingly that
this name was taken directly from Egyptian, ruling out Rays theory that
it can be identied as a form that arrived in Carian from the Greek
Nitvkriw, the only way to explain the nal s as a part of the stem (by
assuming it to be an s-stem arising from the Greek sigmatic nominative).
Also suggestive of an s-ending, if the reconstruction of the initial letter
is accepted, is [q?]lalis, given the existence of a name qlali- (G 2),
Greek Kolaldiw, Kulaldiw.
The rest of the examples are ambiguous: ap[]ws, idmns and tktes
allow more than one interpretation.5 Finally, kbos is very unlikely to be
a personal name in nominative of an s-stem, because it occurs precisely after the nominative tduol, i.e. the name of the deceased. However,
it could also be a title or an adjective accompanying tduol (an ethnic
name? see p. 278), so that it would also be in nominative. A similar
explanation could be given for the enigmatic alos arnos of E.Me 45.
For convenience, I will assume that all these examples can be interpreted as s-ending forms. In fact, this will not aect the ideas to be
formulated about the value of the s-ending to any great degree, since
with the exception of kbos and alos arnos, the context in which we nd
the rest of the examples is similar to that of the clearest ones (ntokris,
[q ? ]lalis): as the rst word of an onomastic formulawhich implies that
they represent the name of the deceasedfollowed by one or more
personal names in genitive.
By analyzing the possibility that the s-ending recognizable in some
words could be a mark of a dative case, we can rst of all clearly separate the formal aspects from the functional ones. Formally, we can
agree with the hypothesis formulated by Melchert (2002:309) that this
s-ending comes from a genitive ending PIE *-e/oso (like Lycian -a/-ehe,
cf. Adiego 1994c). An alternative viewa Luwic possessive sux without i-mutation *-asso cannot be ruled out, although Melchert (ibid.)
is right in pointing out that there is no evidence to support the proposal of an adjectival character for -s in Carian. In any case, both
solutions are equally attractive from a phonological point of view, as
both oer a straightforward explanation for the presence of a dierent
5
In the case of idmns, the name idmuon- could favour an analysis as idmn- if both
forms belonged to the same paradigm, but the dierences between idmn- and idmuondo not allow us to conm this hypothesis.
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chapter eight
sibilant sound in this -s-ending (< *-e/oso or *-asso-) vs. the Carian genitives in - (< *-ass, see above).
If we accept the above arguments, the problem for Carian datives in
-s can be reduced to a purely functional one, the question being whether
there is evidence for a functional displacement of these old genitives
to the expression of a dative value. As Melchert points out, such a displacement would not be particularly problematic because it is well documented in other languages. However, in my opinion, the evidence
currently at our disposal is not at all convincing.
The most radical version of this hypothesisthat -s has become exclusively the mark for dative, contrasting with - specialized as genitive/possessiveis disproved, as Melchert admits, by the formula i[]inis=d=rual,
where -s cannot be anything other than a genitive or possessive governed by rual (= Gr. p dhmio[u]rgo Ipposynouw). Moreover, the onomastic formulae in the same inscription nik[]lan lysiklas[-?], lys[ikl]an
lysikratas[-?] suggest that -s should be interpreted as a genitive or
possessive.
If one accepts the existence of genitives/possessives in -s-, the claim
of an s-dative must be substantiated by unequivocal evidence, and this
is hard to nd, since all the examples of alleged datives can also be
interpreted as genitives/possessives:
a) All the examples of possible datives in -s in the Memphis subcorpus can also easily be interpreted as genitives or possessives: if one
observes the texts quoted above, a translation for X or of X sounds
equally acceptable.
b) The same analysis can also be applied to other examples: an interpretation of arnajs sb taqbos as of arnaj and of Taqbo is as good as
a dative interpretation to arnaj and to Taqbo. Vittmann (2001:5254)
has made the case for a dative value based on the fact that the Carian
inscription appears integrated in an Egyptian formula, give life, which
seems to require a dative. He cites the parallel examples of certain
Egyptian-Phoenician bilingual inscriptions where the same Egyptian formula give life is used, and where the personal name is introduced in
Phoenician by the preposition l, to, for. However, while the Phoenician
parallel may seem to provide a strong argument for seeing the Carian
sequence as syntactically integrated in the Egyptian sentence, the opposite may also be true, namely that the Carian and Egyptian parts are
more loosely related: the Egyptian sentence might simply be a stereotyped
formula, and the Carian phrase a mere indication of possession. Even
the Phoenician example accommodates a similar loose relationship
between both parts, insofar as l is usually employed in Phoenician for
morphological features
317
318
chapter eight
morphological features
319
B. Pronominal Inflection
We can identify in Carian at least two demonstrative pronominal stems:
s(a)- and a-.
The only clear indication of a pronominal paradigm can be stated for
the pronoun sa, on the basis of sa E.Me 27, san (G 1), snn (C.Ha 1,
chapter eight
320
ebe-
ebene
ebe
< *-s
long forms of original *-n
< *-n
Cf. Neumann (apud Melchert 1993:80, n. 5), who compared snn with Lycian ebene.
morphological features
321
C. Verbal Inflection
The diculties of identifying verbal forms were outlined in our analysis
of the Carian inscriptions. The only word I consider to be even a minimally reliable verbal form is bt, for which Melchert suggested a very
plausible interpretation (= Lyc. ubete he oered). The search for other
possible verbal forms can take one of two directions, which although
not totally incompatible, are in some cases dicult to reconcile. On the
one hand, recognizing an ending -t, comparable to Lyc. -te (or perhaps
also -ti if the verb was a present, not a preterite), opens the search for
other forms also ending in -t that can be compared with these singular
endings or with other endings that in Lycian are also characterized by
a -t (for example, the third plural present and preterit endings -ti/-te
after diphthongs, such as ai-ti, ei-ti, ai-te / ei-te). In such cases, the
resemblance of the sound context (t after a vowel) regarding the singular ending could make it likely that the outcome in Carian is also t
(although this is an optimistic supposition, and disregards possible analogical alterations). The results of such a search are however very limited:
in our analysis of Carian inscriptions (Chapter 7), only two forms have
appeared that, based on their context, can be interpreted as verbs with
these type of endings: (1) not in C.xx 2 (connected there to Hitt.
n(i)-, CLuw. nana- < * PIE *neyH-, so that a meaning he brings/he
brought3rd sg. present or preteritecould be suggested); (2) ait in
C.Ka 2, l. 8, where it appears in a sequence qrdsol ait: ait has been
tentatively connected to Lycian aite, a 3rd pl. preterite form of the verb
a- to made (see p. 301). To these two forms one can also provisionally add the word aitusi in C.Ka 5, if segmented ait + usi, although
problems arise when trying to establish the meaning of usi. An alternative viewto segment aitu + siis an attractive solution as it yields
a possible imperative form (cf. -tu in Lycian), but it fails to analyse the
word si.
Other possible forms ending in -t could allow a similar interpretation.
A good example is 1aitk, also in C.Ka 2, if segmented 1ait=k), but the
verbal stem cannot be established as we are unsure of the phonological value of the initial letter 1.
On the other hand, scholars have searched for verbal forms by means
of an internal and combinatory analysis of the Carian texts. In this sense,
there has been a certain consensus in regarding a sequence repeated
in dierent inscriptions as a possible verbal form: the sequence mdane
(Thebes mlane). The fact that this interpretation is based on internal
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chapter eight
and combinatory grounds explains why it preceded the denitive decipherment of Carian: it was evorokin who suggested that mdane, mlane
was a verb (see for instance evorokin 1977:124). Following the decipherment, authors such as Hajnal, Melchert and Schrr have followed
this line of argument, and in the case of these possible verbal forms
they have also added some etymological connections to the functional
basis of the hypothesis. The most recent and comprehensive treatment
of the subject is an unpublished paper by Melchert (Melchert, mdane).7
The interpretation of mdane, mlane as a verb is supported above all
by evidence from three brief inscriptions found on objects, where mdane
appears to be the one verb of a sentence. By contrast, most of the
examples of mlane, from Thebes, are contextually far less clear. All the
examples are given below:
mdane:
arkbiom : zidks mdane : n-?-mo | den : tumn (E.Sa 1)
ntros : pridas / ora / nu mdane : uksi wrm (E.xx 7)
biks not : alosd arnosd : jzpe mdane (C.xx 2)
mlane:
a?qbaq ewm emot / qtblo owdown[. . .]mwarudko mlane (E.Th 10)
?-bjqmq ew mlane qebt | u[. . .]q | qwsal | mqabaewleqooski.oms
(E.Th 12)
lse | i | mlan[-?] (E.Th 35)
dquq | ewmlane | tebot | gkem (E.Th 44)
w. dbokn ewe [ (E.Th 47)
(cf. also lane in: balewlane | rbk[-]sal | (E.Th 49).
morphological features
323
note the lack of a nal letteroer apparently complete and brief texts
in which mlane could be a verb. In the remaining examples, it appears
after a sequence ew, very close to the form ewm, which is also typical
in the Thebes corpus. This creates the possibility of a dierent segmentation of ewmlane: ewm + lane, instead of ew + mlane. The example
E.Th 49 introduces even more confusion: the sequence ewlane, analyzed
as ew + lane, supports both ew and lane as isolable words in ewmlane. A
possible compromise, and perhaps the correct solution, would be to
isolate three elements: ew + m + lane. This would allow dierent combinations: ew + m, ew + lane, m + lane and ew + m + lane.9
The diculties of analysing mdane as a verb begin when other, less
favourable factors become involved: besides mdane, the sequence mda
appears repeatedly in C.Si 2:
. . . eri : pisoi mda : pmnn : pda/mu i aoyrri mtel / mailo
mda lrH : stsp vacat / sms[-5-] sb amssi mda (C.Si 2a)10
Moreover, in C.Ha 1, a sequence md can be easily segmented:11
smdbrs | psnlo | md orkn tn | snn
9
Given the diculties regarding the segmentaton of the (possible) elements that
make up ewmlane, I enter this in the Glossary (Chapter 11) as a complete word.
10
Cf. also C.Hy 1a dymda, but in this latter case I am not sure of the segmentation dy mda.
11
md also appears as a sequence in other inscriptions (C.My 1 (?), C.Si 2, C.Ki
1: note also in the rst word of C.Ha 1), but the contexts are too obscure (C.My 1,
C.Ki 1) or simply too unlikely (C.Si 2, C.Ha 1) to allow us to isolate md as a word.
12
As Melchert recalls, the connection mln = Hitt. mald- was already suggested in
Hajnal (1997:152).
13
Without discounting the possible interpretation as a present (< *mVld-enti).
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chapter eight
morphological features
325
16
In Carian: []ryin tmo : sb ada tmo eri : pisoi mda . . . As for eri, it could be
a preverb or a noun (direct object of pis ?), see above p. 304.
CHAPTER NINE
A. General Vocabulary
Our knowledge of Carian general vocabulary is unavoidably very limited; we have already seen (Chapter 2) that the indirect sources provide us with a very small number of glosses, and these in turn, despite
their seemingly reliable origins (they appear to date back to Greek
authors of Carian origin), remain uncertain insofar as none of them
has been identied in the Carian inscriptions up to now. As for the
direct documentation, the only texts that can be interpreted with any
degree of condence are a number of brief inscriptions that contain
exclusively, or almost exclusively, onomastic formulae. It is true that
some of the longer texts must contain essentially Carian common words,
but they are in general impossible to analyse. In this necessarily brief
section, I will limit myself to collecting in a synthetic way the general
vocabulary that arises from an analysis of the inscriptions (see Chapter
7): further details about these forms and about others, which are interpreted more hypothetically, will be presented in the corresponding
entries of the Glossary (Chapter 11).
Given the typology of a great number of Carian inscriptions, it is
not surprising that one group of the common words whose meanings
we can establish belongs to the semantic eld of kinship: we know the
Carian words for son, mno-, father ted, and mother en, although in
the case of these two latter terms, the interpretation is based solely on
the combination of an etymological connection with other Anatolian
dialects and the suitable, but unique, context in which they appear (E.Me
38 and E.Me 32, respectively). No other kinship terms have been identied directly in the Carian inscriptions, and we can only speculate that
the personal names quq-Gugow and ksbo-Xasbvw might also be the common words for grandfather and grandchild, on the basis of the good
Lycian parallels xuga grandfather and xahba grandchild.
Due to the funerary character of many Carian texts, a collection of
words has been compiled which refer to the funerary stele or, more
generically, to the tomb: upe/wpe/upa, ue, jas/as, s(i)di. However, no
327
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chapter nine
B. Proper Names
As stated repeatedly in this work, the area that yields the greatest volume of information is Carian onomastics: the sources, both direct and
indirect, provide a large number of proper names, currently the most
valuable information on Carian available.
Carian onomastics can be analysed in two dierent, but complementary and interrelated ways. Firstly, diverse stems and suxes can
be identied through an internal analysis of the compounding and derivation mechanisms that clearly intervene in their formation. Secondly,
many of these names can be totally or partially compared to the rest of
Anatolian onomastics, both from the rst and the second millennia B.C.
Given our scarce knowledge of Carian common vocabulary, the rst
approach yields very limited results: we are only able to establish some
regular patterns, both in composition and derivation, from a purely
combinatory analysis of the onomastic materials, and the meaning of
the elementslexical stems, suxesthat we isolate cannot be established.
Yet despite its limitations, this method of analysis is not altogether
worthless, insofar as it allows us to identify some recurrent procedures
in the formation of proper names. A good example is the series of
stems that appear combined, giving rise to a number of very characteristic compound proper names, as the table of the p. 330 is intended
to show. We nd here a set of rst elements (i)d-, par(a)-, pun-, ar-,
etc. that in general never appear as independent words and that are
used alongside a set of second elements (quq, uol, etc.), which are for
the most part also documented in a simple, non-compounded, form.
This implies a dierent functional nature of rst vs. second elements,
a possibility that can be conrmed in at least those cases where an etymological explanation is plausible (see below).
More dicult is to establish possible derivation procedures without
the use of comparative evidence. The segmentation of suxes is not
always easy, and it is also dicult to specify in some cases whether we
are dealing with a sux or a lexical stem in composition; for instance,
the useful list of suxes, created by Blmel using only this approach,
and included in his corpus of Carian personal names (Blmel KarPN:
3233), oers some elements that can condently be considered (on
the basis of an etymological approach) lexical stems, and not suxes
(-biw, -muhw).1 In any case, several suxes can be well established from
1
It must be said, however, that Blmel, very cautiously, does not speak of suxes:
329
the list appears in a section entitled Komposition und Wortbildung, although true
suxes appear mixed together with these lexical stems.
2
Names with no indication of origin must be taken as Carian.
3
The reasons for this inclusion are given in p. 15.
a[rb]ikarm
arwljat
wliat/wljat
Uliatow,
Oliatow
uol-/wolUssvllow
uol/wol
Panuassiw
Others
Ekamuhw,
Ejamuhw
Xeramuhw
Saruassiw
idyri-
ydiq-/yriq/yri-/-yd
idmn(-s)
idmuonidyes-
Aktadhmow
Others
kduol(-)?
tduolpsuolYussvllow
Karusvldow
Maussvllow
prpwri?
Senurigow
Saurigow
adiqayriqrwli-
pnmnnPonmoonnow?
Panablhmiw
Par(a)ussvllow pard
paraeymparyri
parpeym
Paraudigow
dwol-, iduol
Idussvllow
Aktauassiw Aktaussvllow
-uassiw
aruolSarus(s)vllow
dbiks-
piks-
wli/jat-
(a)r-
rquq-
dbikrm,
dbkrm
pik(a)rm
p/bik(a)rm- p/biks-
Saussvllow
arkbiom-
dquqIdagugow
quqGugow
quq-
a-
Panamuhw
-muhw
pnuol-/punwol
-pnwol-, pnuolPonussvllow
paraibrel-
Imbarhldow kbjomKebivmow
kbiom/kbjom-
p(u)n-
Pan(a)-
par(a)-
(i)d-
Akta-
ibrel-
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331
1. Theophores
A type of personal name very widespread in Anatolian onomastics is
the theophore: we nd god names used directly as personal names,
dvandva compounds in which two god names are associated compounds
consisting of a personal name and a lexical element, nouns derived by
suxation from a god name, and so on (see the enlightening study by
Laroche LNH:282295).
1. 1 (Hitt., Luw.) Arma, Carian armoArma is the Hittite and Luwian Moon-god (Laroche NDH: 80). This
god name is now also documented in Carian, in the dvandva form
armotrqd- from Hyllarima (C.Hy 1).4 Its use in the formation of proper
names is commonly seen in the languages of the second millennium as
well as those of the rst millennium.
Carian PN Ermapiw < Arma + piya ( 3.1) = Armapiya (Laroche LNH
n 135).
Cf. Ermapiaw (Zgusta KPN 35520, Lycia), Armapiaw (KPN 973,
Lycia, Cilicia), Armapia (fem., KPN 974, South of Phrygia-Lycia).
a) Other instances (not in Caria) of Arma, either alone or in composition with
muwa-, nani-, etc.: Houwink Ten Cate (1961:132134), In Hittite and Luwian:
Laroche (LNH:290)
b) The variant Erma- (besides Arma-, Arma-) of the Carian name and others,
is usually attributed to the analogical inuence of the Greek divine name
Ermw (already Kretschmer 1896:361).
c) The Egyptian avour of the name Ermapiw (Sayce 1887[92]:122) was considered by Masson as merely coincidental, because the name can be satisfactorily analysed from an exclusive Minor Asian point of view (Masson
1959:167170). However, Hornblower (1982:357, n. 35), though accepting
Massons views, wonders if in cases such as this a sort of homonymy could
inuence the choice of the name.
1. 2. Luw. Tarunt-, Lyc. Trqqas, Mil. Trqqiz, Carian trq(u)d- Cf. Hitt.
TaruThe Anatolian Storm god. The name has a good PIE etymology (*terh2to cross, to pass: in Anatolian to overcome, *trh 2-u- from a
-u-present).
4
Although I prefer to interpret armotrqd- as a theonym representing a divine paredra due to the context in which it appears, I do not completely rule out the possibility that it could be a personal name.
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333
5
Neumann (1998:185), by contrast, connects Naruandow to an alleged Hitt. naru-,
a type of plant, but this latter word is actually Akkadian (*nar, a type of malt, see
Tischler 2001, s. v.).
6
According to Melchert, the element -arada may be analyzed as a derivative of
the word seen in Hittite ard- companion. A Luwic *arada- would mean community,
which seems appropriate for a placename. The further derived -aradu would again
mean companion or similar (pers. comm.).
7
Not defeat (Adiego1993a:30), see Melchert DLL.
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335
have the same origin. The problem posed by the phonetics (Lydian
does not conserve PIE laryngeal *h2, unlike the other Anatolian dialects)
can be overcome if we imagine the name to have a Carian origin. As
a result, the long discussion in Adiego (1993a:4041) does not need to
be repeated here.
2. 7. CLuw. im(ma)ra/i- open country
im(ma)ra/i- (only veried as common word under the form of Gen Adj
im(ma)rassa/i-) is the CLuw. word corresponding to Hitt. gimmara-. It
appears in the formation of a proper name already found in Cuneiform
sources: Immaraziti (Laroche LNH n 450). In the onomastics of the
rst millennium it adopts the forms imbr-, imbar-, etc., id est, with the
development of an epenthetic labial. A possible form without labial
could be the place name Imrougara (KON 374, Eastern Phrygia; cf.
Zgusta KON:198199). In Lycian direct documentation, the word seems
to appear as ipre. With this in mind, the proper name Ipresidi is very
interesting, as it could correspond exactly to Luw. Immaraziti.
Most instances of proper names containing this element from the
documentation of the rst millennium come from Lycia and Caria.
Place name Imbrow (promontory near Kaunos), from the pure stem.
PN para-ibrel, Imbarhldow. This corresponds formally to CLuw.
im(ma)ralla-, adj. attested fragmentarily (im-ra-a[l ) and as a place-name
(URUImralla), see Melchert CLL s. v.)
PN ibrsi-/ibarsi-/brsi-, Imbrasiw, Imbrassiw, Imbarsiw. It corresponds
to the CLuw. Gen. Adj. im(ma)raa/i- or to a further derivation of this
word (*im(ma)raiya-).
Imbramow, var. Imbrasow, Carian name of Hermes, Steph. Byz. s. v.
Imbrow. Imbrasow is also the name of a river in Samos.
Schrrs objections8 to connecting these forms with Luw. im(ma)raare in my opinion not overly convincing.
2. 8. Lyc. mere- law, maraza- judge, arbitrator
Panamara. Cf. also PN Mareuw, Marow.
2. 9. Hitt. muwa-, Luw. *mwa-, Mil. muwa- might, power
This word, common to both Hittite and Luwian, is one of the most
characteristic terms in the formation of proper names from all periods.
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chapter nine
Before the discovery of Hittite and Luwian it had already been identied
by Kretschmer (1896:332333). It was Friedrich (1931) who connected
the Anatolian names of the rst millennium with the names in -muwa
of the second millennium, and who identied muwa- as a common word
in Cuneiform texts.
Carian: Mtulow, mythic founder of the Carian city Samylia (Steph.
Byhz. s. v. Samula, Zgusta KPN 976: not in Blmel KarPN) =
Muwatalli-, a name well documented in Cuneiform sources (Laroche
LNH n 837).9
With rst element pan(a)-/pun(a)-: pmnn-, Greek Ponmoonnow, Panamuhw, Panamuaw, an inhabitant of Kos (Zgusta KPN:695), place name
Pounomoua.
Pormounow is most likely a more recent form of pmnn-, since it
337
11
The last two only in the form of GenAdj, with -aa/i- sux attached to them
(Melchert CLL, s. v.).
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chapter nine
punma-. The same meaning can be determined for the onomastic component. Whether pana- was actually a variant of puna- is less clear (panadoes not appear as a common lexical item in Luwian). If this is the
case, the alternation must be very old, because both puna- and panaare found in the Cappadocian onomastics, from the beginning of the
second millennium.
Pna- in Carian:
PN p-mnn- = Pon-moonnow, Por-mounow.
Place name Pouno-moua
For these forms, and particularly for Pormounow, see above muwa-.
pnuol-/pnwol-/pnwol- Pon-ussvllow.
More doubtful: pnyriru-.
It is possible, although very hypothetical, that the common noun also
appears in Carian direct documentation in the form punot (see Chapter
11 s. v.).
Pana- in Carian:
Pana-blhmiw. For the second element, cf. Lyc. -plemiw, -plemi, -pl mmi
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chapter nine
4. 1. Hitt. par, CLuw. par, HLuw. para/i forth, away, Lyc. pri
forth; in front.
This adverb appears in Carian as para-/par-, Greek Para-/Par-:
para-eym, para-ibrel, par-d- (= Greek Para-udigow), paryri-.
Para-ussvllow, Par-ussvldow. Probably also in the place name
Paremborda (Neumann 1988:191, cf. also above p. 333).
4. 2. Hitt. ara, r, Luw. arra, arri, Lyc. hri
ar-/r-, Greek Sar- in Carian:
ar-uol-, Greek Sar-us(s)vllow
r-quq, r-wli
Sar-uassiw. For the second element, cf. Pan-uassiw.
The following forms might perhaps be considered as a variant of
Sar-: a-, Greek Sa-:
a-yriq- (= Greek Sa-urigow), Sa-usvllow
Note the parallel use of hri- in the Lycian personal name Hrixttbili
(besides simple Ktibilaw, cf. Melchert DLL, s. v. Hrixttbili ).
5. Lallnamen
As mentioned in p. 13, Lallnamenhypocoristic names whose structure
recalls the language of children, characterised by open syllables, with
or without dierent patterns of reduplicationwere identied by
Kretschmer (1896) as characteristic of the Anatolian onomastic system.
Hittite and Luwian evidence conrms the antiquity of such formations
in Anatolian (see the exhaustive analysis in Laroche LNH:239246).
Carian is no exception: we can identify a considerable number of names
that can be interpreted this way, although mostly in Greek sources,
since only one Lallname, ada, is directly attested. I refer here to Appendix
C, where it will not be dicult for the reader to identify them in the
list of Carian names from indirect sources. Many of these Lallnamen seem
to obey simple structures of the type aC(C)a (Aba, Abaw Abbaw ada-Ada,
Adaw Appa) and reduplicated CaC(C)a (Nana, Nanaw, Papaw, Tata, Tataw,
perhaps also forms in -h, -o- and -v if these stem vowels are secondary:
Nanh, Nannh, Nannow, Nannow, Nannv), while others show somewhat
dierent patterns (Minnaw, Nonnow) or are derived from suxes of unknown value (Amiaw, Ammiaow, Nannixow, Papiaw, Tatarion, etc.).
341
6. Suxes
Extensive evidence exists of the use of dierent suxes in the formation of Anatolian proper names, but as Laroche (LNH:327328) rightly
pointed out, their analysis is hampered by diverse factors: the impossibility of explaining their actual origins and values, the risk of incorrect segmentations (les dangers du dcoupage formel in Laroches
words),12 and the great variety of stems to which they can be attached,
which prevents us from identifying the derivational mechanisms behind
the construction of such names. These problems are compounded in
the case of the indirect documentation, insofar as the Greek adaptations may be masking a more complex situation. A good example of
this is provided by sigmatic suxes; taking into account only Greek
evidence, one might be tempted to consider a single sux -ssi- both
for Arlissiw and for Imbrassiw. Direct evidence, however, available for
these forms but not for others, indicates two dierent Carian suxes,
-- for arli-Arlissiw and -si- for (i)b(a)rsi-Imbrassiw. Note the parallel
situation in Lycian, where -si- in Mollisiw and Triendasiw from indirect sources, treated as a single sux (-zi [sic]) in Houwink Ten Cate
(1961:183184), in fact corresponds to two Lycian dierent suxes,
-se/i- (Mullijese/i-) and -zi- (Trijetezi-).13 It is because of these doubts that
I shall limit myself to listing a very reduced number of suxes, citing
only those cases where the identication of the sux seems clear.
6.1 Place name suxes -assa-, -nda- (Cuneiform sources) = -(a)ssow,
-(a)nda (Greek sources)
These two suxes intervene in the formation of a large number of
Anatolian place names, documented both in the second and the rst
millennia. As we have seen (cf. p. 13), it was Kretschmer (1896) who,
systematizing former ideas, rightly concluded that the Anatolian place
names in -ss-, -nd- widely attested in Greek sources belonged to a single linguistic family spoken in Anatolia. Later, the (re)discovery of the
Anatolian languages of the second millennium allowed us to conrm this
theory, thanks to the appearance of numerous place names in -assa-,
-nda-, as well as authenticating these suxes as purely Indo-European
12
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chapter nine
14
See the recent treatment by de Hoz (2004), who rightly criticizes the tendency
to oversimplify the problem and argues against a genetic relationship between both pairs
of suxes.
15
Cf. Melchert (2003:6): . . . it no longer seems possible to deny the long proposed
identifications of Apasa with Ephesos and Millawanda with Miletos.
343
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chapter nine
CHAPTER TEN
CARIAN AS AN INDO-EUROPEAN
ANATOLIAN LANGUAGE
Despite the scarcity of linguistic information obtainable from the analysis of Carian inscriptions, several traits can be observed that clearly
place Carian within the Indo-European Anatolian family of languages.
More precisely, some of these traits situate Carian in the group of socalled Luwic dialects, integrated by Cuneiform and Hieroglyphic Luwian,
Lycian, Milyan, and probably also Sidetic and Pisidian, which share a
series of phonological and morphological features that dierentiate them
from other Anatolian dialects (Hittite, Palaic, Lydian). The present
chapter will be devoted to summarizing all of these traits found in
Carian. For this task, it is essential to use evidence drawn from onomastics, in order to create a more complete picture of the Luwic character of Carian. I am aware of the risk involved in basing an argument
on the etymological interpretations of proper names, but I think that
a signicant number of these interpretations can be condently used
to demonstrate the proximity of Carian to Luwian, Lycian and the rest
of the Luwic dialects. I refrain from oering an exhaustive treatment
of this subject because I consider it to be more realistic, and also more
illustrative, to focus on a reduced, but very meaningful set of traits that
clearly establish the Anatolianand particularly Luwiccharacter of
Carian.
Beginning with phonology, a good indication that Carian belongs to
Anatolian is the preservation of the PIE laryngeal *h2, a trait that
dierentiates Anatolianwith the exception of Lydianfrom other
Indo-European languages. As shown in Chapter 6, in Carian (and also
in Lycian and Milyan) this PIE laryngeal becomes a tectal stop (lenited
in some positions, at least in Lycian and Milyan), in contrast to Hittite
and Luwian, where it appears as a (velar?) fricative (Hitt. CLuw. ,
HLuw. h). The examples are taken from onomastic materials, but they
seem convincing: pik/bik in piks, dbiks, pikre (Pigrhw), all from PIE *bhh2vs. CLuw. pi (see p. 337), quq = Lyc. xuga, grandfather, vs. CLuw.
a-.
Specically Luwic is the satem treatment of the PIE palatal voiceless stop * (CLuw., HLuw. z, Lyc., Myl. s, against k used elsewhere
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chapter ten
347
cf. Lyd. armtabelonging to Arma. Specically Luwic are mso- god (?), cf. also ethnic
msnord- = CLuw. man(i)-, Lyc. maha(na)-, Mil. masa-, Sidetic maara (dat.
pl.), and the form of the name of the Storm-god, Carian trq(u)d- =
CLuw. Tarunt-, HLuw. TONITRUS-hut- (= *Tarhu(n)t-) Lyc. Trqqtvs. Hitt. Taru-. Finally, a meaningful isogloss shared by Carian and
Milyan is the copulative conjunction Car. sb, Mil. sebe and (cf. also
Lycian se and).
Therefore, although the number of Carian phonological, morphological and lexical traits that can be used for comparative purposes is
limited, they are in my opinion signicant and consistent enough to
classify Carian as an Indo-European Anatolian language, closely related
to the so-called Luwic dialects (Cuneiform and Hieroglyphic Luwian,
Lycian, and Sidetic). This comes as no surprise: even before deciphering Carian, the analysis of Carian proper names from indirect sources
had already allowed some scholars to identify Carian as an Anatolian
dialect, and to point out its anities with Lycian and other southern
Anatolian dialects, but we can now, for the rst time, actually conrm
this linguistic classication of Carian on the basis of direct testimonies
from the language.
CHAPTER ELEVEN
CARIAN GLOSSARY
Note that the letters for the pairs of vowel/semivowel sounds have been
put together. This allows us to clearly show the equivalences between
forms such as wol (Egypt) and uol (Caria proper, where a specic
letter for /w/ does not exist).
I exclude from the glossary the sequences consisting of one or two
letters that appear in contexts that are very fragmentary, isolated and
impossible to interpret. The coin legends are also excluded (see the
appendix by K. Konuk).
aba ?d ?
C.Ka 8
abrq[
E.Ab 14
absims
C.Ka 5
Pronominal form?
In Adiego (1998a:25) absi is tentatively connected to Lyc. ehbi < *ebesi his (therefore at[ms]kmt absi = his (for their?) descendents), but this hypothesis leaves
nal ms unexplained.
carian glossary
349
ada
C.Si 2a
Nom. sg. in the formula ]ryin tmo sb=ada tmno Idrieus of Hekatomnos
and Ada of Hekatomnos.
Fem. PN: Ada (the Carian queen, Hekatomnos daughter and Idrieus
sister and wife): Ada in Greek sources, a typical Carian feminine name
(cf. Aba, Alasta) documented particularly in the regions of Mylasa and
Stratonikeia (Blmel KarPN:9).
Schrr (1992:138), Adiego (1994a: 40).
adymd
C.Si 1
Singular or plural nominative? Verbal form?
Cf. Adiego 2000:152. Final - could point to a nominative-accusative ending.
Melchert (apud Hajnal (1995[97]:18, n. 15) suggests that it could be a verb in
a reexive construction (he made for himself ): ad (made, cf. Lyc. ade) + md
(particle) + (reexive); y would be an anaptyctic vowel.
Cf. dymda in Hyllarima?
ait
C.Ka 2
Possible verbal form: 3. plur. pret. they have made = Lyc. aite (Car.
ai- = Lyc. a(i) to do, to make?).
Melchert (1998:35). See also Adiego (1998a:25, 2000:140141).
aitusi
C.Ka 5
Perhaps related to ait. A segmentation aitu could oer a good connection with Anatolian imperatives (cf. Lycian ttu they must put): therefore aitu, they must make, ai- to do, to make = Lyc. a(i) id.), but
the resulting nal word si would remain unexplained.
Adiego (1998a:25).
ai[-]iqom
E.AS 7
The segmentation of the word is very doubtful.
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chapter eleven
akymydueryly[vacat]d
C.xx 3
A complete inscription whose segmentation into words remains unclear.
The meaning of the whole inscription is unknown.
On this inscription, see Schrr (2001c). Schrr points out that the abundance
of vowel signs present here is very unusual in Carian. He isolates a form akymudu as a possible 3rd pl. imperative, with a < */-ndu/ ending comparable
to Hittite and Luwian corresponding endings. For akymy-, he proposes a connection with Hitt. ak(k)- to die. All these proposals are formulated within the
framework of a very speculative interpretation of the possible content of the
text. In any case, a segmentation akymydu eryl[ is likely, given the unusual
sequence ue.
The syllabic iteration y . . . y recalls the similar situation in ardybyr (as well
as dtbr, katbr, smdbrs), so that the rst y in these cases could in fact be secondary (epenthetic?): akymydu < *akmydu-.
Could this inscription actually be a sort of alphabet model (with the names
of letters: a-ky-my-du, etc.)?
aakowr
E.AS 4
amnnartnyr
C.Ka 2
Van den Hout (1999) claims to recognize here a clitic chain a==m=n, to be
compared with Lycian parallel forms. Cf. his analysis of at[ms]kmt.
at[ms]kmt
C.Ka 5
atmsk[m-]d
C.Ka 2
The respective integrations are dependent on each other, but given the
textual connections between C.Ka 2 and C.Ka 5, they seem to be well
founded. Some doubts persist, however, regarding the nal letters of
carian glossary
351
each word. Perhaps we are dealing with two dierently inected forms
of the same stem.
In C.Ka 5, the corresponding Greek text makes the meaning descendants a plausible interpretation.
See Adiego (1998a:24) and here on p. 300 for a very speculative attempt at
an etymological explanation (at- = Hitt. katta, mskm-, to be related to Luw.
maait- growth, prosperity, the overall sense of the word being ospring,
Nachkommenschaft).
A radically dierent approach is taken in van den Hout (1999): he suggests
analysing this form as a clitic-sequence, in which he underlines =ms=, interpreted as a pl. dat. of a 3rd sing. personal pronoun. As for the rest of the
elements (segmented as a==t=ms=km), he suggests some possible Lydian
parallels.
at[
C.Ka 5
It could be the same word as in the two preceding entries (at[mskm . . .]).
alos
E.Me 45
alosd
C.xx 2
Attested in both cases in agreement with the word arnos: alos arnos,
alosd arnosd. Tentatively connected with the Carian place name Halikarnassos (Alikarnassw), but this raises serious formal diculties.
Halikarnassos-identication already included in Adiego (1990:135136). With
more reservations: Adiego (1993a:245246), (1994a:40).
The duplicate ending -d points clearly to two dierent nouns (substantive
+ adjective or vice versa). In Adiego (2000:154) alos-d arnos-d is interpreted
as an ablative singular (Carian -d = Luw. -ti ) from Halikarnassos; alos arnos
in E.Me would be merely the name of the city in nominative (see here pp. 279,
315).
Other proposals: a salutation or wish formula (Gusmani 1979a:222), (1986:62);
Schrr (1992:153) interprets -s as a dative ending, which makes an analysis
of these forms as place names dicult.
amt [
C.Tr 1
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chapter eleven
an
C.Tr 2
ann
C.Ka 3
These forms appear in two funerary inscriptions. In C.Tr 2, an is accompanied by sidi, a typical word found in funerary contexts. In C.Ka 3,
it appears preceded and followed by two personal names in genitive
(orus and i brs ). The simplest interpretation is to consider an/ann a
demonstrative that functions as adjective modifying sidi in C.Tr 2 (this
tomb(?)), and as substantive governing the personal names in C.Ka 3
(this of oru (son of ) Ibrs).
For this interpretation, see Adiego (1996:161) and here pp. 290, 320. Also,
Hajnal sees here a demonstrative (Hajnal (1995[97]:20, from */eno-/). Adiego
(loc. cit.) suggests other possible forms of the pronoun in ankbu and amssi.
Schrr (1996c:158) proposes that ann C.Ka 3 designates the tomb, but given
an sidi of C.Tr 2, the interpretation as demonstrative seems more suitable.
ankbu
E.Bu 1, E.Bu 2
Perhaps a title or a kinship term (in nominative), given the contexts in
which it appears.
See Schrrs etymological attempt (Schrr 1996[98]:9798] to connect kbu
with the kinship terms kombow, kombion grandson, attested in several late Greek
inscriptions from Caria, and related to Hitt. kappi- little by Neumann (1961:61).
an would then be a sort of prex modifying in some way the kinship term
(cf. ep-ne ni in Lycian, from neni brother).
an[
C.Ka 2
amssi
C.Si 2a
Perhaps to be segmented into a mssi. In such a case, a comparison
with Luwian anni masanai, Lycian [e ]ni mahanahi mother of the Gods
would be striking. In any case, the reading, based only on the RobertDeroy edition of C.Si 2, is not absolutely certain.
Connection of mssi to Luwian maanaa/i-, Lycian maha(na)- suggested in
van den Hout (1999:39).
carian glossary
353
aor
E.Me 1 (aor[]), E.Bu 6
PN in genitive, Carian adaptation of an Egyptian name ( J-r literally
O(?) Horus, [ar], Greek Avw (?), see DNb:55).
Vittmann (2001:42).
apmen
E.Me 44a
PN in nominative, Carian adaptation of the Egyptian name p-mn (literally Apis is perpetual, *[apimn], Greek Apimenhw, see DNb:781).
ap[---]ws
E.Me 23
PN. It is not clear if it is a nominative of a s-stem, or a s-case.
a?qbaq
E.Th 10
a[rb]ikarm
E.Me 23
PN in genitive. If the form is correctly completed, it gives a Carian
name corresponding to Lycian (in Greek sources) Arpigramow (Zgusta
KPN 1041). The name would therefore be a compound ar-bikarm-.
For the second element, cf. pikarm-/pikrm-.
Completed and connected to Arpigramow by Kammerzell (1993:214), this view
is commonly accepted: see for instance Schrr (1992:139), Adiego (1994a:31)
(with further remarks on the structure of the name).
ardybyr
E.Me 52
PN in genitive. Corresponding to the Carian name in Greek adaptation
Arduberow. A name belonging to the family of names in -(d )ybr-.
Connection to Arduberow already suggested by Ray (1982b:189), but seriously
hampered by his decipherment system (argbr ). See Adiego (1993a:225226),
(1994a:40).
The doubts about the exact reading raised in Schrr (2001c:119)who suggests an alternative interpretation a | rdybyr )are not particularly convincing, and in any case do not alter this correct identication.
On this family of names, see Adiego (1993a:224227).
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chapter eleven
are
C.Ia 3
Probably a PN in singular nominative (but a plural nominative cannot
be ruled out). It is possible that the beginning of the word is incomplete.
arie ?
E.Me 38
PN in genitive.
arjom
E.Me 42
PN in genitive. The connection with the PN arliom- is unclear: is it
perhaps a variant, parallel to arri, ari (Arrissiw), as well as arli
(Arlissiw). Independently of this possible connection, compare also arjwith the Carian PNs Ariauow or Aridvliw.
Schrr (1992:134) suggests attributing the alternation arjom-/arliom to a dialectal variation.
ari
C.St 1
ari
C.Hy 1a
PN in nominative (ari ) and genitive (ari ). Correspondence to the
Greek adaptation Arrissiw is conrmed by the evidence of the bilingual
inscription C.Hy 1, where the name Arrissiw appears in the Greek
part (although the individuals mentioned are not necessarily the same).
Given this identication, ari could be a variant spelling of arri, q.v.
Both ari-Arrissiw and arri could be variants of arli-Arlissiw, as arjom
against arliom. See arjom for further remarks.
arila
E.Me 39
PN in genitive. Perhaps a Carian adaptation of the Greek PN Arxlaow
(Dor. Arxlaw). For the use of for a Greek velar stop, cf. ursle-.
Greek origin already suggested by Ray (1994:202)]. For an interpretation as
an purely Anatolian name, see Adiego (1993a:240).
carian glossary
355
arliom
E.Me 9 (arlio[m]), E.Me 43b
PN in genitive. It is the Carian name that appears as Arlivmow in
Greek sources.
For the identication, see Adiego (1990:134; 1993a:231; 1994a:35).
arli
E.Ab 24
arli
E.Me 9, E.Me 15, E.Me 51
PN in nominative (arli ) and genitive (arli ), corresponding to Arlissiw
in Greek sources. Cf. moreover the Carian place name Arlissow. The
stem seems to be the same as arliom-. Note also the possible variants
ari, arri.
Connection to Arlissiw already stated in Faucounau (1984:236). Cf. Adiego
(1993a:230; 1994a, n. 3.3).
armon
E.Me 8a, C.Eu 2
In E.Me 8a, noun in nominative: dragoman, interpreter, corresponding
to Egyptian p3 wm dragoman, interpreter in this bilingual inscription.
In C.Eu 2: function and meaning unknown (it would be very unlikely
for it to have the same meaning as in the other example).
For a detailed discussion of the problems posed by the exact meaning of
Egyptian p3 wm, see Vittmann (2001:5052), who argues convincingly for the
sense interpreter, and dispels all the doubts raised in Masson-Yoyotte (1956)
and subsequent literature about this interpretation.
Janda (1994:180182), starting from the alleged meaning herald, proposes
for armon- an origin from *ar(V)ma-wanni-, where *ar(V)ma- would correspond
to HLuw. ataman-/adaman-/ name, assuming a semantic change, name >
determination, decision. The meaning dragoman corresponds even better to
the semantics of this explanation (perhaps interpreter: who names the things
in another language) but the sound changes assumed are ad hoc.
For armon in C.Eu 2, see above p. 309.
armotrqdos
C.Hy 1a
Most probably a dvandva-like compound formed by the divine names
armo- (Carian version of the Anatolian moon-god Arma-) and trqd- (the
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chapter eleven
ari
E.Bu 1(ar[]i), E.Bu 2
PN in nominative. The identication with the Carian name from Greek
sources, Arris(s)iw, depends on the exact value of the letter transcribed
as , but this is now reinforced by the certain equivalence ari (q.v.)
= Arrissiw in Hyllarima (where there is no letter ). The connection
of all of these forms to arli-Arlissiw is unclear (cf. also arjom- and
arliom-).
Adiego (1992a:34). See also Adiego (1994a:35).
artay
E.Me 22
PN in genitive, to be compared with Artaow, although the Greek adaptation as an o-stem could mean that the stem is not exactly the same.
Cf. also Arthumow (Zgusta KPN 109, Blmel KarPN:11), which can
be analyzed as a stem, *artay-/artey-, followed by a sux, -m-. The nal
part of Arthumow recalls names such as paraeym- parpeym-. For art /Artcf. also Artuassiw, Aryuassiw.
Adiego (1993a:231232; 1994a:35).
artmi
C.Tr 2
PN in nominative(?). It could be the Greek goddess name Artemiw,
directly used as personal name (cf. Lydian artimu, also attested both as
personal and god names), or a variant form of the Carian name Artimhw.
The problem posed by the relationship between the Greek divine name (of
Asian origin?) Artemis, and the family of Anatolian names collected in Zgusta
KPN 108 (Arteimaw, Arteimow, Artimhw, etc.), is not at all clear, and cannot
carian glossary
357
be dealt with here (see remarks in Zgusta KPN:102 and Adiego-DebordVarinlio<lu 2005:611). Cf. also the Carian name rtim.
The ambiguous structure of C.Tr 2 does not mean we can dismiss the theory that artmi could be a dative, see above p. 290.
artmon
C.Tr 1(art{ }mon)
PN in nominative. It is the Carian adaptation of the Greek name
Artmvn. Note the identical adaptation in Sidetic (artmon).
The Greek PN Artmvn is well documented in Caria. For instance,
it appears in the well-known inscription of Halikarnassos, SGDI 5727,
where it is used by individuals whose fathers name is clearly Carian
(Artmvnow to Panamuv, Artm[v]na Territ, etc.).
For the identication, see Schrr apud Adiego (1994, 3.49).
abt
E.Th 13
a[-]mob[
C.Al 1
a[--]a[----]om
C.St 1
The nal part clearly indicates a PN in genitive (for the ending, cf.
names such as arliom-, kbjom-, etc.
bal
E. Th 49
PN?
baqgk[. . .]
C.Ia 5
bebi
E.Th 23
It seems to be an incomplete form of bebint, see the following entry.
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bebint
E.Th 28 (bebi.nt), E.Th 30, E.Si 4 (be?bint), E.AS 7
Word of unknown function and meaning. In E.Th 28 and E.Si 4 it appears
preceded by a diamond-like sign (t, K) whose function is uncertain.
Former readings of some of these testimonies raised doubts about the second
letter of the word (w rather than e e), but a unied reading, bebint, must
now be preferred (see Schrr 2001b:108).
Schrr has argued in dierent works in favour of an interpretation as a
verb (a third singular preterite form, see Schrr 1996a:65) with the meaning
to oer (Schrr 2001b:108). It is also seen as a verb by Hajnal (1995[97]:18):
a 3rd sg. present he sends of the verbal root that he also recognizes also in
binq (q.v.).
bebnd
E.Th 6
Perhaps related to the preceding entry (bebint).
bejeym
E.Th 28
Perhaps a PN in nominative. As for the nal part of the word, cf. the
PNs paraeym, parpeym.
beol
E.Ab 23
PN in nominative. Although no directly comparable form is attested
in Greek sources, it recalls other Carian names with -ol (Greek -vllow,
-vldow).
betkrqit[-- . . .]
E.Si 5
bi
C.Ka 2 (2)
C.Ka 5
Apparently a conjunction or particle, as it appears in C.Ka 2 following an accusative otr (themselves). In this same passage, it seems to
be used as a postclitic in correlation: . . . bi . . . bi. Its identication in
C.Ka 5 is less certain. Cf. also another example ]bi in C.Ka 2.
On the possible dierent interpretations of bi, see p. 302.
carian glossary
359
bidlemsa
E.Ab 30
Function and meaning unknown. Not a PN, because it precedes an
onomastic formula in nominative. Cf. perhaps [--]msal (E.Bu 1), which
also precedes a PN in nominative.
Hajnal (1995[97]:23) proposes the segmentation bidlem sa, where sa would be
a demonstrative (see sa). For the rst word, he suggests that em indicates a
participle.
bijpe
E. Si 8
Probably a PN in nominative.
binq
C.Si 1
A verb? The reading of the last letter is not absolutely certain.
Hajnal (1995[97]:18): ich schenkte, 1st sg. pret. < */piann-a/, to be compared to Hitt, piyanni- to send. For the same verb also bint, bebint as 3rd
sg. present.
bsis
E.Ab 30
b?s?uiam
E.Lu 5
buy[-----]i[-----]i
C.Ka 5
b
E.AS 7
A word that apparently agrees with the following: (esak?dow ). A demonstrative pronoun in accusative or nominative plural?
The idea of a demonstrative pronoun has been repeatedly defended by Schrr
(see Schrr 1996a:69, 2001b:98, 112): b- would come from PA *ob/i-( >
CLuw. apa-, Lyc. ebe-) with aphaeresis (as in HLuw. pa- besides apa-, or Lyd.
bi- [pi-]). The ending - can be compared with -, the acc. pl. animate ending in C.Ka 5.
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bta
E.Si 6
PN in nominative?
banol
C.My 1 (2)
PN in nominative. Perhaps the Carian name corresponding to Ibanvlliw
in its Greek adaptation.
For this possible connection with Ibanvlliw, see Blmel-Kzl (2004:134), Adiego
(2005:85).
bem
E.Me 17
PN in genitive.
b2o[--]ol
C.Ka 5
Noun in plural accusative. It appears in a long sequence that corresponds to the Greek formula projnouw e[nai k]a eergtaw Kaunv[n].
Frei-Marek (1997:3839) try to bring this word closer to 1orsol (completing
therefore [rs]). However, this solution implies that the initial letter of the word,
(here transcribed by b2), has to be likened to 1, contradicting the theory
defended in the present book, that is a letter for b (see also Adiego 1998a:23).
As for the meaning, it hardly can be descendents, as Frei-Marek suggests,
given the clear correspondence otr = atow. b2o[--]ol must rather be a word
at the same level as kbdyn (in kbdyn sb b2o[--]ol ). In Adiego a connection of
b2o[--]ol with Imbros, the citadel near Kaunos, is very tentatively suggested.
See pp. 299300.
brsi
carian glossary
361
dbikrm
E.Th 19
PN in nominative. Can be analysed as (i)d- + bikrm. For the rst element, cf. d-quq- (Greek Idagugow), d-wol/id-uol- (Greek Idussvllow),
d-biks. For the second element, cf. pikrm/pikarm (cf. also Pigramiw, Pigramow
in Lycia, Zgusta KPN 12551, 2).
Note below the devocalised form dbkrm.
dbiks
E.Th 13
PN in nominative. A compound name formed by d- (see dbikrm above)
and biks (see piks[ ).
dbkrm
E.Ab 34
PN in nominative. A variant form of dbikrm.
dmobqs
E.Si 11
Perhaps a PN.
See the study dedicated to this word by Schrr (1996b). There, bqs is connected with piks-/biks- and other forms that are derived from PIE *bh hos (see
piks-).
dm-?-n
E.Th 34
It could be a noun in accusative singular, given the context (prnanon
dm-?-n).
dokmmpint
E.Th 4
dquq
E.Th 44
PN in nominative. It corresponds to Idagugow in Greek sources, a compound name (i)d- (see dbikrm-) + quq- (see quq-).
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chapter eleven
For this identication, see Adiego (1993a:235; 1994a:3536). Tentatively compared in Adiego (1995:27, n. 9) with Milyan ddxug[, but the segmentation and
the interpretation of this latter form are doubtful (see Schrr 1996b:154).
driem
E.Th 53
PN in nominative?
Initial dr recalls dar in darqemorms[. Note that in Thebes d is practically
absent, and its function could be assumed here by d.
saml-?-?-$o
E.Th 16
dtbr
E.Th 2
PN in nominative. It belongs to the family of names in -(d)ybr- (and
variants). Cf. ardybyr-, dybr, etc.
On this family of names, see Adiego (1993a:224227)
dwol
E.Me 35
PN in genitive. This is a variant with aphaeresis (or no notation of the
initial vowel) of the name now attested in its complete form in Mylasa
(iduol-), which corresponds to Idussvllow. A compound name (i)d- (see
dbikrm-) + uol (cf. uol-/ Ussvllow).
For this identication, see Adiego (1993a:241). Aphaeresis suggested by Neumann
apud Adiego ibid.).
Schrr (1996b:154) recalls, in addition to Idussvllow, the Carian name
Yussvllow.
dbr
E.Th 5
PN in nominative. A name belonging to the family of names in -(d)ybr-.
On this family of names, see Adiego (1993a:224227)
carian glossary
363
dymda
C.Hy 1a
Meaning and function unknown. Cf. in any case adymd in C.Si 1.
darqemorms[
C.St 2
Part of an onomastic formula, like those that precede it in the same
inscription?
Schrr (2001c:119) proposes the segmentation dar qem orm s[ and interpreting qem as a participle. For dar, if a PN, compare with Andarsvw and probably also Dersvw (see p. 246).
den
E.Sa 1
Analysed as a sort of preposition (comparable to Hitt. andan) governing tumn
(= for Atum) in Adiego (1995:2123). See here p. 287.
drual
C.Ka 5
Unclear form. It must correspond in some way to Greek p dhmio[u]rgo
in the bilingual inscription C.Ka 5, but the precise analysis remains
unclear.
An attractive theory has been formulated independently by Hajnal (1997b:150)
and Melchert (1998:37; cf. also 2002:308) that the entire sequence i[--]inis d
rual can be analysed as under the ship of Hi[pposth]enes, with d < *nde =
Lyc. te in(to), i[]inis genitive/possessive, and rual as a noun corresponding to the title dhmio[u]rgo. Attempts to nd an etymological explanation for
rual (Hajnal 1997b:151, from */erow-/ freeedom, cf. Lyc. arawa-; Schrr
2001b:109110, a similar explanation, but starting from a dierent analysis
of the sequence) seem somewhat rash.
emsglpn
E.AS 4
364
chapter eleven
en
E.Me 32
mother (nominative). It corresponds to Lycian eni, Lydian ena, CLuw.
anni mother. Carian vocalism points to an i-mutation stem (*ani-)
and subsequent umlaut a > e caused by this i-sux.
For this meaning, see Schrr (1996a:62), Hajnal (1995[97]:2122). For i-mutation and umlaut, see Schrr (2001b:97) and here on p. 259.
eri
C.Si 2a
Function and meaning unknown.
In Adiego (2000:143144) it is interpreted as a noun with the meaning tax
exemption, tleia, functioning as direct object of pisoi mda (q.v.). Moreover,
a connection with Lycian arawa- tax exemption is suggested. Neumann (apud
Adiego 2000:144) envisages the possibility that eri could be a preverb identical to Lycian eri. All of these hypotheses are dependent on a particular interpretation of C.Si 2 traced in Adiego (2000), cf. here on p. 304.
esak?dow
E.AS 7
Very likely to be a compound noun that seems to contain the stem
kdow- (cf. kdou in E.Bu 1), usually interpreted as the Carian word for
king (cf. Lycian xtawat(i )- king, and the form KNDW/KNDWS in
the Aramaic part of the Trilingual inscription of the Letoon of Xanthos,
which is perhaps a direct reection of the Carian word).
See Adiego (1995:1821) for a detailed discussion of this question. The most
compelling point of this interpretation is undoubtedly the coexistence in E.AS
7 of esak?dow and pismak (= Psammetichus)separated by the word mqudem
that opens the possibility of interpreting them as the king . . . Psammetichus,
and of linking this inscription to the well-known long Greek grato, also from
Abu-Simbel, in which this Pharaoh is also mentioned. But decisive formal
details of esak?dow remain unexplained: the value of initial esa-, and the precise
function of -, which seems to agree with the word preceding esak?dow, b
and which recalls the ending of plural accusative in C.Ka 5, which would make
the interpretation king Psammetichus very dicult to argue (see here on
p. 294).
carian glossary
365
ewlane
E.Th 49
See following entry and ewmlane.
ewm
E.Th 10, E.Th 13
A typical sequence in Theban grati: Cf. slmaewm, which can perhaps
be segmented into slma ewm, the incomplete form ewm-?-?-?-?, and the
sequence ewmlane. Note also ew in the preceding entry ewlane.
See p. 323 for a possible segmentation into two elements ew+m.
ewmlane
E.Th 12, E.Th 44
One of the alleged verbs in mlane, mdane, q.v. Note that the segmentation is not clear (ew+mlane, ewm+lane or ew+m+lane?), see p. 323.
euml ?bnasal
E.Bu 2
Analysis, function and meaning are unknown. Cf. eypsal also in Buhen,
which would allow us to isolate an element sal.
Could be sal and adverb with the meaning here (cf., for the ending, Lyc.
ebeli, and for the stem, the pronoun sa-/sn-).
ewm-?-?-?-?
E.Th 52
See ewm entry.
eypsal
E.Bu 6
See euml?bnasal above.
gkem
E.Th 44
PN in genitive
grdso[-]i[
C.Ka 2
Probably related to qrds, qrdsol, especially since it appears in a sequence
qrds grdso[-]i[ that could constitute a type of gura etymologica.
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chapter eleven
gdbla1i[-]
C.Ka 2
i[---]inis
C.Ka 5
PN, probably with s-ending. This incomplete name must be the Carian
adaptation of the Greek Hipposthenes, the name of the demiurge in
the bilingual inscription C.Ka 5. Tentatively completed as i[poz]inis
(Frei-Marek 1997:31).
For this interpretation, see drual. However, an alternative segmentation i[---]ini
sdrual (thus Schrr) cannot be discounted. As for the missing letters, FreiMareks solution is quite good, but not the only possibility (the use of <z>
for Greek sy is impossible to demonstrate).
ialli
E.Ab 40
PN in nominative.
iarja
E.Ab 2
PN in genitive.
iasoum
C.Ki 1
See here p. 142 on the doubts about the exact reading and a very hypothetical alternative reading.
ibarsi
E.Ab 3
ibrsi
E.Bu 4
PNs in genitive. Alternate forms of a name corresponding to Imbras(s)iw/
Imbarsiw in the Greek source. For further remarks, see the variant form
brsi-.
ibrsdr[-]
C.Ka 4
The initial sequence is undoubtedly related to the ibarsi-/ibrsi-/brsifamily of words, but both the precise analysis and the segmentation
carian glossary
367
into elements are not clear. Perhaps we must segment ibr-s dr[ and
identify here a construction similar to i[---]ni-s drual (under the demiurge Hipposthenes, according to the Greek translation) in C.Ka 5.
Connection to ib(a)rsi-family already noted in Schrr (1992:140). Schrr also
recalls Imbrow, the name of a citadel near Kaunos (Zgusta KON 3731,
Blmel KarON:168), and whilst in former works he suggested that ibrs could
be the ethnic name of Imbros, following the discovery of the Kaunos bilingual he prefers to take ibr as the actual name of the citadel, and to interpret ibr-s dr[u] as (in?) Imbros, the people (with *sdru- people as the basis
for sdrual demiurgos). However, s is most likely to be an ending, both here
and in C.Ka 5.
ibrs
C.Ka 3
PN in genitive. The same name as ib(a)rsi-, or a name closely related
to it.
The doubts about the analysis lie in the absence of i at the end of the stem.
It could simply be the result of a defective notation, or perhaps the reection
of a dierent suxation (for instance -s- < *-so- against -si- < *-siyo-).
idmns
E.Me 33a
E.Me 33b
PN. Case unclear (nominative of an s-stem, or rather a stem idmn- with
a dative -s ending?). It seems to be a compound whose rst element
is (i)d-, cf, iduol-/dwol-/Idussvllow, etc.
idmuon
E.Me 18b
PN in genitive. No parallel forms in Greek sources. It could be analyzed as a compound name: id + muon-. For the rst element, see the
preceding entry (idmns), whilst -muon- could belong to the family of
muwa- names.
Janda (1994:176) suggests interpreting this name as a derivative of the Carian
place name Iduma by means of the ethnic sux Luw. -wanni-: aus Iduma stammend.
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chapter eleven
idrayridsemdbq
C.My 1
Heading of the long inscription of Mylasa, followed by the words mol
tu[, and a list of onomastic formulae. This sequence, undoubtedly constituted by more than one word, remains impossible to analyse.
See here on p. 308 for the sequence idrayri.
iduol
C.My 1
PN in genitive. Carian name rendered in Greek as Idussvllow. For its
analysis, see the variant form dwol-.
Blmel-Kzl (2004:137).
idyes
E.Me 63a
PN in genitive. Initial id recalls the lexical element (i)d-/Id-, see dwol-.
idym
C.Ka 4
The nal - could point to a plural accusative (and also nominative?).
A stem idym- recalls the Carian place name Iduma.
idyri
C.Eu 1
C.My 1
PN in genitive. A clear compound name id+yri-, still not attested in
Greek sources. For the rst element, cf. (i)d-/Id- in dquq, iduol, etc. The
second element is the well-known stem yri-/yriq- /diq-/d- (Greek
-urigow, -udigow).
Cf. Blmel-Kzl (2004:137), who reconstruct a possible Greek adaptation
*Idurigow. For a unifying explanation of yri-/yriq- /diq-/d-, see pp. 262263.
inut
E.Ab 18
PN in genitive.
carian glossary
369
ionel
E.xx 3
PN in genitive. It could contain the same stem as Ionia, Ionian.
For this connection, see Schrr (1991[93]:173), Adiego (apud Schrr ibid.). In
Adiego (1994:49, n.15) a detailed account of the possible process is given:
starting from *iona- < *iyauna- < *iyawana- Ionian (cf. Lyc. Ijna-), *-wanawould be the ethnic sux Luw. -wanni-, Lyc. -ni, Carian -yn/-on.
irasa
E.Si 3
PN in nominative? The context is very unclear.
irow
E.Me 14, E.Me 16
irow
E.Me 27
PN in nominative (irow) and genitive (irow ). Most likely to be a feminine name in E.Me 16 and 27 (see pp. 272273). As according to
Vittmann, a name of Egyptian origin: J.r=w (attested both as a masculine and feminine name), phonetically [irw] or [ j6rw].
Vittmann (2001:45). Egyptian origin already suggested in Ray (1994: 202). The
Egyptian interpretation for irow now seems preferable to former attempts to
analyse it as Anatolian (cf. Ray 1982b:184, Melchert apud Adiego 1995:23,
Hajnal 1995[97]:27, n. 38), especially given the diculties raised by the dierent
proposals of this type (see Adiego 1993a:247; 1995:2324).
isor
E.xx 1
PN in genitive, of Egyptian origin: it is the adaptation of Ns-r (literally (s)he belongs to Horus, phonetically reconstructed *[6sr]; Greek
perhaps Esour, Esouriw, etc., DemNb:685).
Vittmann (2001:50). Former attempts to connect it to the Anatolian place name
Isaura (Adiego 1993a:247) must be ruled out.
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chapter eleven
iturow
E.Me 32
PN in genitive, whose feminine character is clear from the context (the
word en mother refers to it). Carian adaptation of the Egyptian (both
masc. and fem.) PN Jr.t=w-r.r=w (DemNb:70) *[ j6turw], Greek Iyorvw.
Ray (1994:202). See Vittmann (2001:45) for the phonetically reconstructed form.
ikr
E.AS 5
PN in genitive
jzpe
C.xx 2
PN? It immediately precedes mdane in the inscription.
In Adiego (2000:154) it is analysed as a PN in dative. Schrr (1996a:65), takes
Jzpe to be the name of the donor of the object (presumably in nominative).
Hajnal (1997b:150) interprets the entire sequence alosd arnosd jzpe as a dating formula zur Zeit der ?-schaft von Jzpe, but he does not explain the precise morpho-syntactical status of jzpe.
All the attempts to nd explanations for a possible PN jzpe are somewhat
speculative: Schrr (1996a:65, n. 14) compares jzpe with the Lydian PN itubelm, and Hajnal (1997b:150, n. 14) recalls the Persan PN Vitspa-/Ustsphw.
kattri
E.Ab 25
PN in genitive
kbdmu
C.My 1
PN in genitive. Perhaps a compound name kbd+mu-. The rst element
clearly recalls the place name kbid- Kaunos (for the omission of the
vowel, cf. particularly the form of the ethnic name kbd-yn- ), although
it is not clear if the PN alluded directly to the place name or if it contained the common noun from which the place name was created. As
for the second element, it seems to be the well-known Anatolian stem
muwa-, strength, force.
carian glossary
371
kbdyn
C.Ka 5
Kaunians (in plural accusative). Meaning assured by the Greek part
of the bilingual C.Ka 5. An ethnic noun derived from the place name
kbid- Kaunos (q.v.) by means of a sux -yn- that corresponds to Lycian
-ni-, Milyan -wni-, CLuw. -wanni-.
Identication as ethnic name and comparison of -yn- with the Luwic sux
already in Frei-Marek (1997:37, 50).
kbidn
C.Ka 5
Carian name of the city of Kaunos (cf. the Lycian form xbide), or, more
improbably, an ethnic name derived from it (cf. kbdyn ). Morphological
analysis is unclear.
Cf. the Lycian name of this city, Xbide, and the Aramaic adaptation
of the god name Kaunian king, KDW/KDWS KBYDY.
For the reading of the last letter of the word, see Frei-Marek (1998:2). It is
possible that this city name was in Carian a plurale tantum (as is presumably
Lycian xbide), according to Hajnal (1997b:149), see also Melchert (2001:310,
n. 12). Both Hajnal and Melchert (loc. cit.) point to a genitive plural (-n <
*-m), but while Hajnal imagines a true genitival value (decree of Kaunos),
Melchert suggests that this genitive plural could become a dative-locative, like
in Lydian (therefore kbidn in Kaunos).
For the possibility that kbidn is an ethnic name (in nominative plural, from
*kbid-wen-is), see Adiego (1998a:20), (2002:1920). For a possible etymology of
the names in kb, see p. 334.
kbjom
E.Me 12, E.Me 32, E.Th 13
PN in genitive. Carian name adapted in Greek as Kebivmow. kbjom- also
appears in the compound name arkbiom.
Adiego (1993a:232). Hajnal (1995[97]) suggests that this name would contain
a participle < */piemmo//- given, with an alleged change *^m > om. For a
possible etymology of the names in kb, see p. 334.
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chapter eleven
kblow
E.Th 46
PN in genitive.
kbokt
E.Th 2
PN in genitive.
See Adiego (1994b:252), where the name is analysed as a compound formed
by kbo- (cf. kbo-s, perhaps also taqbo-s) and kt (cf. ktmno).
kbos
E.Me 24
Ethnic name? (Keramean?). It could be formed from a place name
kbo- (Keramos? see Konuk 2000b) by means of an -s- sux (cf. otonos-n from otono- Athens).
For this interpretation, based on the peculiar structure of E.Me 24, see above
p. 278. The interpretation was already suggested by Schrr (2003:116, n. 1).
For a possible etymology of the names in kb, see p. 334.
kdou
E.Bu 1
Noun in genitive.
Could it be the Carian word for king? See esa?kdow.
kdu. si
E.Ab 35
PN in genitive. It seems to contain the lexical element kd-, as esa?kdow,
kdou, kduol (= Hitt., Luw. ant-).
kduol
C.xx 4, C.xx 5
PN? It seems to be a name of the uol-family, but the nal - could
be a plural ending (cf. kbdyn, sarni, etc.) Note also the element kd- (see
preceding entry).
Schrr (2001b:117) suggests that we are dealing with the plural of an adjective whose meaning would be belonging to the king (= the god) (for the
meaning king, cf. esa? kdow, kdou ).
carian glossary
373
kduopizipususot
C.Hy 1b
Sequence most probably consisting of more than one word, but impossible to be segment with any condence.
Note the presence of the sequence kdu , to be related either totally or partially to esa?kdow, kdou, kduol.
ken
E.Th 28
kidbsi
E.Me 15
Ethnic name (less probably PN) in genitive. It could be (at least originally) the ethnic name derived from a place name *kidb-, to be identied
with the Carian city Kinduh in Greek sources.
Hajnal (1998:90). Schrr has attempted to establish dierent connections for
this word, which he instead considers a PN: comparison with the Carian name
Kindacow (Blmel KarPN:16), name of the father of the founder of Masanvrada,
according to Stephan of Byzantium (Schrr 1991[93]:170); connection to Mil.
xtabasi, poss. adj. of xtaba ruler (Schrr 1996b:152) and to the Cilician
names Kendebhw, Kendhbhw, Kendhbaw (Schrr 2001b:105), for these latter names,
see Zgusta KPN 576).
kilarad [
C.Ki 1
kil[
C.Ki 1
Place name: the Carian city of Kildara/Killara (Kildara/Killara). In
the rst example it is not clear if d belongs to the word.
The identication was made already by Kowalski (1975:79, 83), although his
transcription was still very unsatisfactory (krzara).
klorul
E.Me 6
Ethnic name, title, or common noun in nominative. Hardly a PN, given
the structure of the inscription in which it appears.
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chapter eleven
See above p. 270, where the inscription is analysed and this word is taken as
an ethnic name. Schrr (1992:135) instead suggests that it is a common noun
with the meaning wife, because he interprets the entire inscription triqo parma
i klorul i as Triqo (f.), the wife of Parma.
knor
C.Kr 1
kojol
E.Me 44a
Ethnic name, title or sim. in nominative. Hardly a PN, given the structure of the inscription in which it appears.
Above p. 271, kojol is analysed as an ethnic name and tentatively related to
the name of the island Kos. This connection is hampered by the fact that the
name of the person to which kojol seems to make reference, is of Egyptian
origin. Schrr (1992:155) proposes interpreting kojol as a title in -ol (like
nuol, sarmrol), and suggests connecting it with the Carian gloss koon, sheep.
kolt
E.Si 2
kom
E.Th 39
PN in genitive
kowrn[. . .?
E.Si 2
kow[?-?]
E.Th 24
krws
E.Th 39, E.Th 45 (krw)
PN in nominative.
ksbo
C.My 1
PN in nominative. Carian name that corresponds to Xasbvw (all the
examples are from Mylasa) in Greek sources. Cf. also Kasbvlliw.
Blmel-Kzl (2004:137).
carian glossary
375
ksolb
E.Me 43a
Ethnic name (less probably PN) in genitive (see above p. 269). In either
case, it seems to be related to the place name Kasvlaba from Greek
sources.
Schrr (1992:143), Adiego (1994a:36). As an ethnic name: Janda (1994:174).
katbr
E.Th 2
PN in nominative. Name belonging to the -(d)ybr-family. Cf. in this case
the Lycian name Janduberiw (Zgusta KPN 1061).
For this family of names, see dbr-.
kmmsm[. . .]
E.AS 8
ktais
C.Eu 1
PN in s-case (dative case) or, less likely, in nominative. Carian form
of the Greek name Ekataow.
For the identication: Schrr (1992:154), Schrr apud Adiego (1994a:39,
1994b:252). In Adiego (1994a:39) ktais is interpreted as an s-stem created from
a Greek nominative (like Lycian zeus-, from Zew), but in the present book an
analysis of -s as an ending is preferred (see pp. 288289).
ktmn
E.Th 37
PN, perhaps an incomplete form of ktmno (see the following entry).
Adiego (1994b:251).
ktmno
E.Th 25
PN in nominative, corresponding to Ekatomnvw (Zgusta KPN 32513,
Blmel KarPN:13) in Greek sources. Note the variant tmo-.
Adiego (1994b:251252).
376
chapter eleven
kt ?tri
E.Ab 40.
PN in genitive. Perhaps related to the PN kattri.
kuaribar
E.Me 18a
An unclear form. Perhaps it must be segmented into kuari bar, the rst
word being a PN in genitive (cf. the following entry kwar ). However,
bar would remain unexplained.
kwar
E.Me 31
PN in genitive.
kudtubr
E.Th 9
PN in nominative. It apparently belongs to the family of names in
-(d)ybr-, but note the use of u instead of y/ (like odubr-, q.v.)
kwri
E.Th 34
PN in genitive. Perhaps it contains the same stem as kwar-, kuaribar.
arnos
E.Me 45
arnosd
C.xx 2
See alos, alosd.
arr
E.Ab 32
PN in genitive.
aye
E.Ab 31
PN in nominative.
diye
C.St 2
PN in genitive.
carian glossary
377
i
E.Sa 2: qri i; E.Me 6 (2): parma i, klorul i; E.Me 8b: armon
i, E.Me 9: arlio[m] i; E.Me 10 (3): q[---] i, [mw]don [i], [--]word i; E.Me 12: mwdon i; E.Me 13 (2): wet i, mwdon i;
E.Me 16 (2): pikra i, mwdon i; E.Me 17: bem i; E.Me 18b (2):
idmuon i, mdayn i; E.Me 19: zmu i; E.Me 20 (2): rwli i,
mwdon i; E.Me 21: qblsi i; E.Me 23: a[rb]ikarm i; E.Me 25:
parpeym i; E.Me 28 (2): pntmun i, mwdon i; E.Me 30: pleq
i; E.Me 31 (2): kwarmHm i, mwdon []i; E.Me 32 (2): i en,
mw[d]on i; E.Me 33a (2): myre i, mdayn i; E.Me 33b: myre i;
E.Me 35: mwdon i; E.Me 38: i ted; E.Me 40 (2): pikrm i, mwdon
i; E.Me 42 (3): mwsat : i, mwdon : i, tbridbd : i; E.Me 43a:
rquq i; E.Me 43b: mno i; E.Me 44a: kojol i; E.Me 44b: mwton
i; E.Me 45 (2): [?]iam i, yi{}biks i; E.Me 46b: mwdon i;
E.Me 47: paraibrel i; E.Me 48: [-]owt i; E.Me 50b: psimt i;
E.Me 57: ]i i; E.Me 58: ]s i; E.Bu 6: urseak i; E.xx 1: isor i;
C.Eu 2: omob i; C.Si 2a: pdamu i
j
E.Me 36
Originally a relative pronoun, turned into a particle for introducing
complements. From PA *k wis < PIE *k wis (Hitt., CLuw. kui, Lycian ti,
Milyan ki ). Most spellings point to a postclitical usage, with the exception of E.Me 32: i en, where it seems to be proclitic.
See Adiego (1993a:213216) for a brief status quaestionis and for a functional
comparison of i with the Old Persian relative constructions. Compared to
Lycian and Milyan relatives in Adiego (1994a:46). See Hajnal (1997a) for a
more detailed treatment and here pp. 273275.
i
E.AS 7
Meaning and function are unclear.
Schrr (2001:98) compares it to the Lycian indenite pronoun tike (cf. also
Milyan -kike). While the comparison is sound from a phonological point of
view, the presence of an indenite pronoun in E.AS 7 depends on the overall interpretation of the inscription, a question that remains unresolved.
iqud
E.Si 1
Very probably a PN in nominative.
378
chapter eleven
lbiks
E.Th 33
PN in genitive. It seems to include the nominal stem -biks- (cf. piks[,
dbiks, biks, yi{}biks-, but there are no clear parallels for the resulting rst element l-.
lmud [?
C.Ia 3
Perhaps an epithet of the word that it follows, the GN trqude Tarhunt,
although other interpretations cannot be discounted (for instance, a verbal form).
The possibility of a word in agreement with trqude would increase if we accept
Gusmanis proposal of reading a letter e after lmud [ (therefore trqude lmude,
with the same ending for both words).
?mpi
E.Si 10
tmo
C.Si 2a (2)
PN in genitive. It is the typical Carian name Ekatomnvw (cf. the variant form ktmno), that here makes direct reference to the well-known
Carian dynast Hekatomnos, the father of Maussollos, Artemisia, Idrieus
and Ada.
Schrr (1992:137). See also Adiego (1994b). Neumann has repeatedly argued
in favour of a purely Greek origin of the name (a hypochoristicon of an
*Ekatmnhstow: Neumann apud Schrr 1993:137, n. 6; Neumann apud Adiego
1994b:248; Neumann 1994:17), but the existence in Carian of a noun mnoson means that we can analyse the name as a Carian compound kt+mno (for
kt- cf. Akta-ussvllow, kbo-kt-, etc. see Adiego 1994b).
toi
C.My 1
toi
PN in nominative (toi) and genitive (toi ). Tentatively compared to
ktai-, Ekataow.
See Adiego (2005:9091). For the reading toi, see Blmel (2005:188).
carian glossary
379
yrapai
C.Ka 2
yrpai
C.Ka 2
Two forms apparently belonging to the same paradigm: genitive (urapai- ) and perhaps nominative (yrpai ). It is not clear, however, if we
are dealing with a PN. Note the divergent vocalisation rp/rap.
[-]urb
E.Ab 36
PN in genitive
[--8--]tud[
C.Si 2a
limtaoa
C.Ia 1
lkor
E.Me 2, E.Me 36
PN in genitive
loubaw
E.Me 49
PN in nominative. It appears in the contentious inscription E.Me 49.
lrH
C.Si 2a
ltari
E.Ab 4, E.Ab 5 (ltari[])
PN in genitive
lse
E.Th 35
lsi
E.Me 43a
PN in nominative and genitive. However, it is not totally clear if we
are dealing with two forms belonging to the same paradigm (which
380
chapter eleven
lys[ikl ]an
C.Ka 5
lysiklas[-?]
C.Ka 5
PN in accusative (lysikla-n) and in genitive/possessive (lysikla-s(-?)).
Carian adaptation of the Greek name Lusiklw. It is not clear if lysiklas is a complete form (of a true genitive in -s) or if a further letter
must be added. In this latter case, the most suitable solution is lysiklas[n], a possessive adjective in accusative for expressing the name of
the father of Nikoklw in the inscription.
Frei-Marek (1997).
lysikratas[-?]
C.Ka 5
PN in possessive (lysikrata-s(-?)). Carian adaptation of the Greek name
Lusikrthw. As in the case of lysiklas[ (see the preceding entry), it is
not clear if the word is complete (representing a true genitive) or
whether it must be completed (most probably as lysikratas[n]) in order
to obtain a possessive adjective in accusative.
Frei-Marek (1997).
mal
C.Ka 1
PN in genitive.
carian glossary
381
mane
C.Hy 1a
mane
C.Hy 1a
PN in nominative and genitive. Typical Carian name that appears in
Greek as Manhw.
Adiego-Debord-Varinlio<lu (2005:607).
manon
C.Eu 2
maqaraHrl-?- [
C.St 2
matnor
E.Th 34
maqly[
C.St 1
Perhaps a complete form. If so, it would be a PN in genitive.
marariso[- . . .]
E.Si 1
Apparently the beginning of a PN.
mdayn
E.Me 18b, E.Me 33a
mdan
E.Me 11a, E.Me 11b, E.Me 17
Ethnic name (or similar) in nominative, the genitive of which is mwdon
(q.v.). Dierent possible interpretations have been envisaged, none of
them denitive: foreigner, Carian, inhabitant of Myndos (a Carian
coastal city). In any case, the word seems to contain the sux -yn-/
-n- equivalent to the Luwic sux for ethnic names *-weno/i- (cf. in
Carian kbd-yn- ).
For the paradigmatic relationship with mwdon, see Melchert (1993:8283). If
this relationship is, as it seems, correct, former attempts to explain mdayn/mdan
as a word for husband/wife (Merigi 1980:35b36a) or farewell (Ray 1982b:184)
must be ruled out ( pace Adiego 1993a:219220).
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chapter eleven
mdot2
C.Ka 5
Function and meaning are unknown. The segmentation mdot2 un adopted
here is not denite.
In Adiego (2002:1718) the word is analyzed as a plural genitive corresponding to mdayn/mdan, and a meaning foreigner is assumed for all of these
forms. The sense of sarni mdot2 in C.Ka 5 would therefore be representatives
(sarni- ) of the foreigners, corresponding to Greek prjenoi).
Melchert (1998) prefers to read mdot2un as a complete word and, assuming
a glide-value (/w/) for the letter O (here transcribed as t2), analyzes the form
as a preterite rst plural with the meaning we have established, and with
md to be connected with Hitt. mid(i)- x, fasten.
md [. . .]
E.Me 52
Perhaps to be completed as md[ay/n].
md
C.Ha 1
See below mdane
mda
C.Si 2 (3)
See below mdane.
mdane
E.Sa 1, E.xx 7, C.xx 2
Analysis of this form has been much discussed (a verb or a chain of
particles?). Cf. also the possible variant mlane in Thebes (see mlane, ewmlane, ewlane).
On mdane and the two preceding forms md, mda see discussion in pp. 321324.
me
E.Me 34
PN in genitive.
meqak
E.AS 8
carian glossary
383
mi
E.Ab 35
PN in genitive.
mlane
E.Th 10
Cf. mdane, and see p. 323 on the intricate relationship between this
form and ewlane, ewmlane.
mlan[-?]
E.Th 35
Cf. the preceding entry.
mlqi
E.Th 27
PN in genitive.
mlne
C.Ia 3
Connection to mdane/mlane and/or mln in uiomln, yomln is possible,
but far from certain.
mmnal
E.Th 21
mnos
C.Eu 1 (mn[os?]), C.Ka 5
mno
E.Me 10, E.Me 12 (m[no]), E.Me 16, E.Me 27, E.Me 39, E.Me 43b,
C.Ka 1, C.Kr 1
mn[o-?]
E.Me 47
Common noun in genitive (mno- ) and in a s-case (mno-s), son. Perhaps
in some way related to HLuw. nimuwiza-, son. The precise analysis of
mnos in C.Ka 5 is far from certain, given the unclear context in which
it appears.
Meriggi (1967:223), (1980:35a), Ray (1982b:184185), Gusmani (1986:63),
Adiego (1993a:216219).
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chapter eleven
moa[-]lboror
C.Ka 5
moi
C.My 1
PN in nominative. Perhaps it corresponds to the Carian name in Greek
sources, Moiw.
Blmel-Kzl (2004:134).
mol
C.Hy 1b
C.My 1
Plural nominative with the meaning priests?
See above pp. 306207 on this interpretation, based on the analysis of C.Hy
1b and its possible correspondence to the Greek text that follows it.
mplat
E.Th 11
PN in nominative.
mqabaewleqoosk$ioms
E.Th 12
An impenetrable sequence, undoubtedly consisting of more than one
word. Note the isolable sequence ew, to be related to ew lane, ewm, also
in Thebes.
mqt jq
E.Th 4
mrsi
E.Me 2, E.Me 26
Ethnic name or PN in genitive.
mrsj[. . .]
E.Me 54
Very probably related to the preceding entry.
mslmnlia
C.Ka 5
carian glossary
385
msnord
E.Me 3, E.Me 48
Ethnic name or, less probably, PN. Clearly related to the Carian place
name Masanvrada (Zgusta KON 782, Blmel KarON:174). According
to Schrr, msnord-/Masanvrad can be analyzed as msn + ord, with a
second element comparable to Luwian -aradu in Tarunt-aradu (Laroche
LNH n. 1268, Piyam-aradu (Laroche LNH n. 981), so that msnord- =
Luw. *Maan-araduConnection to Masanvrada already mentioned in Adiego (1990a:136). Note
that the word was formerly read as msnori, which conditioned some proposals of interpretation. For the corrected reading, see Schrr 2001b:103,
Schrr 2002:166168).
As for Schrrs analysis, see Schrr (2002:165168). He interprets msnordas a PN and instead prefers to compare it with the name of the eponymous
founder of Masanorada, Masanvradow (Steph. Byz. s.v. Masanvrada).
On aradu-, see above p. 333.
msot
C.Hy 1b
Genitive plural (?) or another case from a stem mso- or similar = god?
See above pp. 306307 for this interpretation, based on the search for parallels between C.Hy 1b and the Greek texts that follow it.
mt1yr
C.Ka 2
mtel
C.Si 2a
mudo[n]
E.Me 65
mwdon
E.Me 10 ([mw]don), E.Me 12, E.Me 13, E.Me 14 (mwdon!), E.Me
16, E.Me 20, E.Me 28, E.Me 29, E.Me 31, E.Me 32 (mw[d]on), E.Me
35, E.Me 40, E.Me 42, E.Me 46b
Genitive of the ethnic name (or sim.) mdayn/mdan, q.v.
386
chapter eleven
mwk
E.Th 22
mumntnse-?
E.Th 30
muot
C.Hy 1a
-ot recalls identical endings in C.Hy 1 (kduopizipususot, msot, cf. also ylarmit). If
the analysis of this latter is accepted (see s. v.), muot can be also a genitive plural.
mwsat
E.Me 42
PN in genitive. Cf. the Lydian name Mousathw (Zgusta KPN 987a).
Perhaps both names, and also the Pisidian names Moushta, Moshta,
correspond to Luwian PN Muwaziti (Laroche LNH 840), a compound
of muwa- Hitt., Luw. strength, force, and Luw. ziti man.
Adiego (1992a:32), (1993a:233), (1994a:36).
mwton
E.Me 44b
Variant form of mwdon, q.v.
mute
C.St 2
PN in genitive. Cf. the Cilician name Moutaw (Zgusta KPN 9892).
Behind mu, the Anatolian stem muwa- can be identied.
Adiego (1994a:36).
mqudem
E.AS 7
carian glossary
387
myre
E.Me 33a, E.Me 33b
PN in genitive.
myze
C.My 1
PN in nominative.
Tentatively compared in Adiego (2005:91) to the Carian PN in Greek sources,
Mouzeaw.
mHm
E.Me 31
PN in genitive.
m[-]sao[
C.My 1
naria
E.Me 5
PN or title in genitive. If it is a personal name, it must be the father
of psmkneit in the bilingual text E.Me 5, which implies that this man
had a double denomination, Egyptian W3-jb-r-nb-[ (in the Egyptian
part) and Carian Naria-. However, it could instead be a title of Psmkneit
(general, priest or similar). Possibly related in some way to the family of place names Naras/a/, Narisbara, Naruandow (connected to
CLuw annarai-, forceful, virile = Hitt. innar- forceful, violent, all
derived from PIE *h2nr man).
For these and other possible examples of this stem in Carian onomastics, see
p. 333.
naz
E.AS 7
ne
E.AS 7
nidkusas
E.AS 8
388
chapter eleven
nik[--]lan
C.Ka 5
PN in accusative, to be completed nik[ok]lan, nik[uk]lan, or similar. It is
the Carian adaptation of the Greek name Nikoklw.
Frei-Marek (1997).
ninut
E.Ab 20
PN in nominative.
niqau
E.Me 18a
PN in genitive. Very likely to be a Carian adaptation of the Egyptian
pharaonic name Nechao/Necho (Ny-k3w, Greek Nexvw).
Adiego (apud Schrr 1996a:63, n. 11).
noril ?ams
C.Kr 1
not
C.xx 2
Verbal form (he brought)?
This is the interpretation proposed in Adiego (2000:153155), where not is
analyzed as a preterite third singular verb, to be connected to Hitt. n(i)-,
CLuw. (reduplicated stem) nana- < * PIE *neyH- to bring, see above p. 284.
nprosn
E.Ab 16
Apparently a complete PN in genitive. However, Schrr has proposed
a segmentation npro + sn, interpreted as a PN (nominative) + PN
(fathers name in genitive). As for the assumed rst name, he compares
it with the Egyptian name Nfr-r Nefervw (DNb:641), phonetically
[nefer] according to Vittmann. For sn, Schrr provides the same
form in E.AS 8 and allegedly in C.Kr 1 (read and segmented dierently
in this case). However, although the explanation of npro is very sound
(see also Vittmann), the existence of a Carian name *sn- is doubtful.
Schrr (1996a:68, n. 18), Vittmann (2001:42).
carian glossary
389
wn
E.Th 30
n
C.Kr 1
See a very hypothetical explanation (as pronoun) in p. 292.
nn[-]s
E.SS 1
ntokris
E.Me 35
(Presumably) feminine PN in s-case, a Carian adaptation of the Egyptian
fem. name Nj.t-jqr (literally Neith is perfect), Greek Nitvkriw (DNb:628).
This was the name of a daughter of Psammetichus I.
Schrr (1992:152, n. 9), Ray (1994:202203). Vittmann (2001:5253) argues
convincingly (against Ray loc. cit.) that ntokris arrived in Carian directly from
Egyptian, without Greek intermediaries. This implies that in ntokris, the nal
s must be a case ending, not a vestige of the Greek sigmatic nomimative (see
above p. 315).
ntro
C.xx 1
ntros
E.xx 7
Carian God name, assimilated to Greek Apollo, in dative (ntro) and in
s-case (ntro-s) or, less probably, a priest title (in nominative ntro and in
s-case ntro-s), derived from a god name ntr = Apollo. Independently of
either interpretation, there is a general consensus that ntro- should be
connected to Lycian Natr- in the PN Natr-bbijemi, translated in Greek
as Apoll-dotow.
On these two alternative interpretations (the latter defended in Melchert 2002),
see above p. 282. Carruba (2002) rejects the equation Natr-/ntro- = Apollo,
and argues for a generic meaning god and for an Egyptian loanword in
Carian (from Egypt. ntr god).
390
chapter eleven
nu
E.xx 7
Function and meaning are unknown.
Melcherts tentative translation of E.xx 7 (see Melchert (2002:308) implies the
assumption that nu is an adverb, now (to be compared therefore with Hitt.
nu-). See above p. 286, where an intepretation as a verb is suggested.
nuol$[---]sarmrolyt
E.Me 4
Perhaps more than one word, but the lacuna does not allow us to isolate words in the sequence.
Schrr (1992:155) claims to identify two titles in -ol, nuol and sarmrol (cf.
also his similar analysis of kojol). While the repeated ending in -ol could be
good evidence for segmentation, no parallel forms, either to nuol or to sarmrol, are attested in Carian.
Final sequence yt could point to a verbal form, see above p. 276.
n[-]eakrnanb
E.Si 3
mailo
C.Si 2a
A sequence containing a verbal form?
Interpreted as a verb mail + enclitic pronoun -o- in Adiego (2000:141142),
where it is further connected to Lycian mmaite
oba
C.Ka 2
obrbi
C.My 1 (2)
PN in genitive.
obsmns[
C.Ka 2
carian glossary
391
obsmsm1
C.Ka 2
omob
C.Eu 2
or
C.Ka 6
PN?
orb
E.Th 20
orkn
C.Ha 1, C.xx 1
Noun in singular accusative, of a stem ork- phiale, vessel, or similar.
Melchert (1993:80). Neumann and Edwin Brown (apud Melchert, ibid.) suggest
a comparison with Gr. rxh jar, Lat. orca butt, tun. Cf. also Lat. urceus, urna
water-pot (all these words probably share a common origin).
or
E.Ab 15, E.Me 41, E.Th 36
PN in genitive. According to Vittmann, an adaptation of the Egyptian
name r Horus (phonetically [hr])
Vittmann (2001:42). However, cf. or in Kaunos.
ora
E.xx 7
ort
C.Ka 5
ort[-]
C.Ka 5
oru
C.Ka 5
392
chapter eleven
otonosn
C.Ka 5 (2)
Ethnic name in accusative, Athenian. Derived from a Carian form
*otono- for Athens by means of a -s- sux.
Much has been discussed about the precise nature of the -s- sux. It could be
a possessive sux (= Lyc. -h-; also Frei-Marek 1997:35), an ethnic sux equivalent to Lyc. -s- (Schrr 1998:161; similarly Hajnal 1997b:160, but resorting
to Lyc, -is-) or, less probably, an ethnic sux equivalent to Lycian -zi (cf.
Hajnal 1997b:160161, n. 32, where the diculties of this explanation are
highlighted). All three hypotheses are envisaged in Adiego (1998a:18).
otr
C.Ka 2, C.Ka 5
Pronoun in acc. pl., corresponding to Greek atow in the bilingual
inscription C.Ka 5. It can be connected etymologically with Lyc. atla-/
atra- person, self (cf. also HLuw. atra/i- person; image; soul.
This interpretation and etymological connection was established independently
by various scholars: Adiego (1998a:21), Hajnal (1997b:164; 1998:102), Melchert
(1998:34), Neumann (1998:20)who very appositely recalls the correspondance
Lycian atru: Greek autn in TL 25a, 4. See here on p. 297.
owdown[. . .]mwarudko
E.Th 10
A chain probably containing more than one word.
The initial sequence owdown hardly seems to be separated from wdwn, q.v.
owmebt
E.xx 5
ouor
C.Ka 2 (2)
pals
E.Ab 7, E.Ab 8, E.Ab 9
PN in genitive.
carian glossary
393
panejt
E.Ab 2
PN in nominative. Carian adaptation of the Egyptian name P3-n-Nj.t,
Greek Panitiw, literally the one of Neith (DNb:385). Cf. the variant
form pneit)
Schrr (1992:152, n. 9), Adiego (1993a:254), Ray (1994:203 and n. 19). Cf.
also Vittmann (2001:58).
paraeym
E.Me 8a, E.Me 8b (para!eym)
PN in nominative. The name presents the well-known adverbial stem
para- as a rst element of a compound (cf. para-ibrel, Para-ussvllow,
etc.). As for -eym, it recalls Arthumow. Compare also parpeym-.
paraibrel
E.Me 47
PN in genitive. A compound name consisting of para- (cf. above paraeym)
and ibrel (= Greek Imbarhldow).
Adiego (1994:3637). On ibrel-, a stem derived from *ibr- = CLuw. im(ma)ra/i-,
see above p. 335.
pares
C.Kn 1
parma
E.Me 6
PN in genitive.
paraq ?
C.Tr 2
Adiego (1993a:263), Hajnal (1995[97]:20). See the discussion of the reading
and possible interpretations of this word in pp. 289291.
394
chapter eleven
parpeym
E.Me 25
PN in genitive. It is not clear if we are dealing with a compound with
par(a)- as a rst element, or whether in fact a stem parp- should be recognized. For the nal part of the word, cf. paraeym-.
For parp, see s. v. prpwri.
parolou
E.AS 1
paruos
C.My 1
PN in genitive. Cf. the Carian name (f.) Paruv.
Adiego (2005:91).
pard
E.SS 1
PN in genitive. It corresponds to the Carian name Paraudigow in Greek
sources. A compound name par- (cf. para-ibrel, Para-ussvllow, etc.) +
dAdiego (1994:43). For the family of names containing the stem yri-/yriq/diq/d-, see pp. 262263.
paryri
C.My 1
paryri
C.My 1
PN in nominative and genitive. A compound name: par- + yri-. See
the preceding entry.
pau
C.Hy 1a, C.My 1
p ?au
C.My 1
carian glossary
395
pau
C.Tr 1, C.Tr 2
PN in nominative ( pau) and genitive ( pau ) corresponding to the Carian
name transcribed in Greek as Paow.
Adiego (1994:37).
pa[-]in[-]t
E.Ab 17
Apparently a PN in genitive.
pd[
E.Me 64a
Cf. the following entries.
pdnejt
E.Sa 2
PN in nominative. Carian adaptation of the Egyptian P3-dj-Njt, literally the one whom Neith has given (Greek Petenaiyiw, Petenhyiw,
Petenht, see DNb:316).
Adiego (1992a:2930).
pdtom
E.Bu 2
NP, a Carian adaptation of the Egyptian name P3-dj-Jtm, literally the
one whom Atum has given, Greek Peteyumiw, Petetumiw (DNb:294).
Schrr (1992:152, n. 9) and apud Ray (1994:205); Vittmann (2001:58).
pduba
E.xx 4
PN in nominative.
pdubez
E.Ab 15
PN in nominative. Carian adaptation of the Egyptian name P3-dj-B3st.t,
literally the one whom Bastet has given, Greek Petyubestiow, Petobastiw,
Petoubastow, Petoubestiw (DNb:303).
396
chapter eleven
pdubi
E.Me 10 (pui), E.Ab 6
PN in genitive. Cf. pduba. It is possible that we are dealing with two
forms of the same paradigm, cf. the similar situation in (lse/lsi ).
pdamu
C.Si 2a
An accusativus genetivi in agreement with the PN pmnn that precedes it?
See Adiego (2000:144148) for this morpho-syntactic analysis and for some
attemps at etymological explanations (particularly the hypothetical connection
of pd with Lyc. pdde place, cf. also here on p. 304).
pjabrm
E.Me 12
PN in nominative. According to the illustration of the stela in which
it appears, the name is feminine.
pjdl ?
C.xx 1
Noun in apposition to acc. sg. orkn? Other interpretations are also
possible.
The meaning and function of this word have been much discussed. Melchert
(1993:8081) interpreted it as a word gift oering (from a *piyodhlom, to be
related to the stem CLuw. piya-, Lyc. pije- to give), a view followed here (see
p. 282). Totally dierent is the approach of Janda (1994:178), who preferred
to see here a verb comparable to Lyd. bill /pill/ (< *pid-l ) he has given.
pidaru[
C.St 2
PN, probably to be completed pidaru[ ] in genitive. A possible Carian
adaptation of the Greek name Pndarow.
Adiego (1994a:3940).
carian glossary
397
piew
E.Ab 38
PN in nominative. Adaptation of the Egyptian name P3-n-jwjw (literally that of the dog), Greek Pieuw, Pihow, Pih# (Cf. DNb:349).
See Vittmann (2001:44) for the identication and for further details on the
Egyptian variants of the name.
pikarm
E.Me 14
PN in genitive. It is equivalent to the Lycian names in Greek sources
Pigramiw, Pigramow (Zgusta KPN 12551/2). The name contains the
same stem as pikra-/pikre-, q.v., to which a m-sux has been added. Cf.
also the variant form pikrm, and the compund name dbikrm, dbkrm
(d +bikrm = pik(a)rm-).
Adiego (1992a:36), (1993a:233), Kammerzell (1993:19, 22).
pikra
E.Me 16
pikre
E.Me 3
PN in genitive. It is not clear if we are dealing with a simple alternance
a/e or with two dierent stems, one in a- and the other in e. The name
appears in Greek sources as Pigrhw/Pikrhw, a very spread Anatolian name.
The name shows the stem pik- = Luw. *pia-.
Adiego (1992a:36), (1993a:228229). On the family of names built on this
stem, see p. 337.
pikrm
E.Me 40
PN in genitive. A variant, devocalised form of pikarm, q.v.
piks[
C.St 1
A PN or part of a PN. The part conserved clearly contains the nominal element piks-/biks- Cf. dbiks, biks-/yi{}biks-, derived from the
stem pik- = CLuw. *pia-, as pikre-/pikra-, pik(a)rm-.
On this stem, see p. 337.
398
chapter eleven
pim[. . .]
C.Si 2b
pisiri
E.Ab 1
PN in nominative. Very likely to be an adaptation of the Egyptian
name P3-n-Wsjr, literally the one of Osiris or P3j-Wsir, this of Osiris,
Greek Pisiriw.
Ray (1994:203); cf. also Schrr (1996a:6162), Zauzich (apud Schrr, ibid.),
Vittmann (2001:58). This Egyptian interpretation of the name must be preferred to former attempts to connect this name with Anatolian proper names
(Adiego 1993a:248 and, with many reservations, 1994:43).
pismak
E.AS 7, E.AS 3
PN in nominative. Carian adaptation of the Egyptian name Psmtk,
Greek Cammhtixow. See also the devocalised form psmak.
Identication already proposed in Kowalski (1975:91).
pisma[/k . . .]
E.AS 4
The same name as the preceding entry. Doubts about completing or
arise from the existence of psmk(wneit), as well as pismak.
pisoi
C.Si 2a
Analyzed as a verb pis + clitics (-o-i ), in Adiego (2000:141), where pis
is identied as a preterite third plural of a root pi-, to give. See above
p. 304 for details.
p.iub[a]i
E.Me 1
PN in genitive.
Probably the Carian adaptation of an Egyptian name whose nal part
contained the name of the goddess Bastet (B3st.t), although no exact
parallels for the whole name can be found.
Schrr (1996:62). For Bastet-names in Carian, cf. ttubazi-, ttbazi-.
carian glossary
399
piubez
E.Ab 10
PN in genitive. It seems to be a variant of the preceding entry.
psimt
E.Me 50b
PN in genitive. Tentatively compared by Schrr to the Egyptian name
P3-dj-r-sm3-t3wy (shorter form P3-dj-sm3-t3wy), literally one whom
Horus, uniter of two lands, has given, Greek Potasimto.
Schrr (apud Ray 1994:205). Not included by Vittmann in his list of Egyptian
names in Carian sources (Vittmann 2001:5859). Although the use of this
Egyptian name among the Carians of Egypt ts well with Egypto-Carian environment (Potasimto was the name of the commander of the Carian and Ionian
mercenaires in the Nubian campaign of Psammetichus II), and the similarities between Carian and Greek adaptations are striking, the use of Carian
for Egyptian d or dj is surprising (compare the use of Carian d or t for Egyptian
d or dj in other names that also include the Egyptian verb dj, to give: pdnejt,
pdtom, ptnupi, etc.).
An Anatolian interpretation, by connecting psi with Pija-, Pije-, Pijo-:
Lycian Pijaw (Zgusta KPN 12631), Pije-darow (KPN 12632), Carian
and Lycian Pijodarow) is given in Adiego (1993a:248).
pla?t
E.Th 3
PN in nominative. If the reading plat is accepted, it could be a variant
of the name plat q.v. (l instead of l is typical in Theban inscriptions).
plqo
E.Me 40
PN in nominative. It appears in Greek sources as Pellekvw, Pelekvw.
Note particularly Peleqow in the Greek grati of Abu-Simbel.
Adiego (1993a:234), Schrr (19911993:170). On Peleqow = Pel(l)ekvw (against
former interpretations as a Greek name derived from plekuw), see Adiego
(1994a:37), Masson (1994b:140), (1995:175).
plqodse
E.Th 52
PN? It seems to include the name plqo, but nal dse remains impossible
to analyse.
400
chapter eleven
plat
E.Ab 7, E.Ab 8, E.Ab 9
PN in nominative.
platt
E.AS 6
PN in nominative. Perhaps related to the preceding entry, but the nal
-t remains unexplained.
pleq
E.Me 30
PN in genitive. It corresponds to the Carian name in Greek sources
Peldhkow.
Adiego (1993a:234), (1994a:37).
pneit
E.SS 1
PN in nominative. Variant form of panejt (q.v.), an Egyptian name.
Schrr (1992:152, n. 9), Adiego (1993a:254), Ray (1994:203).
pnldwl
E.Me 49
About the peculiar inscription where it appears, the reading of which is very
dicult, see p. 279.
pntmun
E.Me 28
PN (or title?) in genitive. According to Vittmann, it could be the adaptation of Egyptian p3 m-nr n Jmn *[ pent6n6mn], literally the Prophet
of Amun. Among other possibilities, Vittmann suggests that it could
be a title (therefore sanuq ue pntmun i mwdon i: Stela of sanuq, who
(was) the Prophet of Amun (a priest title), who (was) mwdon.).
Vittmann (2001:4647). The fact that the three names of E.Me 28 appear
in genitive makes the structure of the inscription very ambiguous. See Vitmann
(2001:47) for dierent possible analyses. Given this ambiguity, I prefer to interpret the inscription as a N- (PN)N- (fathers name)mwdon- (ethnic name
probably referring to the father).
carian glossary
401
pnuol
E.Th 40
pnwol
E.Th 27
pnuol
E.Me 19
PN in nominative. It appears in its Greek adaptation as Ponussvllow.
Note the variant form for the genitive, punwol.
A name of the uol-family (q.v.).
Adiego (1990a:135). On the Anatolian origin of the element p(u)n-, see pp.
337338.
pnuo
C.My 1
PN in genitive. No parallel form is found in Greek sources, but it is
possible that the word should be corrected as pnuo<l>, so that the
name would be the same as that of the preceding entry.
Adiego (2005:84).
pnyriru
E.AS 5
pmnn
C.Si 2a
PN apparently in accusativus genetivi. The name appears in Greek
as Ponmoonnow (documented also in Sinuri).
Schrr (1992:138).
polo
E.Me 8b
PN (?) in nominative. Coordinated with the PN in nominative paraeym
by means of sb, and.
Melchert (1993:84) suggests that polo is a common noun representing a kinship relation. Although this possibility cannot be ruled out, this tentative proposal of meaning and etymology (son, comparing Hitt. pulla- child, son) is,
as Melchert himself recognizes, very speculative.
402
chapter eleven
potkol ?
C.Ka 8
If the reading of the nal letter is accepted, it is apparently a genitive
(of a PN?).
p?owk
E.Mu 1
PN in nominative.
prnanon
E.Th 34
A form in accusative sg.? It seems to agree with another word ending in -n
(dm-?-n).
pridas
E.xx 7
A word with s-ending, in agreement with ntros Apollon, q.v. Tentatively
connected by Schrr with Bragxdai Branchids, the priestly family in
charge of the sanctuary of Apollo in Didyma, near Milet.
Schrr (1998:158).
prpwri
E.Th 46
PN in nominative. Apparently a compound name that can be segmented as prp + wri. For the rst element, cf. perhaps the Lycian name
Perpenduberiw (Zgusta KON 12421) or even Carian parpeym-. The
second element seems to be a variant of yri, also present in other
compound names (idyri-, paryri-).
For a possible explanation of the alleged use of w instead of y, see p. 105.
psikro
E.Me 51
PN in genitive.
carian glossary
403
psmak
E.Th 11 (psma[k]), E.Si 7, E.Bu 4, E.Bu 5
psmak
E.Si 2, E.Bu 1
psma[/k . . .]
E.Me 55
PN in nominative ( psmak) and genitive ( psmak- ). Carian adaptation
of the Egyptian name Psmtk, Cammhtixow. Cf. the variant form pismak.
psmkwneit
E.Me 5
PN in genitive. Carian adaptation of the Egyptian name Psmtk-wj-Njt,
literally Psammetichus in the arms of Neith. Carian and Egyptian
forms appear together in the bilingual text E.Me 5.
Adiego (1992a:2930).
psnlo
C.Ha 1
On the dierent possible analyses of this word, see p. 284.
psoir
C.My 1
PN in genitive.
psrkrte
E.Th 30
psuol
C.Ka 1
PN in genitive. It belongs to the family of names in uol/Ussvllow,
but the remaining rst element ( ps-) is not clear.
ps [|?]
E.AS 7
Reading and segmentation (suggested by Schrr) are very doubtful.
See the entry ai[-]iqom for an alternative analysis.
404
chapter eleven
psHm[-]
E.Me 27
PN in genitive.
ptne
E.Ab 3
PN in nominative.
ptnupi
E.Me 18a
PN in nominative (?) of Egyptian origin: P3-dj-Jnp, Greek Petenoupiw
(literally the one whom Anubis has given (DNb:27).
Schrr (1992:152, n. 9). Ray (1994:204). Ray (ibid.) also oers an alternative
Egyptian explanation, starting from *P3-dj-nfr (literally the gift of the good
one), but this name, as he recalls, is not documented in Egyptian.
ptnuq ?i ?
E.Ab 26
PN in nominative of Egyptian origin, according to the new reading
proposed by Vittmann: ptnuqi would be Egyptian P3-dj-nq.t (literally
the one whom [the goddess] Anukis has given, DNb:294), phonetically interpreted as [peeanqi].
Vittmann (2001:44). Vittmann does not rule out an alternative reading ptnuti,
which also has a good correspondence in Egyptian: P3-dj-(p3)-ntr (literally the
one whom the god has given), Greek Petepnouyiw, DNb:306 (phonological
reconstruction: [pee(p)nte)].
pttu
E.Me 27
PN in genitive. Tentatively interpreted as an adaptation of an Egyptian
name, which is not in fact documented, *P3-dj-t3wy, literally One whom
the two lands have given.
Ray (1994:205); Vittmann (2001:58).
carian glossary
405
punm[-]
E.Me 65
PN in genitive. It seems to be a compound name with pun- as the rst
element.
See Schrr (2003a:95), who goes a little further and compares it with Lyc.
Punamuwe, Ponamoaw (Zgusta KPN 12881), and Punamu(W)aw (KPN 12882,
Pamphylia); cf. also Puna-A.A (= *Punamuwa) in cuneiform sources (Laroche
LNH: 1050). These latter comparisons depend on a restitution punm[u].
punot2
C.Ka 2
See Adiego (2002) for a connection with Luwic puna-, all, and for a morphological interpretation as plural genitive.
punwol
E.Me 21
PN in genitive. It is the same name as pnuol (and variants, equivalent
to Ponussvllow), q.v.
puor
E.Bu 6
PN in genitive. As according to Vittmann, an Egyptian name adapted
in Carian: P3-whr (literally the dog), Greek Povriw, Pouvriw (DNb:181)
pronounced [puhr].
Vittmann (2001:41).
pur?i
C.Hy 1a
PN in genitive.
purmoruos
C.Ka 5
p[-]lu
E.Ab 33
PN in genitive.
406
chapter eleven
=q
C.Hy 1
Connecting particle? It appears after armotrqdos, q.v.
Adiego-Debord-Varinlio<lu (2005:617).
qan
E.Si 2
See the somewhat risky interpretation in Schrr (2000:171) as a word with
the meaning dog and borrowed from Lyd. *kn- (also dog), based on the
hunting scene drawn under the grato E.Si 2.
qanor
E.Th 34
Connected with the preceding entry in Schrr (2000:172).
#q#arm
E.Me 10
PN in genitive.
qarpsi
E.Me 36
Ethnic name (less likely to be PN) in genitive.
On the structure of the inscription, which suggests an ethnic name, see pp. 267
271. Note also the sux -si- or -i- that appears in other possible ethnic names
(kidbsi-, q bsli-, yiasi- ylarmi-). Among the possible Carian place names that
could be connected with qarpsi- (see Appendix B), Karbasuand/a/, Karpasuand/
a/ is a good candidate.
qarsio[-?]
E.Me 7
qdarou
E.Me 41
PN in genitive.
See Adiego (1995:2425) for an attempted etymological analysis (compared with
CLuw. utarl- slave, servant; cf. the PNs in Cuneiform sources u-da-ar-l,
u-du-ur-l, u-u-tar-li, u-ut-ra-la-(a), u-ut-ra-li-i (Laroche LNH n. 411).
carian glossary
407
qebt
E.Th 12
qku
E.Si 6
qblio
E.Ab 40
PN in genitive.
qlali
E.Me 37
G 2
[q ? ]lalis
E.Me 45
PN in genitive (qlali- ) and in s-case ([q]lali-s). This name appears in
Greek sources as Kolaldiw, Kulaldiw.
Adiego (1993a:235)
qorb
E.xx 1
PN in nominative.
qot2omu
C.Kr 1
qrds
C.Ki 1, C.Ka 2
Word with a possible institutional meaning, given its appearance in
two legal texts. Cf. the following entry and also grdso[-]i [.
In Blmel-Adiego (1993:94) this is tentatively compared with Hitt. gurta-, castle,
citadel, acropolis (cf. also the place-name of the Phrygian-Carian borderland
Gordio/n/). Melchert (1998:35, n. 2) suggests connecting it with Mil. kridesi, a
place-name.
qrdsol
C.Ka 2
Acc. (or nom.?) pl. of a stem qrdsol-, apparently a noun derived by
means of the sux -ol- from qrds: belonging to the qrds(?).
408
chapter eleven
Blmel-Adiego (1993:94), Melchert (1998:35). The sequence it appears in, qrdsol ait, could be interpreted as they have made them belonging-to-qrds or
the belonging-to-qrds ones have made. (cf. Melchert ibid., Adiego 1998a:22).
qtblem
C.xx 1
PN in genitive. Name corresponding to Kotbelhmow (Blmel KarPN:17),
Kutbelhmiw (Zgusta KPN 771, Blmel KarPN:18).
Adiego apud Schrr (1992:142), Adiego (1993a:235), Melchert (1993:78).
qtblo
E.Th 10
If PN (in nominative), it must be the Carian name adapted in Greek
as Kotobalvw.
Schrr (apud Adiego 1994a:43). The doubts about its character as PN are the
result of the very unclear context in which the form appears (see the remarks
in Adiego ibid.).
quq
E.Me 17
PN in genitive. It is the Carian name that appears in Greek sources
as Gugow. Cf. also the compound names dquq, rquq.
Adiego (1993a:235, 1994a:37). On the possible Anatolian etymology of quq,
see p. 334.
qurbo
E.Ab 10
PN in genitive.
qwsal
E.Th 12
qutbe
E.Th 8
PN corresponding to the Carian name in Greek sources, Kuatbhw.
Adiego (1993a:235), (1994a:37).
carian glossary
409
q blsi
E.Me 21
Ethnic name or, less probably, PN. If an ethnic name, it clearly recalls
the place name Kublissow (Zgusta KON 1296, Blmel KarON:171).
See somne (name to which q blsi is referred) for the curious coincidence of
personal name and ethnic name in the sole example of Svmnhw in the Greek
sources.
Comparison with the ethnic name (but still taking it as a PN) in Adiego
(1993a:235). Analysis as an ethnic name (with the same connection) in Janda
(1994:174).
qyrbmudolo
C.Eu 2
q ri
E.Sa 2
PN in genitive. It appears adapted in the Egyptian part of E.Sa 2 as
K3rr.
For the identication of qri with K3rr: Schrr (1992:135), Adiego (1993a:161).
Egyptian k3 (written by means of a biconsonantic sign) is used here to reect
a syllabic sound /ku/, so *kur (Vittmann 1996). Note that in Egyptian a vowel
/y/ did not exist, so that the use of /u/ for /y/ seems reasonable. The double r is explained by Zauzich (apud Schrr 1996:68) as a graphic attempt to
emphasize that r did sound (the nal r was not pronounced in Late Egyptian).
qzali
C.My 1
qzali
C.My 1
PN in nominative and genitive.
Connection with the Carian name of Greek sources Kostvlliw (Adiego 2005:91)
is very hypothetical!
q[---]
E.Me 10
PN in genitive.
rdudmm
E.Th 42
410
chapter eleven
rqemw
E.Th 52
rsy
E.Lu 2
rtim
C.Hy 1a
PN in nominative. Cf. the Carian name Artimhw and, more generally,
the family of Anatolian names collected in Zgusta KPN 108): Arteimaw,
Arteimianow, Arteimow, Arteimhw, Artimaw, Artimhw, etc.
Adiego-Debord-Varinlio<lu (2005:611). On the possibilty that rtim and artmi
(q.v.) could be part of a single paradigm, see above p. 290.
r1i
C.Ka 4
sa
E.Me 26
Demonstrative pronoun in nominative (this), which appears following
the word upe stela: upe sa: this stela. From PIE *o-/*eh2- > PA *o-/
- (> Hitt. ka-, CLuw., HLuw. za-). See also san, snn.
Adiego (1992a:33). Hajnal (1995[97]:23) suggests that the same form can be
recognized in the sequence bidlemsa.
On these pronominal forms, see pp. 319320.
sa?awon
E.Mu 1
saawon
E.Mu 1
san
G 1
Demonstrative pronoun in nominative. It corresponds etymologically to
Hitt. ka-, CLuw., HLuw. za- this, see above sa.
Adiego (1992a:33). On the nal n, see Melchert (1993:7980) and here on
pp. 288, 320.
carian glossary
411
sanuq
E.Me 28
PN in genitive.
sarl ?
E.Me 5
sarni
C.Ka 2 (2), C.Ka 5 (sarni[])
Plural accusative of a stem sarni-. This word (or the wider sequence it
appears in) corresponds to Greek projnouw in the Kaunos bilingual
(C.Ka 5).
Frei-Marek (1997:39). There are diverse etymological proposals, none of them
denitive: connection to CLuw. arri above; up; for (?) (Frei-Marek, ibid., followed by Hajnal 1997b:164, hard to accept, because *arni would be expected,
as they themselves recognize); related to CLuw. zariya- safe-conduct, Gastrecht
or sim. (therefore sarni-, guarantor, Neumann 1998:29). Schrr (apud Hajnal
1997b:164, n. 35) compares sarni- with Lyd. saretas benefactor(?).
In Adiego (1998a:22) the equivalence to projnouw is seen in the whole
sequence sarni[ ] mdot2 representative of the foreigners (with mdot2 [gen. pl.]
related to mdayn/mdan/mwdon-, interpreted as foreigner).
sb
E.Me 8b, E.Th 13, E.xx 6, C.Si 2a (2), C.Ka 2 (8), C.Ka 5 (8),
C.Kr 1
Coordinative conjunction: and. When there is interpunction in the
text, it always appears attached to the following word, as a sort of
proclitic.
Cf. Lycian se and particularly, Milyan sebe (both and). From PIE
*e (cf. Venetic ke and), plus a reinforcing particle *-be?
For sb = and, see the explanation already oered in Schrr apud Ray
(1990b:129130). Connection with Milyan sebe: Neumann (1993:296). For se< PIE *e: Adiego (1995:3132).
412
chapter eleven
sdi
C.Tr 1, C.Al 1
sdisas
C.Ka 1
sdisas ?
C.Kr 1
Noun used in funerary contexts (therefore tomb, stela or sim.) The
morphological analysis of these forms remains unclear. Cf. the variant
form sidi.
Connected with PIE *ei- to lie (Lyc. sije-)?
semw
E.Me 16
PN in genitive.
seqqejewsk
E.Th 4
sidi
C.Tr 2
A variant form of sdi, q.v.
siral
E.Me 49
siyklo
C.Ia 3
PN (?) in genitive,
skdubrotoz
C.My 1
A sequence containing an onomastic formula PN- PN-, the main
diculty being the point of segmentation. The best solution seems to
be skdu brotoz, but other alternatives cannot be dismissed.
sla
E.AS 6
PN on genitive.
carian glossary
413
slmaewm
E.Th 34
smdbrs
C.Ha 1
PN in nominative (of a s-stem) or in s-ending (if the stem is smdbr-).
The name belongs to the family of nouns in -(d)ybr-/-(d)br, cf. ardybyr, dbr, etc. A comparison with the Carian name in Greek sources
Zermenduberow by Blmel (1990:81) is attractive, but the lack of r poses
a problem.
sms[5]
C.Si 2a
sm[7]ae[
C.Si 2a
snn
C.Ha 1, C.xx 1
Acc. sg. of the demonstrative pronominal stem sa/san-, q.v.
Melchert (1993:79).
sn
E.AS 8
saidlo
C.Si 1
Tentatively interpreted as a verb (aid- they made, cf. ait) preceded by a pronoun or introducing particles and followed by clitics in Adiego (2000:152),
where even an exact correspondence with Lyc. senaite is proposed.
sis
C.Ka 1
See p. 291 for a possible interpretation as a demonstrative pronoun (related
to sa/san-, this).
414
chapter eleven
som[n ? ]e
C.St 1
somne
E.Me 21, E.Me 34
PN in nominative (somne if the reading is accepted) and genitive (somne ).
Directly comparable to the Carian name in Greek sources, Svmnhw.
It is undoubtedly a matter of chance, but it is curious nonetheless to note that
somne- is followed in E.Me 21 by a possible ethnic name q blsi-, while the
only example of Svmnhw in Greek sources is an individual belonging to the
Kublissew (inhabitants of Kyblissos), mentioned as witnesses in a treaty between
Mylasa and Kindya (Inscription of Mylasa, n. 11 in Blmels edition).
sqla
E.Si 4
sqlumidun
E.Si 4
srton[-]t [. . .?]
E.Ab 28
stsp
C.Si 2a
sursiabk
E.Si 6
suso
E.Lu 2
s[--]et
E.Me 29
PN in genitive.
as
C.Eu 1
A variant form of jas (tomb, or similar).
carian glossary
415
dun
C.Eu 2
emot
E.Th 10
en
E.Me 18a
jas
G 1
Noun corresponding to Greek sma in the bilingual inscription G 1.
Adiego (1992a:33). For the diculties of relating jas to the Carian gloss soa(n),
see p. 10.
oniabkol
C.Eu 2
t
E.AS 8
ugliq
E.Me 5
ugli
E.Me 30, E.xx 1
Ethnic name or, less likely, PN, attested at least in genitive (ugli ).
The exact analysis of ugliq is unclear. If an ethnic name, it can be
connected with the Carian place name Souaggela, although the doubts
about the precise sound value of 0 g make this identication more
dicult.
Adiego (2004:310). Connection to Souaggela suggested to me independently
by Prez Orozco and Melchert (both in pers. comm.).
umo
C.My 1
uni
E.AS 8
416
chapter eleven
ysal[
C.St 1
abd ?aikal
E.AS 2
amow
E.Ab 4, E.Ab 5
PN in nominative. It corresponds to Samvuow, Samvow in Greek sources.
Adiego (1994a:38). Vittmann (2001:5557) does not rule out the possibility
that amow-Samv(u)ow could be a Carianised form of the Egyptian name 3jjm=w (directly attested in Carian as tamou q.v.).
amsqi[. . .?
E.Me 24
ann
C.Ia 3
anne
C.Ia 3
aoyrri
C.Si 2a
See Adiego (2000:148149) for a very hypothetical attempt to connect it with
Xrusaorw, the oldest name of Stratonikeia.
arkbiom
E.Sa 1, E.Me 56 (ark[bi/jom . . .?]), C.My 1
PN in nominative. Transcribed as 3rkbym in the Egyptian part of the
bilingual E.Sa 1. Not found in Greek sources (although the form could
be condently reconstructed as *Sarkebivmow). Compound name formed
by the adverbial stem ar- (/gr. Sar-) (= CLuw. arri, Lyc. hri, Mil. zri;
cf. also Hitt. r upon) and the stem kbiom-, also attested as an independent name (see kbjom-, Greek Kebivmow).
carian glossary
417
arnai
E.Me 17
arnajs
E.xx 6
PN in genitive (arnai- ) and in s-case (arnaj-s). It is not clear if the
stem can be related to the adverbial stem ar-. A connection to the
Carian name of Greek sources Sarnow is hampered by the doubts about
the reading of the name (alternative reading Parnow, see Zgusta KPN:449,
n. 6, Blmel KarPN:24)
Adiego (1993a:250)
arnw
E.AS 3
PN in genitive. Perhaps formed on the same stem as arnai-/arnaj- (see
preceding entry).
Adiego (1993a:250)
arpt
E.Ab 33
PN in genitive.
arwljat
E.Me 3
PN in genitive. A compound formed by ar- (cf. arkbiom, aruol) and
wljat- (q.v.). No Greek adaptation of the name has been found to date
(a form such as *Sar-uliatow, *Sar-oliatow is the most likely possibility).
Adiego (1993a:242243).
arur
E.Ab 37
PN in genitive.
418
chapter eleven
aruol
E.Me 30, E.Ab 6, E.Ab 30 (a[ru]ol), E.SS 1
PN in nominative. Carian name that appears in Greek sources as
Sarus(s)vllow. A compound name formed by Sar- (cf. arkbiom) and
uol (q.v.).
Ray (1981:155, 161).
aru[. . .?
E.Ab 42
If complete, a PN in genitive. But it is more likely to be an incomplete form of the noun aruol (see the preceding entry).
asqariod
C.Hy 1a
adiq
E.Ab 30
PN in genitive. A compound name a- + diq, perhaps a variant of
the name in the following entry.
On this explanation, see pp. 262263.
ayriq
E.Me 25
PN in nominative. It corresponds to the Carian name from Greek
sources, Saurigow. A compound name a- (~ ar?) + yriq. For the rst
element, cf. Sa-ussvllow. The second element is the well-known stem
yri-/yriq- /diq-/d- (see idyri-, paryri-, etc.).
Adiego (1993a:250), (1994a:44). On this family of names, see pp. 262263.
a[--]ib?wn
E.AS 5
dtat
E.Me 13
PN in genitive.
carian glossary
419
enurt
E.Me 50a
PN in nominative. It probably corresponds to the Carian name Sanortow
in Greek sources.
Adiego (1993a:236), and with some doubts about the identication (1994a:43).
i
E.Th 35
PN in genitive?
odubr
C.Kr 1
PN in genitive. It seems to belong to the family of names in -(d)ybr-/(d)br-, but in this case u, and not y, is used.
Could this name be the Kaunian version of katbr (= Lycian Janduberiw)?
For a > o, cf. otonosn and the following entry.
oru
C.Ka 3
PN in genitive.
Assuming an a > o change (cf. otonosn and the preceding entry), a comparison with the Carian name Sarow could be feasible (for the adaptation of a
Carian u-stem in Greek as a thematic one, cf. pau- = Paow).
rb[-]sal
E.Th 49
rquq
E.Lu 2 (?rquq), C.xx 1
rquq
E.Me 43a, E.Me 44a
PN in nominative (rquq) and in genitive (rquq ). A compound name
formed by r- = ar-/Sar- (cf. ar+uol-Sar+ussvllow, ar+kbiom, r +wli-)
+ quq (= Gugow in Greek sources).
Adiego (1993a:243). A name arquq (Adiego 1993a:241, 1994a:35) does not
exist: all the alleged examples are actually misreadings of rquq.
420
chapter eleven
rwli
E.Me 20
PN in genitive. Can be analysed as a compound r- (cf. r-quq) + wli-,
very probably the same stem behind wliat/wljat (q.v.). Moreover, wlican be directly compared to the Isaurian name Oualiw (Zgusta KPN
11343/4). Cf. also Pisidian Oliw, Zgusta KPN 10861.
See Adiego (1993a:243).
in
E.Me 38, E.SS 1
PN in genitive.
-in- recalls -yin in [--]ryin (the Carian form of the dynast name Idrieus), where
it is analyzed as a form of the ethnic sux -yn-/-n (see s. v. [--]ryin
tab
C.Ka 5
tamosi
E.Ab 18, E.Ab 19, E.Ab 21
tamosi
E.Ab 20
PN in nominative (tamosi ) and genitive (tamosi ). Vittmann suggests that
we can recognise here the Egyptian name Pt-ms (literally Ptah is born),
note particularly the old Akkadian adaptation, Tamai.
Vittmann (2001:43). However, note that there is no further evidence to support pt > t in Carian adaptations of foreign names.
taqbos
E.xx 6
PN in s-ending, coordinated with arnaj-s by means of sb, and.
taubt
E.Me 18a
PN in genitive.
tazomd [
C.Ki 1
carian glossary
421
tbridbd
E.Me 42
PN in genitive.
tduol
E.Me 24
PN in nominative. It belongs to the uol-family of names, but the rst
element, td-, is not clear. It is perhaps to be related to ted-, father?
Schrr (2003b:69, n. 1) sugggests considering initial t as a mistake and that
instead we should simply recognize here the same name as dwol-.
tebot
E.Th 28 [teb%ot], E.Th 44
tebwnqmw
E.Th 38
ted
E.Me 38
Common noun in nominative: father. Compare CLuw. tta/i-, Lyc. tedi-,
Lyd. taada- father. Note the apparent umlaut *a > e as in Lycian, which
implies an original stem in -i- or with i-mutation (*tadi- > *tedi- > ted-).
Schrr (1996[98], already suggested in 1996a:68), Hajnal (1997a:210).
temazi
C.Eu 2
terez
E.Me 4
PN in genitive.
tkrabi
E.Me 37
PN in genitive.
tksr
E.Lu 7
422
chapter eleven
tmonks
E.Th 41
tu
C.Hy 1a
PN in genitive. The name appears adapted in Greek as Tonnouw in one
of the inscriptions that accompanies C.Hy 1.
Adiego-Debord-Varinlio<lu (2005:612).
tqlow
E.Th 32
tqtes
E.Me 47
PN in s-case (or rather a nominative of an s-stem?).
trdy
C.My 1
PN in genitive
triel
E.Me 26
PN in genitive.
triqo
E.Me 6
PN in nominative.
trqdimr
C.Ki 1
Sequence that contains the god name trq(u)d-, Tarhunt (see following
entry and armotrqdos). Neither the internal structure (perhaps it must be
segmented into two words trqd imr or trqdi mr) nor the function and
meaning (a PN or place name, or the god name proper?) are clear in
this case.
See Blmel-Adiego (1993:9495), where possible connections for imr and mr
are proposed (imr = CLuw. im(ma)ra/i- [but note that the normal correspondence of this latter word in Carian is (i)b r-!], mr = Lyc. mere- laws).
carian glossary
423
trqude
C.Ia 3
God name: trqud- = Hitt. Taru-, CLuw. Tarunt-, Lyc. trqqt-, the
Anatolian Storm God. Unclear ending: perhaps a dative?
See also trqdimr, armotrqdos.
Blmel-Adiego (1993:94). trqude as dative: Adiego (1994a:38, 50). The simplest
interpretation is to assume that trqude is the divine name to whom the cratera
where C.Ia 3 is inscribed was dedicated, (Blmel-Adiego 1993:95), although the
overall context of the inscription is unclear and makes it dicult to give a
precise analysis (Melchert 2002:310).
tatar
E.Me 34 (tata[r]), E.Me 41
tatr
E.Th 5
PN in genitive.
The attempt to compare tat(a)r- with Tarhunt- and the Carian place name
Tarkondar/a/ (Adiego 1992a:34, 1994a:43; see also Janda 1994: 175, who
interprets the word directly as an ethnic name) is hampered by the unsuitability of the sound correspondences, particularly if compared with trq(u)d-,
the usual form of Tarhunt- in Carian. The interpretation as an ethnic name,
feasible for the examples from Memphis, is questioned by the clear PN
(patronym) from Thebes, see p. 269.
tsial
C.My 1 (2)
PN in nominative.
ttbazi
E.Ab 41
ttbazi[]
E.Me 1
ttubazi
E.Ab 25
Feminine (?) PN in nominative (ttbazi, ttubazi ) and genitive (ttbazi[]).
As suggested by Schrr, an adaptation of the Egyptian name T3-dj(.t)b3st.t
(literally the one (fem.) whom (the goddess) Bastet has given), Greek
Tetobastiw.
See Schrr (1996a), for details about the reading of the inscriptions in question.
424
chapter eleven
tumn
E.Sa 1
Accusative of tum-, a Carian adaptation of the Egyptian god name Jtm
(Atum)?
For this interpretation, see Adiego (1993a:255) and particularly (1995:2123).
tur[
G 1
Beginning of a PN. It corresponds exactly to the truncated name that
appears in the Greek part of the bilingual G 1 (Tur[ ).
Adiego (1992a:33).
tusol
C.My 1
PN in genitive. The nal ol of the stem could correspond in Mylasa to
the typical ending -vll/-vld- in Carian names. However, the name
hardly can belong to the family of the uol-/Ussvllow names, given
the use of s, and not , as would be expected.
ty[
C.My 1
For a very hypothetical interpretation, see Adiego (2005:9293) and here on
p. 308.
tn
C.Ha 1
See p. 283.
t[-]rsi
C.Si 1
tamou
E.Me 7
PN in nominative, an adaptation of the Egyptian name that appears
in the hieroglyphic part of this bilingual inscription as 3j-p-jm=w
(literally may Apis take them *[ipimw]. But the Carian adaptation
in fact corresponds to 3j-jm=w or 3j-n.jm=w, Greek Tamvw, Yamvw,
carian glossary
425
tanai
E.Me 7
PN in genitive. Ray suggests that it may be an Egyptian name: *3-nn3-jw, literally ospring of the (sacred) cows.
Ray (1994:200). Vittmann (2001:56, n. 87) notes that the name is not attested
in Egyptian.
trel
E.Bu 1
w
E.Me 13
Complete word, abbreviated form, or a simple mistake? See p. 272.
uantrpo
E.Ab 12
uantrpu
E.Ab 13
PN in nominative and genitive. It is very likely, but not completely
certain, that both forms belong to the same paradigm (therefore with
an alternation -o / -u; the parallel with -e / -i in lse/lsi is striking).
uarbe
E.Th 1
PN in nominative.
uarila[-]os
E.Ab 39
Apparently a PN in genitive.
w#ar [---]t[------]i[---]
E.Me 11a
Remains of an onomastic formula N- . . . N-.
426
chapter eleven
%wdbokn
E.Th 47
wdwn
E.Th 13
Cf. owdown[ (E.Th 10). Janda (1994:182183) observes the striking resemblance
of wdwn/owdown[ to the Pisidian sequence oudoun, but this comparison cannot be taken further due to the similarly unclear contexts in which Carian
and Pisidian forms appear.
ue
E.Me 3, E.Me 5, E.Me 28, E.Me 29 ([ue]), E.Me 42, E.Me 51
Funerary stela, or similar. It seems to be similar or correspondent to
upe/upa, but the precise relationship between the words (if it indeed
exists) is not clear.
See below s. v. upe about upe/ue connection. As indicated there, Schrrs
hypothesis of a loss of p (upe > ue; Schrr 1992:141; 1993:172) is attractive,
but ad hoc.
uejresi
E.Si 2
wet
E.Me 13
PN in genitive.
uiomln
C.Ka 5
[ui ? ]oml
C.Ka 2
Cf. also yomln, very likely to be a variant.
Probably a verbal nite form, corresponding in some way to Greek
doje, It seemed good, in the bilingual inscription C.Ka 5. However,
the precise analysis remains unclear. An alternative view, suggested by
Melchert, is to analyze it as a noun with the meaning decree.
All the analyses take as a starting point the example of the bilingual C.Ka 5,
contextually more clear (note moreover that the value of the nal letter of the
C.Ka 2 example, here transcribed as <>, is far from being assured).
carian glossary
427
Frei-Marek (1997:30) propose a third plural person of a past tense with the
meaning to decide, whose subject would be kbidn, interpreted as the Kaunians
decided. Both Hajnal (1997b:151153) and Neumann (1998:30) suggest that
the verb must correctly be mln, and try to connect the verbal stem ml- with
dierent Hittite verbs: malai- to approve (Neumann), mald- solemnly pronounce, vow. Similar analysis and etymological connection given in Adiego
(2002:20).
Eichners interpretation (only partially deducible from references apud Tremblay
1998:117, 123) concurs in isolating mln as a verb. He translates kbidn uio mln
as il plat/plaisant la communaut des Cauniens with uio interpreted as a
dative sg (communaut).
For Melcherts view, see Melchert (1998:37): kbidn uiomln decree of Kaunos
(kbidn: place name, plurale tantum, here in genitive). In a supplementary note,
Melchert suggests very tentatively a connection of uiomln with CLuw. wayamman-, cry, howl, cf. also Hitt. wiyi-, to cry, assuming a semantic development comparable to Lat. proclamatio to proclamation. However, in Melchert
(mdane), Hajnals view is preferred: he isolates mln and analyzes it as a preterite
third plural from, *mVld-onto, to be related to Hitt. mald-.
uksi
E.xx 7
PN in nominative (?)
uksmu
E.Me 2
wksmu
E.Me 36
PN in nominative (uksmu) and genitive (wksmu ). Cf. the Anatolian names
Ouajamoaw (Zgusta KPN 11412, Isauria, Cilicia), Ouajamvw (Zgusta
KPN 111412, ibid.). This compound name therefore contains as a
second element the well-known Anatolian stem muwa-, strength, force.
It is very likely that the individual alluded to could be the same in
both inscriptions.
Neumann apud Adiego (1993a:236). On the identication of both individuals
(both show the same fathers name), see Masson (1976:38), Ray (1982b:187).
See here p. 336.
ula[----]ol
C.St 1
428
chapter eleven
uliade
C.St 2
PN in nominative. Carian adaptation of the Greek name Olidhw,
very widespread in Caria, probably due to its resemblance to the purely
Carian name wliat (see the following entry).
Adiego (1994a:3940). On the name Olidhw see Masson (1988b).
wliat
E.xx 2
wljat
E.Th 7
wljat
E.Mu 1
PN in nominative (wliat/wljat) and genitive (wljat ). It is the Carian
name that appears in Greek sources as Uliatow or Oliatow. Note the
compound name arwljat-.
For the identication, see Adiego (1992a:31). The stem of the name has been
connected with Hittite walliwalli-, strong, powerful (also on the basis of other
Anatolian names: Walawala, Walawali, and particularly Carian Oaloalow, about
which see Adiego 1993b), cf. Adiego (1993a:238). See here p. 339.
umot2
C.Ka 2
un
C.Ka 5 (2)
Tentatively analyzed as an innitive in Adiego (1998a:22), see here on p. 299.
Segmentation in both cases is not guaranteed!
undo[--]tl
C.Ka 5
Acc. pl. c. of a stem undo[--]tl-. It seems to correspond to Greek ergtaw
benefactors in the bilingual inscription C.Ka 5.
Already proposed in Frei-Marek (1997:38), who added the important observation that the sequence tl- could represent a sux of a nomen agentis comparable to Hitt. -talla-.
carian glossary
429
untri
E.Ab 12, E.Ab 13
PN in nominative.
wnuti
E.Me 31
Genitive. According to Vittmann, this is a title rather than a PN, given
the good correspondence to Egyptian wnwtj (*[w6nti/e] or *[wnti/e])
hour-observer, horoscoper, astronomer. Vittmann rightly observes that
the absence of an article in the adaptation of the Egyptian title ts well
with the Egyptian syntactical practice, consisting of omitting the article when the title precedes the noun that it qualies (in E.Me 31, wnuti
is the rst word of the inscription, followed by the personal name kwar ).
Vittmann (2001:4849). See here on p. 278. Vitmann is reasonably cautious
in suggesting this interpretation, but the correspondence Carian wnuti = Egyptian
wnwtj cannot simply be a matter of chance.
uodrou
C.St 2
uodryia[
C.St 2
upa
E.Me 13
upe
E.Me 17, E.Me 4, E.Me 9, E.Me 22, E.Me 26, E.Me 38, E.Me 43a,
E.Me 64a ([. . . u?]pe)
wpe
E.Me 36, E.Me 41
Common noun in nominative: (funerary) stela, or tomb. Its connection with ue, used in similar contexts, is not clear.
Perhaps somehow related to Lycian xupa tomb?
430
chapter eleven
uqsi
E.Me 20
PN in nominative. Perhaps a simple graphical variant of PN uksi-?
urm
E.Bu 1
wrm
E.xx 7
PN in genitive. Note also the vocalized variant urom in E.Bu 2, which
possibly alludes to the same person as urm in E.Bu 1.
On the possible connection of this name to Luw. ura-, great, an adjective
that enters into the formation of Anatolian proper names, see above p. 338.
ur#o
E.Th 34
urom
E.Bu 2
PN in genitive. See urm, wrm.
urq
E.Lu 6
carian glossary
431
urseak
E.Bu 6
ursle
E.Me 15
PN in genitive. It appears transcribed as 3rskr in the Egyptian part of
the bilingual inscription E.Me 15.
Final le of the stem has led us to imagine a Carian adaptation of a Greek
name in -klw (Neumann ers. comm. suggested Orsiklw). The use of palatal
for Greek k recalls Lyc. k (also a palatal) in Perikle < Gr. Periklw.
urt
E.Th 34
PN in nominative?
ubzol
C.Hy 1a
PN in nominative.
uol
E.Ab 35
uol
C.Hy 1a (2), C.St 2
wol
E.Me 12
PN in nominative (uol) and genitive (uol/wol ), corresponding to
the Carian name that appears as Ussvldow, Ussvllow in Greek sources
(Zgusta KPN 16297/8, Blmel KarPN:27); uol- enters in composition with a series of prexes (pn-uol, ar-uol, id-uol, etc.)
For the identication uol = Ussvllow, one of the most decisive steps in the
Carian decipherment, see Ray (1981:160). About the possible etymology of
the name, see here p. 344, n. 16.
usot
C.Ke 1, C.Ke 2
On the doubts about these inscriptions, see p. 150.
432
chapter eleven
utnu
E.Ab 19, E.Ab 21 (u?tnu?)
PN in genitive.
uHbit
C.Ka 2
u[. . .]q
E.Th 12
ya
C.Ka 8
asd
E.Me 46a
PN in genitive.
Initial as recalls the ethnic name (?) yiasi-, yjas[i]- Iasean (see s. v.); vs.
yi/yj- nds a good parallel in ybiks vs.- yi{}biks-. As for d-, it can be interpreted as a nt-sux.
ybrs
C.Hy 1a
PN in genitive. The stem ybrs- recalls the family of names in -(d)ybr/(d)br-, particularly smdbrs (see pp. 283, 314). It is possible that this
indigenous name was identied with the Greek name Ubraw (Zgusta
KPN 1624), commonly used in Caria, in a process similar to that of
wliat-Olidhw.
Adiego-Debord-Varinlio<lu (2005:613).
bt
C.xx 1
Probably a verb: 3rd singular preterite or present of a verb b- =
Lycian ube- to oer: If preterite, it would be completely equivalent to
Lycian ubete, he oered. If present, it would be from *ube-ti.
For this interpretation, see Melchert (1993:7879). Melcherts interpretation is
followed by, among others, Adiego (1994a:240) and Hajnal (1995[97]). An
alternative view was attempted by Janda, who prefers to consider pjdl as the
carian glossary
433
yiasi
E.Me 25
yjas[i ]
E.Me 9
Ethnic name (?) in nominative ( yiasi ) and genitive yjas[i ]. Connected
with the Carian place name Iasos (Iasow)?
Adiego (2004:310) and here p. 270.
yi{}biks
E.Me 46a
PN in genitive. If the corrected reading is accepted (see p. 69), it is a
variant form of biks, q.v.
ylarmit
C.Hy 1b
Ethnic name (in genitive plural?) referring to the Carian city of Hyllarima.
Connection of this word to the place name Hyllarima already noted in Ray
(1988:152). For ylarmit as genitive plural with the meaning Hyllarimeans, see
Adiego (2002:17).
ymezus[
C.St 2
n-?-mo
E.Sa 1
Cf. nsmsos, although the integration of s between n and m is by no
means clear.
ynemori
E.Me 29
PN in genitive.
434
chapter eleven
nsmsos
E.Mu 1
E.AS 3
Possibly a title or adjective in nominative, where a sux -os can be
identied (cf. kbos E.Me 24).
yomln
C.Ka 4
Perhaps a variant form of uiomln, q.v.
pdnmw%d
E.Th 4
yri
C.Si 1 (2)
Final (if the reading is accepted), points to a possible accusative. A
possible stem yri- would recall the family of names in yri-/yriq- /diq/d- (see idyri-, paryri-, etc.).
Can yri have any connection with the GN Sinuri?
yri
E.Th 26
PN in genitive.
Cf. pnyriru. Could yri- be related to yri-/yriq-?
yrqso
C.My 1 (2)
PN in genitive. It corresponds to the name adapted in Greek as Urgosvw.
Adiego (2005:90)
rsbe
E.Ab 6
Unclear word. Cannot be a PN in nominative, given the context in
which it appears (preceded by a PN in nominative (aruol) and followed by a PN in genitive (pdubi ). Perhaps a title?
carian glossary
435
biks
C.xx 2
PN in nominative. Compare yi{}biks. The name is a compound whose
second element is biks (cf. piks-, dbiks- and see p. 337 for an etymological explanation).
sm
E.AS 9
yysmtoHa[
E.Ab 27
zidks
E.Sa 1
Sequence immediately followed by mdane. Function and meaning unknown
(an s-case of a PN? A verb?).
zmu
E.Me 19
PN in genitive.
zarios
C.Ka 2
Coordinated by means of sb to another word ending in - ([-]arlano).
Hdqedorms[
C.St 2
Hit
C.Ka 2
Hnmkda[-]aHuq[
C.Ki 1
Horouo
C.Ka 5
Function and meaning unknown.
In Adiego (2000:144) attention is drawn to the good parallel between orouo
and Lycian arawa- tax exemption, tleia, but the connection is hampered
by the initial H (dicult to separate from orouo, given that Horouo appears
immediately after sb, and).
436
chapter eleven
Hosurz
E.Ab 28
[41]
1aitk
C.Ka 2
Function and meaning unknown. Perhaps k could be an enclitic element, and the resulting form 1ait could be compared with ait in the
same inscription, for which an analysis as a third plural person verb
has been proposed (see ait).
1mali
C.Ka 2 (2)
1orsol
C.Ka 2
Apparently an accusative plural, coordinated with sarni by means of
sb. Meaning unknown.
?-bjqmqew
E.Th 12
Function and meaning unknown. Perhaps we are dealing with more
than one word. Note the nal ew (see ewm), and the sequence kbj ,
which recalls the PN kbjom, arkbiom and place name kbidn.
?-ras
E.Ab 43
PN in nominative (?)
Acephalic Words
[-]aH
C.Ka 2
Cf. a similar ending (]maH) in the same inscription.
[-]ars
E.Ab 36
Apparently a PN in nominative.
carian glossary
437
[-]bdo
C.My 1
PN in nominative. No parallels have been established.
[-]bi
C.Ka 2
Perhaps the same enclitic element that appears twice in the same inscription, see bi.
[-]diurt
C.Ka 2
[-?]iam
E.Me 45
PN in genitive.
[-]intnor
C.Ka 2
[-]arlano
C.Ka 2
Coordinated by means of sb to another word ending in - (zarios).
[-]nudrma
C.Ka 2
[-]obiokli
C.My 1
Onomastic formula consisting of a PN in nominative followed by a PN
in genitive, the diculty being the isolation of the two names.
[-]owt
E.Me 48
PN in genitive.
[-]qo
C.My 1
PN in nominative. For the nal, cf. plqo-Pellekvw.
[-]tmai[--]
E.Bu 3
438
chapter eleven
[-]untlau[-]
E.Ab 22
[--]abrunur[-]yn Hynn
C.Ka 2
A sequence of words whose segmentation is not clear.
Neumann (1998:2627) proposes isolating a word ur[-]yn, which he interprets as an ethnic name in plural (with the -yn- ethnic sux, cf. kbdyn ) and
connects to the Carian place name Koar(r)end/a/, Koarenz/a/ Koaranz/a/,
Kvra(n)z/a/. Although the proposed segmentation is attractive (particularly
regarding the ending -yn- ), the relation with the mentioned place name is far
less compelling; note that the Carian word cannot be read integrally: also the
correspondence Car. : Greek -nd-/-(n) z- (in the dierent variants of the name)
is not at all satisfactory.
[--]eld
E.Si 2
[--] j [-]
E.Me 48
Extant letters of a PN in genitive.
[--]msal
E.Bu 1
Last letters of an initial word in a grato from Buhen. Final sal recalls
euml ?bnasal, eypsal, also initial words in Buhen grati. See euml?bnasal for
a proposed interpretation of sal.
[--]ryin
C.Si 2a
PN in nominative. Given the context in which it appears, it must be
the Carian name of the dynast Idrieus. It is clear that the Carian form
of the name was not totally coincident with the Greek one. One could
tentatively complete *[id]ryin and assume a PN formed on the name of
the Carian city Idriaw, *idr-, by means of the sux for ethnic names
-yin (cf. kbd-yn-, mda-yn/mda-n). The resulting meaning, inhabitat of
Idrias, could roughly correspond to the Greek Idriew.
Schrr (1992:137138).
carian glossary
439
[--]Hlsasot2
C.Ka 5
The nal -ot2 recalls similar endings in this inscription and in C.Ka 2:
mdot2, punot2, umot2.
[--]word
E.Me 10
Final part of a PN or ethnic name in genitive. For the ending, cf. the
ethnic name (or PN) msnord[--] yt2
C.Ka 5
]a[-]i
E.Me 11b
Extant letters of a PN in genitive.
]allia
E.Ab 30
]bewmsmnwdiq
E.Th 38
A sequence that seems to contain more than one word. We could perhaps isolate a word smnwdiq, probably a PN related to the family of
names in yri-/yriq- /diq-/d- (Greek -urigow, -udigow) (but note here
the apparent use of w). As for ]bewm, it recalls the element ewm present in other grati from Thebes (see the corresponding entry).
]btdeo
E.Th 14
]b ?e
C.Ia 6
Probably the nal letters of a PN in genitive.
]dar1
C.Ka 4
]i
E.Me 57
Final part of a PN in genitive.
440
chapter eleven
]
E.Me 60
Very likely to be the nal part of a PN in genitive.
]latmne
C.St 1
PN in genitive. It is possible that the name may be complete. In this
case, cf. perhaps the Carian place name Latmow (Zgusta KON 696,
Blmel KarON:173). The segmentation ]la tmne would also be an
attractive theory, as well as a comparison of this latter with the Carian
PN Tumnhw (Zgusta KPN 1615, Blmel KarPN:26).
]maH
C.Ka 2
Cf. [-]aH in the same inscription.
]no ?
C.Ka 7
Last letters of a PN in genitive?
]ois?ur?mlo
C.Ka 9
]pri
E.Ab 26
Probably the last letters of a PN in nominative.
]qsi
E.Me 53
Final part of a PN or ethnic name in genitive.
]rbna[
E.Si 9
]rwk[-] [
E.AS 8
]r[]tnit
E.Ab 29
carian glossary
441
]sel
C.St 1 (3)
Very likely to be the nal letters of a PN in nominative.
]s
E.Me 58
Final letters of a PN (s-stem) in genitive.
]tbe
C.Si 1
It seems to be the nal part of a word (perhaps a PN?) in genitive.
]tbsms
C.Ka 2
]ub
C.Di 1
]uda[
C.Ki 1
]uel
C.Ia 2
]u
E.Me 26
Last letters of a PN in genitive.
]uou
C.Ka 4
]utr[
E.Me 59
] ybzsdm
C.Ki 1
]zolbaa[. . .]
C.Ki 1
APPENDIX A
E = Egypt
C = Caria (and nearby areas in Lydia and Lycia)
G = Greece
E = Egypt
Sa = Sais
Me = Memphis
Ab = Abydos
Th = Thebes
Lu = Luxor
Mu = Murww
Si = Silsilis
AS = Abu Simbel
SS = Gebel Sheik Suleiman
Bu = Buhen
xx = Unknown origin
E.Sa = Sais
E.Sa 1
arkbiom : zidks mdane : n-?mo | den : tumn
E.Me 3
pikre ue
arwljat msnord
E.Me 4
terez | upe | nuol+[---]sarmrolyt
E.Me 5
psmkwneit | ue | naria | ugliq |
sarl?
E.Me 6
triqo : parma i
klorul i
E.Me 7
tamou tanai qarsio[-?]
E.Sa 2
pdnejt qri i
E.Me = Memphis
E.Me 1
ttbazi[] | iub[a]i | aor[]
E.Me 2
uksmu | lkor | mrsi
E.Me 8
a. paraeym : armon i
b. para!eym : sb polo
E.Me 9
arli : upe : arlio
[m] i : yjas[i]
E.Me 10
rm : q[---] i : pui mno
[mw]don [i ---]word i
444
appendix a
E.Me 11
(a) wr[---]t[------]i[---] | mdan
(b) [--15--]a[-]i | mdan
E.Me 12
pjabrm | wol | mwdon i
kbjom | m[no]
E.Me 13
dtat | upa | w | wet i | mwdon
i
E.Me 14
irow | pikarm | mwdon!
E.Me 15
arli
ursle
kidbsi
E.Me 16
irow | pikra i
semw | mno
mwdon i
E.Me 17
arnai
upe | quq
bem i mdan
E.Me 18
(a) taubt
kuaribar | en
niqau
ptnupi
(b) idmuon
i | mdayn
i
E.Me 19
pnuol
zmu i
E.Me 20
uqsi | rwli i | mwdon i
E.Me 21
punwol : somne
qblsi i
E.Me 22
artay : upe : [. . .
E.Me 23
ap[---]ws
a[rb]ikarm i
E.Me 24
tduol
kbos | amsqi[. . .?
E.Me 25
ayriq | parpeym i
yiasi
E.Me 26
[. . .]u | upe sa | triel | mrsi
E.Me 27
irow : psHm[-]
pttu : mno
E.Me 28
sanuq | ue | pntmun i
mwdon i
E.Me 29
s[--]et | [ue] | ynemori | mwdon
E.Me 30
aruol
pleq i : ugli
E.Me 31
wnuti | kwar mHm i | mwdon
[]i
E.Me 44
(a) apmen rquq kojol i
(b) mwton i
E.Me 33
(a) idmns | myre i | mdayn i
(b) idmns | myre i
E.Me 45
[q?]lalis
[?]iam i
alos arnos
E.Me 34
me | somne | tata[r]
E.Me 35
ntokris | dwol | mwdon i
E.Me 36
wksmu | wpe | lkor j
qarpsi
E.Me 46
(a) asd | yi{}biks i
(b) mwdon i
E.Me 47
tqtes | paraibrel i | mn[o-?]
E.Me 37
qlali | [. . .]
tkrabi
E.Me 48
[--]j[-]
[-]owt
i : msnord
E.Me 38
in | upe | arie? i ted
E.Me 49
loubaw | siral | pnldwl
E.Me 39
[. . .]s? | arila
mno
E.Me 50
(a) enurt
(b) psimt i
E.Me 40
plqo | pikrm i | mwdon i
E.Me 51
arli | psikro
ue
E.Me 41
|? or | wpe | qdarou | tatar
E.Me 42
arjom : ue : mwsat : i : mwdon :
i
tbridbd : i
E.Me 43
(a) lsi | upe | rquq i | ksolb
(b) arliom | mno i
E.Me 52
[. . .] ardybyr | md[. . .]
E.Me 53
[. . .]qsi
E.Me 54
[. . .] mrsj[. . .]
E.Me 55
[. . .] psma[/k . . .]
445
446
appendix a
E.Me 56
[. . .] ark[bi/jom . . .?]
E.Ab 3
ptne | ibarsi
E.Me 57
[. . .]i i
E.Ab 4
amow ltari
E.Me 58
[. . .]s i
E.Ab 5
amow ltari[]
E.Me 59
[. . .]utr[. . .]
E.Ab 6
aruol | rsbe | pdubi
E.Me 60
[. . .]
E.Ab 7
plat | pals
E.Me 61
[. . .]i
E.Ab 8
plat pals
E.Me 62
[. . .][. . .]
E.Ab 9
plat pals
E.Me 63
(a) idyes
(b) m [?
E.Ab 10
piubez
qurbo
E.Me 64
(a) [. . .u?]pe : pd[
(b) [. . .]mi
E.Ab 11
? / [. . .]it
E.Me 65
u[. . .]m | punm[-] | mudo[n]
E.Me 66
---].[..u][. . .]p[-]n[---
E.Ab 12
untri uantrpo
E.Ab 13
untri | uantrpu
E.Ab = Abydos
E.Ab 14
abrq[. . .?
E.Ab 1
pisiri
E.Ab 15
pdubez or
E.Ab 2
panejt iarja
E.Ab 16
nprosn
E.Ab 30
bidlemsa : a[ru]ol : adiq
[. . .]allia : bsis
E.Ab 31
aye
E.Ab 32
arr
E.Ab 33
arpt | p[-]lu
E.Ab 21
to[-]a[---]l
tamosi u?tnu?
E.Ab 34
dbkrm [-]kb?[
E.Ab 22
[-]untlau[-]|
E.Ab 35
uol | mi kdsi
E.Ab 23
beol
E.Ab 36
[-]ars, [-]urb
E.Ab 24
[. . .] arli
E.Ab 37
arur
E.Ab 25
ttubazi kattri
E.Ab 38
piew
E.Ab 26
[. . .]pri | ptnuq?i?
E.Ab 39
uarila[-]os
E.Ab 27
yysmtoHa[
E.Ab 40
ialli | qblio
E.Ab 28
Hosurz | srton[-]_[. . .?]
(or:
. . . +t[-]nota/rs | za/rusoH/l?)
E.Ab 41
ttbazi kt?tri
E.Ab 29
[. . .]r[--]tnit
E.Ab 42
aru[..?
E.Ab 43
?-ras
447
448
appendix a
E.Th = Thebes
E.Th 1
uarbe
E.Th 2
dtbr | kbokt
katbr
E.Th 3
pla?t
E.Th 13
dbiks | kbjoms | wdwn | sb abt
ewm
E.Th 14
]q[. . .]btdeo
E.Th 15
Very uncertain reading!
E.Th 16
saml-?-?- (vacat) dy a
E.Th 4
dokmmpint seqqejewsk | mqtjq
pdnmwd.
E.Th 17
ku
E.Th 5
dbr | tatr
E.Th 18
t n
E.Th 6
bebnd
E.Th 19
dbikrm
E.Th 7
wljat
E.Th 20
orb r i
E.Th 8
qutbe
E.Th 21
mmnal
E.Th 9
kudtubr
E.Th 22
mwk | te
E.Th 10
a?qbaq ewm emot
qtblo owdown[. . .]mwarudko mlane
E.Th 23
bebi
E.Th 11
psma[k] [?
| nm[
mplat | o[
E.Th 12
?-bjqmq ewmlane qebt | u[. . .]q
| qwsal | mqabaewleqoosk)ioms
E.Th 24
kow[?-?]
E.Th 25
ktmno
E.Th 26
brsi yri
E.Th 40
pnuol
E.Th 28
bejeym | tebt
K
beb)int ken
E.Th 41
tmonks
E.Th 29
]ke
E.Th 42
rdudmm
E.Th 43
p
E.Th 30
bebint | psrkrte | mumntnse-?
wn
E.Th 44
dquq | ewmlane | tebot | gkem
E.Th 31
Very uncertain reading!
E.Th 45
krw
E.Th 32
tqlow
E.Th 46
prpwri kblow
E.Th 33
lbiks
E.Th 47
*wdbokn ewe [
E.Th 34
slmaewm | urt | kwri | prnanon
| dm-?-n | matnor | qanor | ur
brsi
E.Th 35
lse | i | mlan[-?]
E.Th 36
\ or
E.Th 37
ktmn
E.Th 38
]bewmsmnwdiq tebwnqmw
E.Th 39
krws | kom
449
E.Th 48
E.Th 49
bal ewlane | rb[-]sal |
E.Th 50
pn-?
E.Th 51
p
E.Th 52
plqodse | ewm-?-?-?-? | rqemw | k-?[
E.Th 53
driem
E.Lu = Luxor Temple
450
appendix a
E.Lu 1
ds-?
E.Si 5
betkrqit[-- . . .]
E.Lu 2
rsy
suso
?rquq [. . .?
E.Si 6
bta | sursiabk | dr[- . . .]
qku
E.Lu 3
Very uncertain reading!
E.Lu 4
?-?-[-]ms[-]ry-?-?
E.Lu 5
b?s?uiam | o?
E.Lu 6
| urq
E.Lu 7
tksr (or: tasr)
E.Si 7
psmak
E.Si 8
bijpe
E.Si 9
[. . .]rbna[-- . . .]
E.Si 10
?mpi
E.Si 11
dmobqs
E.AS = Abu Simbel
E.Mu = Murww
E.Mu 1
p?owk | wljat | nsmsos
saawon sa?awon
E.AS 1
parolou
[. . .]oe
E.Si = Silsilis
E.AS 2
abd?aikal
E.Si 1
iqud | marariso[-. . .]
E.AS 3
pismak | arnw | nsmsos
E.Si 2
[--]eld | wa | psmak |
uejresi | qan | kolt | kowrn[. . .?
E.AS 4
aakowr | emsglpn | b[. . .]
pisma[/k . . .]
E.Si 3
irasa | n[-]eakrnanb
E.AS 5
pnyriru | ikr | a[--]ib?wn
E.Si 4
[. . .]K bebint | sqlumidun | sqla
E.AS 6
platt
sla i
451
E.Bu 6
eypsal
puor | aor | urseak i
E.SS = Gebel Sheik Suleiman
E.AS 8
nidkusas | meqak | sn | t | uni
| kmmsm[. . .]
[. . .]rwk[-][
E.AS 9
sm [?
E.Bu = Buhen
E.Bu 1
[--]msal | ar[]i | psmak | urm | ankbu | trel
kdou
E.Bu 2
euml?bnasal | ari
pdtom
urom | ankbu
E.SS 1
nn[-]s|aruol
pneit|in
pard
E.xx = Unknown origin
E.xx 1
qorb | isor i | ugli
E.xx 2
wliat
E.xx 3
ionel
E.xx 4
pduba
E.xx 5
owmebt
E.Bu 3
[-]tmai[--]
E.xx 6
arnajs | sb taqbos
E.Bu 4
psmak
ibrsi
E.xx 7
ntros : pridas
ora
nu mdane : uksi wrm
E.Bu 5
psmak
C = Caria (and transitional neighboring areas of Lydia and Lycia)
Tr = Tralles (Lydia-Caria)
Al = Alabanda (-Eski ine)
Hy = Hyllarima
Eu = Euromos
St = Stratonikeia
My = Mylasa
Si = Sanctuary of god Sinuri near
Mylasa
452
appendix a
Kn = Kindye
Ki = Kildara
Ha = Halikarnassos
Di = Didyma (Ionia)
Ia = Iasos
Ke = keramos
Ka = Kaunos
Kr = Krya (Lycia)
xx = Unknown origin
C.Tr = Tralles (Lydia-Caria border)
C.Tr 1
sdi amt[
pau
art{ }mon
C.Tr 2
an sidi artmi pau
paraq?
C.Al = Alabanda and surroundings
C.Al 1 (Eski ine)
sdi a[-]mob[
C.Eu = Euromos
C.Eu 1
as : ktais idyri : mn[os?]
C.Eu 2
omob i : temazi
dun : oniabkol
armon qyrbmudolo
manon
C.Kn = Kindye
C.Kn 1
pares
C.Hy = Hyllarima
C.Hy 1
(a) asqariod dymda
muot armotrqdosq
brsi ari brsi
mane : uol
rtim uol pur?i
ubzol tu brsi
pau mane ybrs
(b) kduopizipususot
mol msot ylarmit
C.My = Mylasa
C.My 1
idrayridsemdbq mol ty[
tsial tusol : moi m[-]sao[
banol paruos : p?au paryri
qzali obrbi : tsial obrbi
banol yrqso : paryri psoir
[-]bdo pnuo : myze trdy
arkbiom qzali : umo kbdmu
skdubrotoz : pau toi
[-]qo idyri : ksbo iduol
[-]obiokli : toi yrqso
C.Si = Sancutary of Sinuri near
Mylasa
C.Si 1
adymd : yri : t[-]rsi : [. . .?]
tbe
(vacat)
yri : binq : saidlo
C.Si 2
(a) [--]ryin tmo : sb ada tmo
eri : pisoi mda : pmnn : pdamu i aoyrri mtel
mailo mda lrH : stsp vacat
sms[--5--] sb amssi mda
sm[--7--]ae[
[--8--]tud[
e-?-[
limtaoa | [
om
C.Ki = Kildara
C.Ia 2
]uel | ob[
C.Ki 1
[. . . . . . .(.)]zolbaa[. . (.)] kil[
[. . .]uda[. . .] trqdimr qrds tazomd[
kilarad[-]ybzsdmHnmkda[-]aHuq[
iasoum
C.St = Stratonikeia
C.St 1
]sel a[--]a[----]om
]som[n?]e brsi ula[----]ol
]latmne ysal[
] ari maqly[
]sel piks[
]sel p[
C.Ia 3
?] are | anne mlne | siyklo | ann
| trqude | lmud [?
C.Ia 4
n[. . .]
pr[. . .]
is[. . .]
C.Ia 5
baqgk[. . .]
C.Ia 6
[. . .]b?e
C.St 2
uol uodrou u[
mute ymezus[
diye uodryia[
uliade pidaru[
maqaraHrl-?-[
darqemorms[
Hdaqedorms[
C.Ke = Keramos
C.Ha = Halikarnassos
C.Ha 1
smdbrs | psnlo | md orkn tn | snn
C.Ka = Kaunos
453
C.Ke 1
usot
C.Ke 2
uso-
C.Ka 1
sis : sdisas : psuol
mal : mno
C.Ka 2
[ui?]oml qrds grdso[-]i[
[-]r sb amnnartnyr obsmns[
[-]arlano sb zarios i[
[-]nudrma yrpai sarni sb u[
[-]aH punot2 otr bi sb atmsk[m
454
appendix a
C.Ka 8
potkol? aba?d?
ya
C.Ka 9
[. . .]ois?ur?mlo
C.Kr = Krya (Lycia)
C.Kr 1
qot2omu sdisa
m?n odubr
sb mno knor
noril?ams
or rather: sn odubr?
or rather: norimams?
APPENDIX B
CARIAN GLOSSES
la horse
bnda victory
gssa stone
gla king
soa or soan tomb
APPENDIX C
KarON:165.
Amow 60.
Amuzvn, Amuzvn/a/ 611.
Amunand/a/ 612.
Andanow 663.
Anyemi 71.
Apodes[ Blmel KarON:165.
Arara 8516.
Ardur/a/ 906.
Arissoullh Blmel KarON:165.
Arlai/a/ 951.
Arlissow 952.
Armel/a/ Blmel KarON:165.
Armokodvka 961.
Arnaso/w/ 973.
Arpasa Lat. Harpasa 98.
Artoub/a/ 1002.
Asshsow 1083.
Babein 1223.
Bargasa (var. Pargasa, Bargaza)
1351.
Bargulia (later var. Barbulia) 1352.
Barkokmh Blmel (KarON:166).
Boll- 158.
Bridaw 173.
Bubassow, Boubassow, Bubastow,
Boubastow 177.
Bvnitv 1592.
Bvrand/a/ 181.
Gerga 2021.
Gordio/n/ 2153.
Ddmasa 250.
Didassai 263.
Dundason 281.
Enn/a/ 297.
Eorma 298.
Erezow 3021.
Ermapilow 3051.
Yaruai 335.
Yasyar/a/ 336.
Yembrihmow, Yembrimow 338.
Yemhs(s)ow, Yemissow 3391.
Yigrow 343.
Yudonow 351.
Yuhssow 3521.
Yumbria 3533.
Yussanouw 355.
Yvdasa Blmel (KarON:167).
Iasow 358.
Idriaw 363.
Iduma 3641.
Imbrow 3731.
Io.d- 378.
Kaduih 4032.
Kalbisso/w/ 413.
Kalunda 4142.
Kandasa 4262.
Kandhb/a/, Kendhb/a/ 428 (s. v.
Kanduba).
Kanhbion 430.
Kaprima 436.
4395.
Karoura 4522.
Karu/a/ 4543.
Karuanda 4541.
Kasa 4552 (s. v. Kasaio/n/).
Kasar/a/ 4557.
Kastabo/w/ 4581.
Kasvk/a/ 4611.
Kasvlaba 4612.
Kasvsso/w/ 4614.
Ka.nar/a/ 4236.
Kebialea 471.
Kelimara Blmel (KarON:169).
Kemhsso/w/ Blmel (KarON:169).
Kendhbocorow 477.
Kenendvlab/a/ 479.
Keni- 480.
Kepranow 481.
Keraskord/a/ 486.
Kecaro/w/ 4961.
Kdram/a/ 501.
Kildar/a/, Killar/a/ 510.
Kinduh, later var. Kunduh 5181.
Kisariw 522.
Koarbvnd/a/ 5381.
Koar(r)end/a/, Koarenz/a/
Koaranz/a/, Kvra(n)z/a/ 5382.
Kodap/a/ 541.
Kodouvka 544.
Kozanata 547.
Koliorg/a/, Kolierg/a/ 552.
Koloura 5581 (not in Blmel!).
Komurion 658.
Komvond/a/ 568.
Kond- Blmel (KarON:170).
Konodvrkond/a/ 575.
Korell/a/ 581.
Kormoskvn/a/ 5834.
Korrit/a/ 589.
Kostobalo/w/, Kvstobalo/w/ 662.
Kot- Blmel (KarON:171).
Kot/a/ 5931.
Kourb/a/ 607.
Crusa 631.
Kruassow 6322.
Kuarda 635.
457
Kubassow 636.
Kubim/a/ 6391.
Kubisyih 6392.
Kubliss/ow/, hublis/ow/ 1396.
Kullandow 6451.
Kumniss/ow/ 646.
Kumvr/a/ 6472.
Kuogrissiw 649.
Kuon 6522.
Kuprand/a/ Blmel (KarON:172).
Kurbasa 6512.
Kuw 6521.
Kushr/a/ 6531.
Kusshliw 6532.
Kvrai/vn/ 659.
Labara 665.
Labraunda (var. Larabiunda,
Labranda, Labrainda, Labrauunda,
Labrenda, Lambraunda Labraenda)
666.
Lagina, Lageina 670
Lagnvk/a/ 671.
Laras/a/ 6882.
Larb/a/ 689.
Latmow 696.
Leibo/w/ (rather a person or god name)
704.
Leukoid/a/ Blmel (KarON:173).
Lec- (epiclesis Zew Lecunow, Lecinow.
Mednassa 748.
Mali/a/ 7562.
458
appendix c
Masanvrada 782.
Massvn/a/ 787.
Mastaura 788.
Maunn/a/, Maiunn/a/ 793.
Messaba 8041.
Mhyasai 806.
Milhtow 809.
Mniesu/a/ 819.
Mboll/a/, Mogola, Mvgla 822.
Mokold/a/ 828.
Monnara pl 832.
Monogissa 833.
Mosoun/a/ 8421.
Mugissow 858.
Mudon- 859.
Muhss/ow/ 863.
Mulas(s)a (very late form: Milasa)
8611.
Mundow 862.
Murshl/a/ 8661.
Mursileia 8662.
Mvss/on/ 871.
Naras/a/ 8853.
Narisbar/a/ 886.
Naruandow 888.
Ninh 8981.
Nouik/a/ Blmel (KarON:175).
Jerasso/w/ 907.
Ogond/a/ 912.
Ol/a/, Oul/a/ 925.
Oloss/iw/ 9302.
Olumo/w/ 932.
Omb/a/ 934.
Ondoura 935.
Orbhla 9384.
Oryondouvk/a/ 941.
Orsubli/a/ Blmel (KarON:176).
Orsvll/a/ 950.
Otvrkond/a/ 958.
Ouasso/w/ 966.
Palgosvlda 996.
Panamara 1000.
Pandaj/a/ 10012.
Parableia (Parablia?) 1005.
Parembvrd/a/ 1007.
Parkall/a/ 1009.
Parpar- 1012.
10592.
Peiglasow 1031.
Peldek-t- 1035.
Phgasa 10531.
Phdasa, Pidasa 10541.
Piginda 10581.
Pidvssow, Pidossus 10592.
Pisymoi 1065.
Pisiliw 10661.
Pisuh 10664.
Pitaon, Pitaium 10673.
Pladas/a/, Platas/a/ 1068, 1072.
Plamow 1070.
Plarasa 1071.
Pluar/a/ 1080.
Poluara 10831.
Pounomou/a/ 10931.
Prinassow 11011.
Proposs/ow/ Blmel (KarON:178).
Pruondr- Blmel (KarON:178).
Purindow 11141.
Purnow 11142.
Pustow 1116.
Salei/a/ 11482.
Salmakiw 11501.
Samn/h/ 1153.
Samulia 11522.
Saranso/w/ 11652.
Sasanda 11762.
Siana 12611.
Sikim/a/ Blmel (KarON:178).
Sind/a/ 12192.
Sindhssow 12194
Sinuri 1222.
Solo/a/ 12441.
Solvn/a/ 12443.
Sparz/a/ 1255.
Suana 12611.
Suaggela, Souaggela, Sfaggela (later
Yeaggela, Theangela) 12612.
Suarbeu[ 1262.
Suista 1267.
Surna 1272.
Blmel (KarON:179).
Tarkondar/a/ 1299.
Tarm/ow/ (?, or rather a personal
name?) 1300.
Tezhra (?, or rather a personal name?)
1310.
Teleseitiw 1312.
Telmhssow, Telmessow, Telmissow,
Telemessow, Telmisum 1314.
Temoesso/ow/ Blmel (KarON:180).
Tendhba 1318.
Termera, Telmera, Termera 13202.
Terssvgass/ow/ Blmel (KarON:181).
Tnussow 1347.
Traldeiw, Tralleiw, Trallis 13611.
Trara 1362.
Trobaliss/ow/ 1368.
Truban/a/ 1374.
Tuennesso/w/ 1379.
Tumnhssow 13845.
Tumnow 13844.
459
Ualvka 1393.
Uarbesu/a/ 1394.
Ubliss/ow/ 1396.
Ugas(s)ow 1397.
Udai, Kudai 13982.
Udis(s)ow 13984.
Uyubir/a/ 1400.
Uissow 1402.
Ulim/a/ 14041.
Ullarima 14042.
Ullouala 14043.
Umess/ow/ 1405.
Urvmow, Kurvmow, Eurvmow, Eurvpow
1412.
Usarbid/a/ 1414.
Ussome[ Blmel (KarON:182).
Utarm/ow/ Blmel (KarON:182).
Xalkhtvr, Xalkhetorew Blmel
(KarON:182).
Vlasha 1443.
Vndr/a/ 1444.
Vnzvssuaso/w/ 1445.
Vspraonno/w/ 1447.
]akondia Blmel (KarON:182).
]eadovka 1450.
]erra Blmel (KarON:182).
]hvka 1457.
]kermu.ion Blmel (KarON:182).
]nirea Blmel (KarON:182).
etc. 57.
Andarsvw 594.
Appa, Apfia, Apfiaw, Apfion, Apfianow,
Afia, Afion, Affion, etc. 66.
Apoukvw 79.
Arbhs(s)iw 852/3.
Arduberow 866.
Ariauow 892.
Aridvliw 894.
Arlissiw 951/2.
Arlivmow 953.
Arris(s)iw 1061/2.
Arshliw 10712.
Artaow Blmel (KarPN:11).
460
appendix c
Arthumow 109.
Artimhw Arteimhw 1084/6.
Artuassiw, Aryuassiw 1101/2.
Aruassiw 111.
Arvsiw Blmel (KarPN:11).
Atthw 11910.
Beryaw 1621.
Berrablviow Blmel (KarPN:11).
Boivmow 1784.
Bruajiw, Bruassiw 1961/2.
Brvlvw 197.
Geiw 2103.
Glouw 224.
Gugow Blmel (KarPN:12).
Dandvmow 251.
Daru . . . ow 254.
Deibow 264.
Dersvmanhw Blmel (KarPN:12).
Dersvw Blmel (KarPN:12).
Dersv . . . tiw 275.
Ekamuhw Blmel (KarPN:12).
Ekatomnvw (more recent variants:
Ekatomnvn, Ekatomnow) 3251/2/3.
Ejamuhw 3402.
Ermapiw 35521.
Zermeduberow (var. Jermedu<be>row)
Blmel (KarPN:13).
Zonzolow 390.
Yekuilow 417.
Youw Blmel (KarPN:14).
Yualdiw 438.
Yussow 4451
Ibanvlliw 450.
Idagugow 4514.
Idakow 4515.
Idbelaw Blmel (KarPN:14).
Ideghbow Blmel (KarPN:14).
Idmamu . . . ow 4526.
Idriew 453.
Idubl[ 454.
Idussvllow Blmel (KarPN:15).
Il[.]uthw 1678.
Imbarhldow 467.
Imbarsiw, Imbras(s)iw 4693/4/5.
Imbrhw 4699.
Innivn 4718.
Indow 4731.
Isedum.xow 485.
Isemenda . . . ow 486.
Iublhsiw 494.
I . . . uagow 1679.
Kay.divn 1680.
Kakraw 5091.
Kalbalaw 512.
Karama . . . ow 531.
Karjaw 539.
Karreiw 5403.
Karusvldow 544.
Kasballiw 546.
Kasbvlliw 545.
Kashsiw 5471.
Kaifenh 558.
Kbondiassiw 566.
Kbvdhw 5671.
Kebivmow Blmel (KarPN:16).
Keldnassiw 573.
Kemptuw 575.
*Kendhbhw 5769.
Ketambissiw 593.
Kindacow (KarPN:16).
Kinjimow 617.
Kit.essvw (KarPN:16).
Koboldvow (KarPN:16).
Koibilow 6521.
Koidvw 653.
Kolaldiw, Kulaldiw (KarPN:17).
Koldobaw 660.
Kolvldow 661.
Kondalow 6761.
Kondmalaw 6762.
Kondo[ 6765.
Korollow (KarPN:17).
Korriw 6863.
Koshtiow (KarPN:17).
Kosinaw 703.
Kostvlliw 705.
Kotbelhmow (KarPN:17) cf. Kutbelhmiw.
Kotobalvw (KarPN:17).
Kouldoiw 727.
Kourvn 7375.
Ktouboldow 761.
Kuaremow 764.
Kuatbhw 765.
Kulaldiw (KarPN 18) cf. Kolaldiw.
461
O(?sa)rthumow 11143.
Oseaw 1121.
Ouvkhw 1180.
Pagadow 1186.
Paktuhw 1193.
Patkuvlliw Blmel (KarPN:21).
Paktuiskow Blmel (KarPN:21).
Panablhmiw 11973.
Panamuhw 11976.
Panuassiw 1198.
Paow Blmel (KarPN:21).
Papaw, Papiaw, Papow, etc. 1199.
Paparivn 12002.
Paraskvw 12033.
Paraudigow 12035.
Paraussvllow, Paraussvldow,
Parussvldow 12036/8.
Pargistaw 1205.
Parmumiw Blmel (KarPN:22).
Parnow 1207.
Paruv 12122.
Paruinna 12121.
Passidhrow 1219.
Pedvldow 1232.
Pelaow Blmel (KarPN:22).
Peldemiw, Peldemvw
12341.
Peldhkow 12342.
Pel(l)ekvw 12343/4.
Pelkisiw 1235.
Perbilaw 1239.
Perignaw/Petignaw 1241.
Phdisaw 1249.
Pigassvw Blmel (KarPN:22).
Pigrhw 12556.
Pijvdarow 12633.
Pirvmiw 1266.
Pisindhliw 1268.
Pisku[ Blmel (KarPN:23).
Pis.nvw Blmel (KarPN:23).
Pitakolow (not Gitakolow, Zgusta
462
appendix c
Purkeaw/Purkehw
Saggotbhriw Blmel (KarPN:23).
Saggvw 1369.
Samassiw 1361.
Sampaktuhw, Sambaktuw 13641.
Samvow 13671.
Samvuow 13672.
Sanamvw Blmel (KarPN:24).
Sanortow 1371.
Sarow 1377.
Saruassiw Blmel (KarPN:24).
Sarussvllow 13781/2.
Saskow/Saskvw 1381.
Sassvmow 13796.
Saurigow Blmel (KarPN:24).
Sausvllow Blmel (KarPN:24).
Seikilow 1390.
Semeuritow Blmel (KarPN:25).
Senurigow Blmel (KarPN:25).
Seskvw 14101.
Sesvlhw 1411.
Sibilvw 14161.
Siduatow Blmel (KarPN:25).
Sidulhmiw 1422.
Silbow 1426.
Skoaranow Blmel (KarPN:25).
Spareudigow 1466.
Sueskurebow 1477.
S[u]s[k]h[w] (?)Blmel (KarPN:25).
Suskvw 1486.
Svmnhw Blmel (KarPN:25).
16297/8.
Xasbvw Blmel (KarPN:27).
Xhramuhw (cf. 1639).
]rouessiw
]ruassiw
]teieow
]toldiw
]uassiw
]ujki
]vldow
]vllow
]vrlemiw
463
River Names
Idumow Tischler (1977:66).
Indos, (var.) Lindow (an erroneus
APPENDIX D
CONCORDANCES
A. Present book
Former editions
EGYPT
Sais
E.Sa 1
E.Sa 2
MY L
MY M
Memphis
E.Me 1
E.Me 2
E.Me 3
E.Me 4
E.Me 5
E.Me 6
E.Me 7
E.Me 8
E.Me 9
E.Me 10
E.Me 11
E.Me 12
E.Me 13
E.Me 14
E.Me 15
E.Me 16
E.Me 17
E.Me 18
E.Me 19
E.Me 20
E.Me 21
E.Me 22
E.Me 23
E.Me 24
E.Me 25
E.Me 26
E.Me 27
E.Me 28
E.Me 29
E.Me 30
E.Me 31
MY A
MY B
MY D
MY E
MY F
MY G
MY H
MY K
M 1
M 2
M 3
M 4
M 5
M 6
M 7
M 8
M 9
M 10
M 11
M 12
M 13
M 14
M 15
M 16
M 17
M 18
M 19
M 20
M 21
M 22
M 23
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
M 24
M 25
M 26
M 27
M 28
M 29
M 30
M 31
M 32
M 33
M 34
M 35
M 36
M 37
M 38
M 39
M 40
M 41
M 42
M 43
M 44
M 45
M 45a
M 46
M 47
M 47a
M 47b
M 48
M 48a
M 48b
M 48c
M 48d
M 49
Abusir
Kammerzell
*180
concordances
Abydos
E.Ab 1
E.Ab 2
E.Ab 3
E.Ab 4
E.Ab 5
E.Ab 6
E.Ab 7
E.Ab 8
E.Ab 9
E.Ab 10
E.Ab 11
E.Ab 12
E.Ab 13
E.Ab 14
E.Ab 15
E.Ab 16
E.Ab 17
E.Ab 18
E.Ab 19
E.Ab 20
E.Ab 21
E.Ab 22
E.Ab 23
E.Ab 24
E.Ab 25
E.Ab 26
E.Ab 20
E.Ab 21
E.Ab 22
E.Ab 23
E.Ab 27
E.Ab 28
E.Ab 29
E.Ab 30
E.Ab 31
E.Ab 32
E.Ab 33
E.Ab 34
E.Ab 35
E.Ab 36
E.Ab 37
E.Ab 38
E.Ab 39
E.Ab 40
E.Ab 41
E.Ab 42
E.Ab 43
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
1 F
2a F
2b F
3b F
3c F
4 F
5a F
5b F
5c F
6 F
7 F
8a F
8b F
9 F
10 F
11 F
12 F
13a F
13b F
14 F
15 F
16 F
17 F
18 F
19 F
20 F
14 F
15 F
16 F
17 F
21 F
22 F
24 F
25 F
26a F
26b F
27 F
28 F
29 F
8 Y
9 Y
15 Y
26 Y
27 Y
28 Y
29 Y
34 Y
465
Thebas
E.Th 1
E.Th 2
E.Th 3
E.Th 4
E.Th 5
E.Th 6
E.Th 7
E.Th 8
E.Th 9
E.Th 10
E.Th 11
E.Th 12
E.Th 13
Th
Th
Th
Th
Th
Th
Th
Th
Th
Th
Th
Th
Th
Luxor
E.Lu 1
E.Lu 2
E.Lu 3
E.Lu 4
E.Lu 5
E.Lu 6
E.Lu 7
G
G
G
G
G
G
G
Murww
E.Mu 1
Silsilis
E.Si 1
E.Si 2
E.Si 3
E.Si 4
E.Si 5
E.Si 6
E.Si 7
E.Si 8
E.Si 9
E.Si 10
E.Si 11
Si
Si
Si
Si
Si
Si
Si
Si
Si
Si
Si
Abu Simbel
E.AS 1
E.AS 2
E.AS 3
E.AS 4
E.AS 5
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57+58
59
60
19
21
22
23
24
25
26
39
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
F
F
F
F
F
F
F
F
F
F
F
AS 1
AS 2
AS 3
AS 4 + Lepsius
Kar 4
AS 5
appendix d
466
E.AS
E.AS
E.AS
E.AS
6
7
8
9
Buhen
E.Bu 1
E.Bu 2
E.Bu 3
E.Bu 4
E.Bu 5
E.Bu 6
AS 6
AS 7
AS 8
Lepsius Kar 2
M
M
M
M
M
M
50
51
52
53
54
55
CARIA
Tralles
C.Tr 1
C.Tr 2
D 1
D 2
Stratonikeia
C.St 1
C.St 2
D 12
36*
Halikarnassos
C.Ha 1
33*
Euromos
C.Eu 1
C.Eu 2
Didyma
C.Di 1
21*
Iasos
C.Ia 1
C.Ia 2
C.Ia 3
C.Ia 4
C.Ia 5
C.Ia 6
C.Ia 7
20a*
20b*
38a*
38b*
47*
48*
Berti-Innocente 2005
Keramos
C.Ke 1
C.Ke 2
39a*
39b*
Kaunos
C.Ka 1
C.Ka 2
C.Ka 3
C.Ka 4
C.Ka 5
C.Ka 6
D 14
D 16
28*
30*
44*
45*
Kindye
C.Kn 1
Hyllarima
C.Hy 1
Mylasa
C.My 1
D 3
D 8
D 6
D 7 +
AdiegoDebordVarinlio<lu 2005
Blmel-Kzl 2004
Sinuri
C.Si 1
C.Si 2
D 9
D 10
Kildara
C.Ki 1
D 11
concordances
467
C.Ka 7
C.Ka 8
C.Ka 9
46*
49*
50*
C.xx 3
C.xx 4
C.xx 5
40*
41a*
41b*
Lycia
C.Kr 1
D15
Greece
G.1
G.2
D 19
42*
5
6
7
8
E.AS 1
E.AS 2
E.AS 3
E.AS 4 (+ Lepsius
Kar 4)
E.AS 5
E.AS 6
E.AS 7
E.AS 8
Buhen
(M = Masson 1978)
M 50
E.Bu
M 51
E.Bu
M 52
E.Bu
M 53
E.Bu
M 54
E.Bu
M 55
E.Bu
1
2
3
4
5
6
MY
MY
MY
MY
MY
MY
MY
MY
MY
MY
MY
MY
MY
C
D
a
b
c
E
F
G
H
I
K
L
M
E.xx 1
E.Me 3
E.xx 3
E.xx 4
E.xx 5
E.Me 4
E.Me 5
E.Me 6
E.Me 7
E.xx 2
E.Me 8
E.Sa 1
E.Sa 2
Leningrad Isis
( = evorokin 1965)
4
E.xx 6
Lion
(Masson 1976)
Lion
E.xx 7
Memphis-Saqqara
(M = Masson 1978)
M 1
E.Me
M 2
E.Me
M 3
E.Me
M 4
E.Me
M 5
E.Me
9
10
11
12
13
appendix d
468
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
M
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
45a
46
47
47a
47b
48
48a
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
M 48b
M 48c
M 48d
M 49
Abusir
Kammerzell (1993)
*180
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
E.Me
61
62
63
64
65
E.Me 66
Silsilis
(F = Friedrich 1932)
Si 39 F
E.Si 1
Si 53 F
E.Si 2
Si 54 F
E.Si 3
Si 55 F
E.Si 4
Si 56 F
E.Si 5
Si 57 F
E.Si 6
Si 58 F
E.Si 7
Si 59 F
E.Si 8
Si 60 F
E.Si 9
Si 61 F
E.Si 10
Si 62 F
E.Si 11
Thebes
( = evorokin 1965)
Th 47
E.Th 1
Th 48
E.Th 2
Th 49
E.Th 3
Th 50
E.Th 4
Th 51
E.Th 5
Th 52
E.Th 6
Th 53
E.Th 7
Th 54
E.Th 8
Th 55
E.Th 9
Th 56
E.Th 10
Th 5758
E.Th 11
Th 59
E.Th 12
Th 60
E.Th 13
Abydos
(F = Friedrich 1932)
(Y = Yoyotte apud Meier-Brgger
1979)
Ab 1 F
E.Ab 1
Ab 2a F
E.Ab 2
Ab 2b F
E.Ab 3
Ab 3a F
excluded
concordances
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
Ab
3b F
3c F
4 F
5a F
5b F
5c F
6 F
7 F
8a F
8b F
9 F
10 F
11 F
12 F
13a F
13b F
14 F
15 F
16 F
17 F
18 F
19 F
20 F
14 F
15 F
16 F
17 F
21 F
22 F
23 F
24 F
25 F
26a F
26b F
27 F
28 F
29 F
30 F
8 Y
9 Y
15 Y
26 Y
27 Y
28 Y
29 Y
34 Y
E.Ab 4
E.Ab 5
E.Ab 6
E.Ab 7
E.Ab 8
E.Ab 9
E.Ab 10
E.Ab 11
E.Ab 12
E.Ab 13
E.Ab 14
E.Ab 15
E.Ab 16
E.Ab 17
E.Ab 18
E.Ab 19
E.Ab 20
E.Ab 21
E.Ab 22
E.Ab 23
E.Ab 24
E.Ab 25
E.Ab 26
E.Ab 20
E.Ab 21
E.Ab 22
E.Ab 23
E.Ab 27
E.Ab 28
excluded
E.Ab 29
E.Ab 30
E.Ab 31
E.Ab 32
E.Ab 33
E.Ab 34
E.Ab 35
excluded
E.Ab 36
E.Ab 37
E.Ab 38
E.Ab 39
E.Ab 40
E.Ab 41
E.Ab 42
E.Ab 43
Luxor
(ESS 1998)
G 19
G 21
G 22
G 23
G 24
G 25
G 26
469
E.Lu
E.Lu
E.Lu
E.Lu
E.Lu
E.Lu
E.Lu
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
appendix d
470
35*
36*
37*
38a*
38b*
39a*
39b*
40*
41a*
41b*
42*
43*
44*
45*
46*
47*
C.xx 2
C.St 2
excluded
C.Ia 3
C.Ia 4
C.Ke 1
C.Ke 2
C.xx 3
C.xx 4
C.xx 5
G.2
excluded
C.Ka 5
C.Ka 6
C.Ka 7
C.Ia 5
48*
49*
50*
51*
BelliGusmani 2001
[rock inscription
from Labraunda]
Innocente 2002
[tegola di Iasos]
BlmelKzl 2004
BertiInnocente 2005
Adiego-DebordVarinlio<lu 2005
C.Ia 6
C.Ka 8
C.Ka 9
excluded
excluded
excluded
C.My 1
C.Ia 7
C.Hy 1[+D 7]
APPENDIX E
The following catalogue aims to include all known coins bearing letters in the Carian script.1 These coins form an integral part of the written record, and, in spite of their small size, they are of great importance,
as they throw light on various aspects of Carian society and its language in particular. The material, collected over several years, comes
from a variety of sources.2 While many coins are without a provenance,
some have been found locally and are today housed near their nd
spots in museums and private collections. This may provide useful information for their attribution which in many cases remains a dicult
matter. Our purpose here, however, is to focus on the legends and
questions of attributions are only very briey discussed, especially when
specic studies are available. The catalogue presents rst coins which can
be ascribed to a mint, then coins whose attribution remains uncertain.
Coin legends are obviously related to inscriptions, but there are
signicant dierences between them. Each coin issue was produced in
thousands of specimens, even if today only a handful, in some cases
one or two specimens, are extant. They were struck with dies which
had to be individually engraved in negative. The engraver cut the mirror-like image of the design (type) and the letters on the die which,
when struck on a piece of metal, appeared in positive. Working in negative could result in confusion in the direction and position of the letters. Carian was inscribed in either direction, though more often from
1
Much of the discussion and many of the attributions presented here and elsewhere
were rst made public in a paper read at the Royal Numismatic Society in January
1996 and entitled Carian Coin Legends (hereafter 1996 RNS paper), of which this
is an extended and updated version. I am very grateful to Professor Ignacio Adiego
for kindly including this appendix in his book and for his useful comments, and to
Richard Ashton for improving my text.
2
For nearly 70 years, Robinson 1939 remained the only comprehensive study of
coin legends in Carian (listing fewer than a dozen examples). Not only has our understanding of Carian dramatically increased, but our documentation has also quadrupled.
appendix e
472
I. Mints
Mylasa
For detailed discussion and attribution to Mylasa, see Konuk (forthcoming [a]). The mint of Mylasa was rst suggested in my 1996 RNS
paper and appeared in print in Konuk (1998a:2226) in which the last
two letters of M5 (my) were read as the beginning of the ethnic of
Mylasa in Carian. See also SNG Kayhan, 833840. All silver fractions
are on the Milesian standard.
M1 M
Obv. Forepart of lion left; on its shoulder, O; below, one foreleg left.
Rev. Two rectangular punches applied separately, one of which has
M1 (m).
Lydian (Persic) standard stater; c. 500 B.C.
Weber, 6448 (11.13g) = Naville 14 (1929), 378.
The Lydian-weight lion forepart issues were quite prolic and rank
among the earliest coinages of Caria. Their attribution is debated,
Kaunos and Mylasa have been suggested (for an overview, see
Konuk 2000a:172 and Konuk forthcoming [a]). Several phases
can be observed which span the second half of the sixth century
B.C. M1 comes late in the sequence of minting and is linked to
the issues which have various signs on the shoulder of the lion.
These are not letters but linear devices. M1 (m), engraved in one
of the two rectangular punches, is attested on a few dies and,
although the possibility cannot be entirely ruled out, it does not
473
474
appendix e
Also part of an extensive series, only a handful of inscribed specimens is known. Among these a variety of the same early style
has with a smaller M standing next to the middle of the right
foreleg of the lion (Bodrum Museum of Underwater Archaeology,
10791 [0.45g; 06H]). As on the previous example, M3 (m) stands
for the initial of the Carian ethnic of Mylasa.
M4 m
Obv. As last.
Rev. Young male head (Apollo?) facing; in right eld, M4 (m); all within
shallow round incuse.
Tetartemorion; c. 420390 B.C.
Knker 62 (2001), 129 (0.20g).
A variety features the letter in the left eld (Oxford, Ashmolean
Museum (0.28g; 06H). For later issues, see M9 and M10 below.
M4 is the early phase of a coinage which ends with the tetartemoria in the name of the satrap Hekatomnos inscribed EK and
EKA (see below).
M5 V mW
Obv. As last.
Rev. Facing head of a lion with its forelegs on either side; below, M5
(w my); all within incuse square.
Hemiobol; c. 420390 B.C.
SNG von Aulock, 7807 (0.42g) = Troxell (1984:n 1A).
The style of this coin looks later than M3 (same type). M, m and
m are the same letter in the Carian alphabet (m). The next letter
is somewhat problematic. Adiego suggests that W was V in the
alphabet of Mylasa. If that is the case, the occurrence of both letters in the same legend calls for an explanation. Even though the
new inscription found near Mylasa (Krca<z) does not include the
letter W, M5 proves that it was part of the citys alphabet. Two
explanations spring to mind: either these letters are not the same
and therefore have dierent values, or V is not a letter but a trident as suggested by Troxell (1984:250). When the trident explanation was proposed (Troxell considered mW to be Greek letters),
it seemed the most likely solution, as the Carian letter V was
unknown in that shape (apart from the rare occurrence of V at
Sinuri and Kildara) and no evidence existed at that time that it
475
appendix e
476
M9
Obv. As last.
Rev. Young male head (Apollo?) facing; in the lower right eld, M9
(w); all within shallow round incuse.
Tetartemorion; c. 420390 B.C.
Private collection (0.23g; 12H).
The letter is sometimes placed just below the facing head (e.g.
New York, ANS, 1980.23.5 [0.22g] = Troxell [1984:no 2A], M9
misdiscribed as a trident). These tetartemoria are distinguished by
a dierent reverse type. Tetartemoria of the same types but later
style were struck by Hekatomnos who put the Greek letters EKA
or EK in place of or V. In Konuk 1998a: 2226, I suggested
that and (M5M6 and M10) V (w) might also be the initial of
the name of a Carian dynast preceding Hekatomnos. His fathers
name is Hyssaldomos and an attribution to him is quite likely.
M10 V
Obv. As last.
Rev. Young male head (Apollo?) facing, turned slightly left; in the lower
left eld, M10 (w); all within round incuse.
Tetartemorion; c. 420390 B.C.
New York, ANS, 1983.53.464 (0.23g; 12H)
M11
Obv. As last.
Rev. Male head (Apollo?) right; in the lower left eld, M11 (w); all
within shallow round incuse.
Hemitetartemorion; c. 420390 B.C.
Private collection (0.14g; 10H).
Kasolaba?
For a likely attribution to the mint of Kasolaba, see Konuk (forthcoming [b]). Given the wide time-span during which these coins were
issued, probably over a century, the legend is bound to refer to an ethnic rather than a dynast. M20 and M21 bear three letters: a9o (azo),
which at rst glance are dicult to match with an ethnic. A large number of these coins occur in the collections of the archaeological museums of Mils and Bodrum, and several nd spots have been recorded,
which fall in the area between Mylasa and Halikarnassos. By studying
477
the Athenian Tribute Lists and the recently discovered inscription from
Sekky, Descat (1994:6668) demonstrates that the city of Kasolaba
ought to be located in that area. The reading azo shows a remarkable
similarity to the Greek ethnic of Kasolaba. The omission of a guttural
initial in the Carian legend should not be surprising since examples of
ethnics like Kyromos / Hyromos / Euromos, Kydai / Hydai and
Kyblissos / Hyblissos in the same district testify that such variations
were frequent. Kasolaba is the Greek transcription of a Carian ethnic
whose native spelling remains uncertain. It has been suggested, however, that ksolbz (ksolb ) found in an inscription from Egypt (E.Me
43) may have been the genitive form of Kasolaba in Carian. Whether
or not this is the case, the coins suggest that the Carian ethnic started
with azo. It would not be far-fetched to expect that a new Greek inscription with the form Hasolaba may one day come to light. All coins are
Milesian-standard hemiobols.
M12 3
6
Obv. Head of ram right.
Rev. Young male head left; to the left, M12 (az); all within incuse
square.
Private collection (0.43g; 09H); c. 450400 B.C.
M12 and M13 show a distinctive archaic style; the deep incuse
square of the reverse also indicates an early issue. The initial letter, a on later issues, takes a rather odd shape on these early
examples.
M13 4
5
Obv. As last.
Rev. Young male head right; to the right, M13 (az); all within incuse
square.
SNG Keckman, 865 (0.29g; 06H) = Troxell (1984:no 8); c. 450400 B.C.
M14 3
Obv. As last.
Rev. Young male head right; to the right, M14 (az); all within incuse
square
Hauck & Aufhuser 15 (2000), 206 (0.52g); c. 450400 B.C.
478
appendix e
The shape of the initial letter establishes a link between the rst
phase of this coinage and the later issues (M15 onwards).
Same types from the next coin onwards unless otherwise indicated:
Obv. Head of ram right.
Rev. Young male head right; on either side, M15 (za); M16 (za); M17
(za); M18 (az); M19 (az); M20 (azo); M21 (azo); all within square
or round incuse.
M15 8 A
Bodrum Museum of Underwater Archaeology, 31985 (0.42g;
01H).
Only the incuse square variety is known. The letter on the right
also has the shape M on a specimen in Oxford, Ashmolean Museum
(0.43g; 12H). There is also a specimen with Q in the Bodrum
Museum of Underwater Archaeology, 91991 (0.51g; 12H).
M16 8 l
Private collection (0.34g; 02H).
This specimen has a round incuse. The letter on the right also
has the shape on a specimen in SNG Keckman, 870 (0.46g; 09H;
a die-duplicate is in the Ashmolean, Oxford).
M17 9 a
Muharrem Kayhan collection, MK 1236 (0.49g; 06H).
The incuse on the Kayhan specimen is square; the round variety
is also attested (e.g. SNG Keckman, 869 [0.46g; 09H]). A variety
with 8 is known (SNG Keckman, 877 [0.39g; 03H]).
M18 a 9
New York, ANS (0.41g; 06H) = Troxell (1984:no 9B).
On M18M21, when the shape of the incuse can be determined,
it is circular, and on some very shallow.
M19 a (obv.)
a 9 (rev.)
Obv. Head of ram right; below, M19 (a).
Private collection (0.36g; 10H).
479
M20 a 9o
SNG Kayhan, 997 (0.38g; 12H).
M21 a 9o
Obv. Persian hero-king right, in running-kneeling position, holding dagger in the right hand and bow in the left; groundline.
London (BM), CM 19991071 (0.34g; 6H).
Keramos
For the attribution to Keramos, see Konuk (2000), based on the convincing attribution to Keramos by Ashton (1998) of a slightly earlier
coinage of the same types bearing the Greek letters KE.
M22 kBo
Obv. Bull standing right.
Rev. Dolphin leaping right; below, M22 (kbo).
AE chalkous; c. 400 B.C.
Private collection (1.05g; 04H) = Konuk (2000: no 2).
An obverse variety of this type has the forepart of the bull (Konuk
2000: no 1). M22 (kbo) is the beginning of the Carian ethnic of
Keramos.
M23 _NW (obv.)
luo (rev.)
Obv. Bull standing right; in front, M23 ( jy or kse).
Rev. Dolphin leaping right; underneath, M23 (kbo).
AE chalkous; c. 400 B.C.
SNG Kayhan, 804 (0.91g; 09H) = Konuk (2003:no 74) = Konuk
(2000:no 5).
The reverse legend of M23 is upside-down. In the present form,
the letters resemble a Greek delta, an upsilon and an omicron.
The most likely explanation is a mistake made by a Greek diecutter who, working in negative on the die, was led into error by
his mother-tongue. The variety with the obverse legend (which
might be Greek) appears to fall at the end of the series after which
Carian legend chalkoi were superseded by Greek legend chalkoi.
appendix e
480
Kaunos
For a detailed discussion of this coinage, see Konuk (1998b). The denite
attribution to Kaunos was rst presented in my 1996 RNS paper. It
was based on the reading of the coin legends with the new values given
to the Carian script. The initial of the ethnic on M24 and M25 (k)
and the subsequent legends (M26M28) giving a second letter (b),
resulted in kb which is the beginning of the native name of Kaunos:
Kbid-, known from the Lycian version of the trilingual inscription of
the Leton. In summer 1997, the discovery of a bilingual inscription
in Kaunos (C.Ka 5) gave for the rst time the ethnic of Kaunos in
Carian and the rst two letters on the new inscription were the same
as on the coin legends.
The earliest coinage of Kaunos is anepigraphic and spans the period
c. 490450 B.C. M24 (k), the rst occurrence of the beginning of the
Carian ethnic of Kaunos, appears towards the middle of the fth century B.C. The use of Carian ends with the chalkoi in c. 370 B.C.; these
are followed by chalkoi bearing the rst three letters the ethnic of
Kaunos in Greek.
The following coins are Aeginetic standard staters unless otherwise
indicated.
M24 k
Obv. Female deity (Iris?) with curved wings and outstretched hands
ying left, looking right; holding a kerykeion in right hand and a
wreath in left.
Rev. Granulated patterns on either side of triangular baetyl; above left,
M24 (k); all within incuse square.
Paris, BN, 703 (11.76g; 09H) = Konuk (1998b:no 90a) (c. 450430
B.C.).
Variants with the granulated patterns in the shape of stylised birds
(Konuk 1998b:no 95 [c. 430410 B.C.]) or bunches of grapes are
known (Konuk 1998b:no 96 [c. 430410 B.C.]).
M25 k
n
Obv. As last.
Rev. Bunch of grapes on either side of triangular baetyl with M25 (n)
in its centre; above left, M25 (k); all within incuse square.
481
appendix e
482
M29 k
Obv. Bunch of grapes.
Rev. M29 (k) within circle of dots.
1/16th (?) Aeginetic stater; c. 400350 B.C.
Terzian collection (0.48g; 02H) = Ashton (2003:39, 1).
M30 k
Obv. Corngrain within circle of dots.
Rev. M30 (k) within circle of dots.
1/32nd Aeginetic stater; c. 400350 B.C.
Ashton collection (0.35g; 02H) = Ashton (2003:39, 2b).
Telmessos
M31 i F
Obv. Head of Athena left in Attic helmet; in front, linear device l;
dotted circle.
Rev. Heracles ghting left with club, left foot placed on rock; along
the right edge, erbbinna in Lycian characters; on either side of
Herakles, M31 (i t) all in incuse square with dotted border.
Light Lycian standard stater; c. 420 B.C.
Munich, Staatliche Mnzsammlung (7.87g) = Babelon 1910:n
385.
This stater of the Lycian dynast Erbbina, part of his regular issues
from Telmessos, is the only example to bear a legend in Carian.
Various readings based on the changing values given through the
years to the letters have been proposed (er, ir, i and nally it).
New evidence from the bilingual inscription from Kaunos has led
Adiego (1998b:5860) and Meier-Brgger (1998:45) to give F the
value t. They wonder whether i might not stand for the initial of
Erbbina in Carian and t for the initial of Telmessos (Telebehi in
Lycian). But the legend may also be transliterated as ti and stand
for the rst two letters of the same ethnic.
483
484
appendix e
There is an obverse variant with the winged male gure advancing right (Robinson 1936: no 11). I consider { to be a linear
device, perhaps even an object rather than a monogram of the
letters Uo or z. On some contemporary issues from a dierent
mint (Troxell 1979:pl. 31, 35), { is depicted much like an object
decorated with dots. J is omitted on the following examples, suggesting that it is the last sign of the legend which, therefore, is
read from right to left (gsp J ?). The meaning of the last sign ( J) is
problematic. Its sole function on Carian inscriptions is to separate
words, and it is never used as a letter. The two other legends in
which J appears are M36M37 and M27. In the case of M36M37,
our sign may well have served its normal function of separating
words, but for M27, this explanation can hardly be valid since it
is the last sign of the legend, as it is in the present example. For
M27 it is tempting to consider J as the equivalent of a Greek iota
because this is the very sound which comes after kb (for kbid ),
although it must be admitted that I is used as the third letter of
kbi in the bilingual inscription from Kaunos. To sum up, M27
and M33 compel us to accept J as a letter even though its absence
as a letter from inscriptions remains puzzling. As the sign J only
appears on coin legends, it may well be a direct inuence of coin
engravers being more familiar with engraving Greek legends (see
also M23). It is worth noting here that the letter P was known
solely on coins until 2004, when a new inscription found at
Hyllarima revealed for the rst time the letter B on an inscription
from Caria, albeit with a dierent value.
M34 s0
Obv. Naked male gure, with wings at shoulder and heel, in kneelingrunning position advancing right, head and legs right, left arm
raised and right arm lowered; above left wing, {; groundline.
Rev. Lion standing left with head turned back, right forepaw raised;
above its back, M34 ( psg); underneath legend, small {; dotted
groundline; all within incuse square.
Paris, BN (11.64g; 11H); c. 450 B.C.
The more angular shape of is further conrmation that this letter is a variant of p with a 90 rotation. There is a reverse variant which shows the lion with both forepaws standing on the
goundline (Robinson 1936:4, 9ter).
485
M35 s0
P
Obv. Naked male gure, with wings at shoulder and heel, in kneelingrunning position advancing right, head and legs right, left arm
raised and right arm lowered; above left wing, {; groundline.
Rev. Lion standing left with head turned back, right forepaw raised;
above its back, { and M35 (sg / p) whose third letter is in the
lower left corner; all within incuse square with dotted frame.
New York, ANS, 67.152.457 (11.78g; 09H); c. 450 B.C.
M36 ? s N_ J s?d
Obv. Naked male gure, with wings at shoulder and heel, in the kneelingrunning position advancing right, head and legs right, trunk frontal,
left arm raised and right arm lowered; above left wing, {; dotted
groundline.
Rev. Lion standing left with head turned back, right forepaw raised;
above its back, { dividing M36 (bsj|sbd ); all within incuse square
with dotted frame.
Paris, BN (11.72g; 12H); c. 450 B.C.
There is an obverse variety with the male gure advancing left
(Robinson 1936:pl. 14, 16). M36 links the old winged male / lion
type to the new issues with lion forepart / male head type with
a dierent legend. The right-to-left direction proposed for previous coins is also suggested for this coin by the orientation of the
two instances of ?; hence M36 should be transliterated as dbs|jsb.
The orientation of d does not help much since it is inconsistent
between M36 and M37.
M37 Hs J N_sH
Obv. Forepart of lion right, jaws open; both forelegs visible.
Rev. M37 (dbs|jsb) vertically in front of wreathed male head left; behind
neck, {; all within incuse square.
Stater: New York, ANS, 63.35.1 (11.18g; 07H); triobol: SNG Kayhan,
979 (2.93g; 11H); obol or corroded diobol?: Peus 212 (2000), 276
(1.29g). c. 430400 B.C.
On the New York stater, rst published by Thompson (1966:8),
the rst and penultimate letters are clearly H, not (as on M36) ?.
All recorded triobols are die-duplicates and feature H as the rst
letter and ? as the penultimate. M37 must of course be the same
appendix e
486
487
without any trace of an incuse; this would place M39 after M38
in the sequence of issues.
Mint D
Types as follows unless otherwise indicated.
Obv. Forepart of bull left.
Rev. Forepart of bull left; below its head, M40 ( p); M41 (s); M42 (db);
M43 (); M44 (); all within incuse square.
All coins are Milesian standard diobols, apart from M46 which
is a Milesian standard obol.
M40 p
Paris, BN, fonds gnral 3292 (2.14g) = Babelon (1910:no 1789
[listed under Samos]), pl. CL, 12 = Troxell 1984:no 12A.
M41 s
Hirsch 55 (1967), 2175 (2.19g) = Cancio (1989:83).
M42 }_
Cahn 60 (1928), 858 (2.01g) = Troxell (1984:256, 12B).
_
M43 x
Private collection (2.16g; 12H).
The style of M43 is later than the preceding examples.
M44 X
Obv. Confronted foreparts of two bulls, their horns crossed.
Rev. As last, M44 ().
SNG Kayhan, 958 (2.10g; 12H).
appendix e
488
M45 ux
Obv. As last, but later style; heads of bulls three-quarter facing, horns
not crossed.
Rev. Forepart of bull left; above its head, M45 (u ); all within incuse
square.
London, BM (2.12g; 08H) = Six (1890:239, 42; pl. 17, 9).
The transcription u is conrmed by M43 and M44 where is
the initial. The variety with the two bull foreparts was a prolic
coinage, especially in its early phase which is anepigraphic and
features the bull foreparts in prole with their horns crossed as if
the letter x was meant. Since other letters are attested (see above),
it is uncertain whether X, x or ux should be regarded as the
rst letters of an ethnic. But if the letter x can be construed from
the crossed horns, a Carian ethnic beginning with and u such
as Kydai / Hydai and Kyblissos / Hyblissos is an attractive possibility; see Konuk (2003:n 69).
M46 ^
Obv. Forepart of bull left.
Rev. Head of bull left; below, M46; all within incuse square.
Milesian standard obol.
SNG Kayhan, 974 (1.14g; 03H).
It is uncertain whether ^ is a character or a linear device (symbol). It is otherwise unknown.
Mint E
M47
Obv. Bearded head right.
Rev. Forepart of bull left; on its shoulder, M47 ( y); all within incuse
square.
Private collection (1.24g; 12H); c. 400 B.C.
M48 !
Obv. As last.
Rev. Forepart of bull left; in lower left corner, M48 ( y); all within
incuse square.
Paris, BN (1.59g; 12H) = Babelon (1910:n 2494); c. 400 B.C.
489
M49
Obv. Male head right; wreathed?
Rev. Forepart of bull left; on its neck, M49 ( y).
Berlin, Staatliche MuseenMnzkabinett, gift T. Wiegand 1354/
1931 (1.10g; 04H); c. 400 B.C.
Winzers attribution of this series to the mint of Mylasa under
Hekatomnos by interpreting M48 and M49 as the Greek initial
of his name and taking the bearded head on the obverse as his
portrait is speculative (Winzer 2005:13.1). The dierent orientations of the letter, especially M47, suggest Carian and not Greek.
There is also an early variety with the same type without letter
(private collection, 0.68g; 09H). The length of time needed for
the stylistic change from the early issue to M49 suggests a civic
coinage rather than a dynastic.
Mint F
M50 oul or luo
Obv. Forepart of lion right, head turned back; to the right, M50 (oul
or luo).
Rev. Square punch mark.
Aeginetic standard stater; c. 500 B.C.
Paris, BN (11.71g).
The legend on this series has been long regarded as Greek. It has
usually been read as ouB (BMC Ionia, xxxiv) or oBu (Six 1890:
223). The former reading prompted an attribution to a dynast of
Miletos, the latter to the town of Olymos in Caria. Either reading depends upon whether the legend is meant to be read from
the inside or the outside. As Head rightly points out in BMC Ionia,
a reading from the outside is extremely rare on archaic coins,
which undermines Sixs attribution to Olymos. However, Heads
attribution to a dynast of Miletos is no longer satisfactory in view
of the recorded provenances which clearly point to a mint further south in Caria. In my 1996 RNS paper, I suggested that the
legend should be regarded as Carian. The occurrence of this series
in early hoards such as the Santorini nd (IGCH 7) points to a
date of c. 500 B.C. When Carian staters of Aeginetic standard
bear a legend in the fth century B.C., it is usually in the Carian
appendix e
490
491
M54
M54
Obv. Boar advancing left; above, M54; double groundline; dotted border.
Rev. Triskeles ending with ducks heads; oral ornament growing from
central ring; around, kuprlli in Lycian; all within dotted border
incuse square.
492
appendix e
Lydian (Persic) standard stater; c. 450 B.C.
Paris, BN (10.85g) = Babelon (1910:no 253).
The reverse legend is clearly Lycian and names the dynast Kuprlli
as the issuer. The ve-character legend of the obverse is, on the
other hand, quite problematic. It has been variously transcribed
but a better preserved specimen from the same pair of dies (SNG
von Aulock, 4156; 10.70g) has allowed some precision in the reading of the legend. The right-to-left direction is suggested by the
orientation of the letters. Mrkholm-Neumann (1978:no M 301a)
described the obverse as Carian with a question mark, while others have not hesitated in recognising Carian: e.g. Durnford (1991)
(his reading of M54 as the Carian ethnic of Xanthos is no longer
tenable as some of the letter values he used are not accepted
today), Cau (1999). The only other instance of Carian being used
on a Lycian issue is M31 listed above. On close examination the
rst character cannot be o as previously thought but is probably
d (g) a character form already encountered on some varieties of
M33. The second letter S may be as seen on the alphabet of
Hyllarima. The letter _ is not attested in the Carian alphabet, but
it may be a form of g (r). the letter K is quite dicult to interpret; it may be a form of k (k) or l (l )? The last letter may be
(a). All in all, there are far too many uncertainties over M54
to even describe it as Carian, and at this stage, I prefer not to
speculate on the various ways of transcribing it. The weight standard appears to be Lydian (Persic), which has as its stater a double siglos weighing slightly less than 11.00g. This is exceptional
for Kuprlli and Lycian mints in general which struck coins in
their own local standards. The decision to use the Lydian standard may well have something to do with the obverse legend.
Abbreviations
ABSA = The Annual of the Britisch School at Athens.
AArch = Acta Archeologica
Acta Ant. Hung. = Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae.
AC = LAntiquit Classique.
AfO = Archiv fr Orientforschung.
AGI = Archivio Glottologico Italiano.
ANSMN = American Numismatic Society Museum Notes.
ArOr = Archiv Orientln.
ASBW = Archiv fr Schreib- und Buchwesen.
ASNP = Annali della Scuola Superiore Normale di Pisa.
BB = Beitrge zur Kunde der indogermanischen Sprachen.
BCH = Bulletin de Correspondance Hellenique.
BiOr = Bibliotheca Orientalis.
BMC Caria = B. V. Head, Catalogue of the Greek Coins in The British Museum, Greek Coins
of Caria, Cos, Rhodes, & c., London, 1897.
BMC Ionia = B. V. Head, Catalogue of the Greek Coins in The British Museum, Greek Coins
of Ionia, London, 1892.
BSL = Bulletin de la Socit Linguistique de Paris.
BzN = Beitrge zur Namenforschung.
Cahn = Adolph E. Cahn, Frankfurt a. M.
CFC = Cuadernos de Filologa Clsica.
CNG = Classical Numismatic Group, Lancaster, Pa (USA)London (UK).
Colloquium Caricum = W. Blmel P. Frei C. Marek (eds.), Colloquium Caricum. Akten
der internationalen Tagung ber die karisch-griechische Bilingue von Kaunos 31.101.11.1997
in Feusisberg bei Zrich = Kadmos 37 (1998).
Decifrazione del cario = M. E. Giannotta et alii (eds.), La decifrazione del cario, Roma, 1994.
DNb = E. Lddeckens H. J. Thissen (eds.), Demotisches Namenbuch, Wiesbaden, 1980.
Eothen = F. Imparati (ed.), Eothen. Studi di storia e di lologia anatolica dedicati a Giovanni
Pugliese Carratelli, Firenze, 1988.
EpAnat = Epigraphica Anatolica. Zeitschrift fr Epigraphik und historische Geographie Anatoliens.
Fs. Bloesch = Zur griechischen Kunst. Hansjrg Bloesch zum 60. Geburtstag am 5. Juli 1972,
Bern, 1973.
Fs. Friedrich = R. von Kienle et alii (eds.), Festschrift Johannes Friedrich zum 65. Geburtstag
am 27. August 1958 gewidmet, Heidelberg, 1959.
Fs. Grumach = W. Brice (ed.), Europa: Studien zur Geschichte und Epigraphik der frhen Agais.
Festschrift fr Ernst Grumach, Berlin, 1968.
Fs. Neumann I = J. Tischler (ed.), Serta Indogermanica. Festschrift G. Neumann, Innsbruck,
1982.
Fs. Neumann II = M. Fritz S. Zeilfelder (eds.), Novalis Indogermanica. Festschrift fr
G. Neumann zum 80. Geburtstag, Graz, 2002.
Fs. Oberhuber = W. Meid H. Trenkwalder (eds.), Im Bannkreis des Alten Orients, K. Oberhuber
zum 70. Geburtstag gewidmet, Innsbruck, 1986.
Gs. Kretschmer = H. Kronasser (ed.), MNHMHS XARIN. Gedenkschrift Paul Kretschmer, Wien,
19561957 (III).
Hauck & Aufhuser = Hauck & Aufhuser Privatbankiers, Munich.
494
495
WO = Die Welt des Orients: wissenschaftliche Beitrge zur Kunde des Morgenlandes.
ZDMG = Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenlndischen Gesellschaft.
ZPE = Zeitschrift fr Papyrologie und Epigraphik.
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(unpublished [1994]) Le carien: tat de la question, Communication du 18 juin 1994,
Socit de Linguistique de Paris.
502
Masson, O. Yoyotte, J.
(1956) Objets pharaoniques inscription carienne, Le Caire.
Meier-Brgger, M.
(1976) Zum karischen Namen von Kaunos, MSS 34, 95100.
(1978) Karika, Kadmos 17, 7684.
(1979a) Karika IIIII, Kadmos 18, 8088.
(1979b) Ein Buchstabenindex zu den karischen Schriftdenkmlern aus gypten, Kadmos
18, 130177.
(1980a) Review of Masson (1978) in: Gnomon 52, 383384.
(1980b) Karisch. Eine Bestandsaufnahme, XX. Deutscher Orientalistentag 1977 in Erlangen
(= ZDMG Suppl. IV), 8890.
(1981) Eine weitere ,parakarische Inschrift?, Kadmos 20, 7678, pl. IIII).
(1983) Die Karischen Inschriften, in: Labraunda, Swedish Excavations and Researches II,
Part 4, Stockholm.
(1994) Ein neuer Blick nach zehn Jahren, Decifrazione del cario, 111114.
(1998) Zu den Mnzlegenden von Kaunos, Colloquium Caricum, 4246.
Melchert, H. C.
CLL = Melchert (1993b).
DLL = Melchert (2004).
(1993) Some remarks on new readings in Carian, Kadmos 32.2 (1993), 7786.
(1993b) Cuneiform Luvian Lexicon, Chapel Hill.
(1994) Anatolian Historical Phonology, Amsterdam-Atlanta.
(1998) Carian mdoVun we have established, Colloquium Caricum, 3341.
(2002) Sibilants in Carian, in: Fs. Neumann II, 305313.
(2003) Chapters 1, 2, 5 of H. C. Melchert (ed.), The Luwians, Leiden-Boston.
(2004) A Dictionary of the Lycian Language, Ann Arbor.
(mdane) Carian mdane, unpublished paper (1999).
Mentz, A.
(1940) Schrift und Sprache der Karer, IF 57, 265280.
Meriggi, P.
(1963) Karisch Itana, hier. het. itapana-, Kadmos 2, 73.
(1966) Zur neuen para-karischen Schrift, Kadmos 5, 61102.
(1967) Zum Karischen, Fs Grumach, 218228.
(1978) Sulla scrittura caria, ASNP, Cl. di Lett. e Fil. serie III, vol. VIII, 3, 791803.
(1980) Review of Masson (1978) in: BiOr 37, 3337.
Metzger, I. R.
(1973) Eine geometrische Amphora im Rtischen Museum in Chur, Fs. Bloesch, 7477
Meyer, G.
(1886) Die karier. Eine ethnographisch-linguistische untersuchung, BB 10, 147202.
Mrkholm, O. Neumann, G.
(1978) Die lykischen Mnzlegenden, Gttingen.
Mrkholm, O. Zahle, J.
(1976) The Coinages of the Lycian Dynasts Kheriga, Kheri and Erbbina. A Numismatic
and Archaeological Study, AArch 47, 4790.
Murray, M. A.
(1904) The Osireion at Abydos, London.
Nahm, W.
(1969) Neue Lesungsvorschlge zur Grotthus-Tafel, Kadmos 8, 5873.
Naumann, R. Tuchelt, K.
(1963/1964) Die Ausgrabung in Sdwesten des Tempels von Didyma 1962, IstMitt
13/14, 16 ss. [pl. 25: Carian grafti from Didyma].
504
505
Sund, G.
(1953) Karische Inschriften aus Labranda, Opuscula Atheniensia I, 199205.
Schweyer, A.-V.
(2002) Les Lyciens et la mort. Une tude dhistoire sociale, Paris.
Schmaltz, B.
(1998) Vorhellenistische Keramikimporte in KaunosVersuch einer Perspektive,
Colloquium Caricum, 203210.
Schmitt, R.
(1978[79]) Review of Masson (1978) in: Kratylos 23, 98104.
(1980) Karer, in: Reallexikon der Assyrologie und vorderasiatischen Archeologie V, 423425.
Schrr, D.
(1992) Zur Bestimmung der Lautwerte des karischen Alphabets, Kadmos 31, 127156
(19911993) Imbr- in lykischer und karischer Schrift, Die Sprache 35.2, 163175.
(1993) Zu ]NAPOUKV SGDI 5727.b4, Kadmos 32, 172173.
(1996a) Bastet-Namen in karischen Inschriften gyptens, Kadmos 35, 5571.
(1996b) Zur karischen Felschinschrift Si. 62 F, Kadmos 25, 149156
(1996c) Zur karischen Felsgrabinschrift von Kaunos (28*), Kadmos 25, 157159.
(1996[98]) Karisch Mutter und Vater, Sprache 38, 9398.
(1998) Kaunos in lykischen Inschriften, Colloquium Caricum, 143162.
(2000) Lydisches III: Rund um lydisch ,Hund, Kadmos 39, 165176.
(2001a) Zur Inschrift nr. 50 von Kaunos und zum karischen Namen von Keramos,
Kadmos 40, 6164.
(2001b) Karische und lykische Sibilanten, IF 106, 94121.
(2001c) Zur karischen Inschrift auf dem Genfer Kultgegenstand, Kadmos 40, 117126.
(2002) Karische Parallelen zu zwei Arzawa-Namen, Kadmos 41, 163167.
(2003a) Zur karischen Inschrift der Stele von Abusir, Kadmos 42, 91103.
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evorokin, V. I. [, . .]
(1962) [The Carian problem], VJa 1962.5, 93100.
(1963) O - [On the Hittite-Luwian character of the Carian Language], VJa 1963.3, 8384.
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(1964b) Aegyptisch-karische Inschrift am Sockel einer Isisstatuette (Leningrader Staatsermitage), RHA XXII 74, 5765 and pl. IIV.
(1964c) Zur karischen Schrift und Sprache, Kadmos 3, 7287.
(1964d) Karijskij jazyk; sovremennoe sostojanie deifrovki i izuenija [La lengua caria;
el estado actual del desciframiento y la investigacin] Problemy indoevropejskogo jazykoznanija, Moskva, 1839.
(1965) [Studies on the decipherment
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(1968a) Zur Entstehung und Entwicklung der kleinasiatischen Buchstabenschriften,
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(1968b) Karisch und Lykisch, Atti e Memorie del I Congresso Internazionale di Micenologia1967, Roma, 462472.
(1968c) Karisch, Lydish, Lykisch, Klio 50, 5369.
(1969a) Zu den spthethitischen Sprachen, XVII. Deutscher Orientalistentag-1968, Wrzburg
= ZDMG Supplem. I. Wiesbaden, 250271.
(1969b) Zur Erforschung der kleinasiatischen Onomastik, 10. Internationaler Kongress fr
Namenforschung II, Vienna, 341350.
(1977) Zu einigen karischen Wrtern, MSS 35 117130.
(198283) ber den Lautwert des karischen Buchstaben y, InL 8, 7178.
(1984[86]) Verbesserte Lesungen von karischen Wrtern, InL 9, 199200.
(1988) Carian proper names, Onomata 12, 497505.
506
507
TABLE I
THE CARIAN ALPHABET
N (Masson)
1
3
4
5(+41)
6
7
9
10
11
12
14
15
17
18
19
20
21
22
24(+2)
25
26(+8)
27
28
29+30
31
32
33(+34)
35(+36)
37
38
39
40(+23?)
42
434445
46
1
Letters A1
Transcription
a A ~ (E )
dDG
l
W VV
r R
L 2 L
qQ
b5B
mM
o
tT
f F S T _
s
H
uU
xX
nN
p p ()
zZ
IyYI
ee
w
kK
&
v
0 8?
199
%
j_
_1
c C / O?
6
4 B &? b?
d
l
y
r
l
q
b
m
o
t
s
?
u
n
p
i
e
k
d
w
g
z
j
?
t / t2?
b
b2?
Notes
(formerly /)
(formerly x)
(formerly w)
(formerly )
(formerly z)
(formerly )
Note that, for the sake of simplicity, the letters are given in a left-to-right directionality, which in some cases is not actually documented (for example, is only
attested as in right-to-left directionality).
TABLE II
CARIAN SIGNS IN COIN LEGENDS
Letters
6 5 [ A l (!) a M Q
B u (!) 5 } H(!)
d_
gr
l
W
L
Mm
o
tF
s
u
n
xX
z
i
pP
k l (!)
V
N0
T
3489
71
c
J
^
M1221, M32
M32
M4345
M39
i
M3132, M53
p
M3335, M3940
k
M2230
w (or rather y?) M5M11, M49
g(?)
M3335
j
M23, M3637
z
M1221
(z or symbol?)
M3839
t
M32
letter or
M27, M33, M3637
separation
mark
letter or symbol? M46
510
table ii
Linear devices
o
l
{
h
7 1 (or letter?)
^ (or letter?)
M1
M31
M3335
M38
M3839
M46
INDICES1
Arlissow
Arlivmow
512
indices
334, 361
Idriaw 308, 438
Iduma 367, 368
*Idurigow 368
Idussvllow 245, 330, 361, 362, 367,
368
Imbarhldow 198, 262, 330, 335, 393
Imbramow (var. Imbrasow) 8, 308, 335
Imbarsiw 236, 247, 250, 255, 262, 335,
360, 366
Imbras(s)iw
Maussvllow 330
Minnaw 340
Moiw 384
Mongissa 8
Mtulow 336
Mouzhaw 251, 336, 387
Mundow 386
Nana 13, 340
Nanaw 340
Nannixow 340
Nannow 340
Nannv 340
Naras/a/ 333, 387
Narasow 262
Narbaw 333
Narisbara 387
Naruandow 333, 387
Neterbimow 238, 332, 339, 343, 347
Nonnow 340
Nutar 332
Nvtrassiw 332
Jrmedu<be>row 255,
Oaloalow 339, 428
Oa3a3iw 242
Oliatow 237, 243, 330, 339, 428
Ordomaw 333
Osogva 8, 169
Otvrkond/a/ 332
Panablhmiw 330, 338
Panamara 335, 338
Panamuhw 330, 336, 338, 357
Panuassiw 242, 330, 338, 340
Paow 395, 419
Papaw 340
Papiaw 340
Prgasa 246
Par(a)ussvllow 236, 330, 340, 393,
394
Paraudigow
394
Parnow 417
Paruv 394
Parembvrda 333, 340
Pedanass/ow/ 336
Pedvldow 337
Peigelasow 337
Pel(l)ekvw, Peleqow 237, 238, 293,
399, 437
Peldhkow 236, 238, 400
Phdasa 336
Pigassvw 337
Piginda 337
Pigrhw, Pikrhw 31, 236, 243, 244, 248,
indices
Pidossus 337
Pijvdarow 337, 399
Ponmoonnow 140, 238, 239, 249, 255,
513
422
Trallew, Traldew 18
Tumnhw 440
Tumnhsw 9
Tur[ 164, 197, 288, 424
Uliatow 36, 237, 243, 330, 339,
428
`Ullrima
257
`Ulloala 8
Urgosvw 237, 244, 255, 434
hurmew 338
Urvmow 338
Ussaldvmow 240
Usseldvmow 240
Ussvllow, Ussvldow 135, 141, 183,
Kendhbaw 373
Kouadapemiw 339
Kougaw 334
Ktibilaw 340
Mollisiw 341
Mousathw 336, 386
Moshta 336, 386
Moushta 336, 386
Moutaw 386
Janduberiw 222, 245, 255, 375, 419
Oliw 421
Oraw 338
Oualiw 421
Ouajamoaw 255, 336, 427
Ouajamvw 336, 427
Ouramoutaw 338
Panamuaw 336
Perpenduberiw 402
Pigramiw 337, 361, 397
Pigramow 337, 361, 397
Pigrassiw 337
Pijaw 399
indices
514
Pijedarow 399
Ponamoaw 405
Salaw 334
Sedeplemiw 338
Tabhnoi 9
Tarkumbiou (gen.) 339
Triendasiw 341
Trokoarbasiw 334
In cuneiform sources
la- 334
Arma- 306, 331, 347
Ayami/aimi 343
u-da-ar-l 406
u-du-ur-l 406
u-u-tar-li 406
u-ut-ra-la-(a) 406
u-ut-ra-li-i 406
Immaraziti 335
Lukka 342
Massanaura 338
Millawa(n)da 342
Mutamutassa 342
Muwatalli 336
Muwaziti 336, 386
Nattaura 338
Petassa 336
Piirim 337
*Piyama- KAL 339
Piyamaradu 339, 385
Pitassa 336
Puna-A.A = *Punamuwa- 405
Runtiya- 333
Taru- 331, 347, 356, 423
Tarunt- 239, 247, 259, 260, 347, 356,
423
Tarhundapiya 339
d
Taruntaradu 385
Ura 338
Urawalkui 338
Walawala 428
Walawali 428
Wallarima 240
In Hieroglyphlic Luwian
Tarhu(n)t- (TONITRUS-hut-) 347
In Lycian
Erbbina 177
Esedeplemi 338
Hrixttbili 340
Idazzala 334
Ijna 369
Ipresidi 335
Katamla- 244
Mullijese/i- 341
Natr- 162, 332, 389
Natrbbijemi 238, 332, 339, 343, 347,
389
Punamuwe 405
SedeplMmi 338
Teleb(ehi) 177
Trijetezi- 341
Trqqt- (nom. Trqqas) 239, 247, 259,
260, 331, 347, 356, 423
Urebillaha (dat.) 318
Xbide- 203, 243, 245, 255, 297, 298,
371
Zzala 334
In Milyan
Kridesi 407
Trqqt- (nom. Trqqiz)
Xbadiz 261
316
Karikn 2
Kttouza 9
Kaunoi 155, 203, 296, 297, 299, 360
Koi 271
Kw 8
Lusiklw 155, 203, 236, 237, 243,
248, 296,
380
155, 203, 236, 237, 243,
248, 296, 380
Lusikrthw
indices
Mlhtow 342
Nikoklw 155, 203, 236, 249, 296,
380, 388
Olidhw 236, 245, 248, 428, 432
Orsiklw 431
Periklw 431
Pndarow 242, 396
Sklaj 164
515
Txh 308
Ubraw 432
Fnhw 135, 305
Crusaorw 416
In Lycian
Lustrah (gen.) 304
Perikle 431
3j-p-jm=w 424
3[ = *3-n-n3-jw
194, 425
In Akkadian
Tamai 420
In Greek
Amasiw 293
Apimenhw 353
Avw 353
Esour 369
Esouriw 369
Yamvw 251, 424
Iyorvw 370
Nekw, Nexvw 244, 249, 388
Nefervw 242, 388
Nitvkriw 243, 248, 249, 315, 389
Panitiw 393
Peteyumiw 395
Petenaiyiw 395
Petenhyiw 395
Petenht 395
Petenoupiw 404
Petepnouyiw 404
Petetumiw 395
Petyubestiow 395
Petobastiw 245, 395
Petoubastow 395
Petoubestiw 245, 395
Pieuw 397
Pihow 397
Pih# 397
Pisiriw 398
Potasimto 244, 250, 293, 399
Pouvriw 405
Povriw 405
Samauw 251, 425
Samw#w 251, 425
Tamvw 251, 424
Tetobastiw 245, 423
Cammhtixow Cam(m)atixow 293, 398,
403
Cousennhw
350
516
indices
In Greek
Ustsphw
370
2. Languages
Carian glosses in Greek
la 8, 11
bnda 8, 11
gla 8, 11
gssa 8
koon, kon 8 10
soa(n) 8, 10, 415
tba 9
toussloi 9
tumna 9
indices
malai- 427
mid(i)- 382
muwa- 335, 386
n(i)- 284, 321, 388
naru- 333
nu- 285, 390
pi-/piya- 282, 284, 304, 325, 339
peda- 304, 336
par 259, 260, 340
piyanni- 359
pulla- 401
ara 340
r 260, 340, 416
iu(n)- 332
-talla- 428
ura/i- 338
walli- 339
*walli- 338
walliwalli- 260, 338, 339, 428
wiyi- 427
Lycian (Lyc.)
a(i)- 299, 300, 301, 309, 321, 347, 349
arawa- 300, 363, 435
arMma 258, 347
atnaze/i- 259
atra/etli- 204, 258, 297, 392
-be 302
ebe- 290, 320, 359
ebeli 365
ehbi 348
ehbi( je)- 300
ene/i- 259, 273, 313, 347, 352, 364
epneni 352
erbbe- 333
eri- 304, 364
ese- 294
hri- 260, 261, 302, 340, 416
hrppi 302
ipre 335
kbatra- 258
maha(na)- 260, 307, 327, 332, 347, 352
mahanahe/i- 313, 352
maraza- 335
me 324
-me/i- 339, 343, 347
mere- 335, 422
mle- 307
Mmai- 304, 390
neni 352
nere/i- 292
-ni 204, 260, 346, 369, 371
te 254, 287, 319, 363
pdden- 247, 304, 336, 396
517
indices
518
ena- 346, 364
itube lm- 370
kn- 406
sareta 411
serli-/selli- 261
taada- 260, 346, 347, 421
-wn 298
Sidetic
artmon 357
maara (dat. pl.)
347
260, 332,
Pisidian
oudoun
426
Proto-Anatolian (PA)
*anna-s 259
*arm- 258, 260
*/be:H/- 257
*dda-s 259
*emro- 262, 346
*Hwo- 10
*HuHo- 260
*o-/- 259, 410
*kwis 259, 266, 320, 377
*ob/i- 359
*pdon 336
pr/pr 259, 260
*THt- 259
Latin
orca 391
urceus 391
urna 391
Old Persian
kka- 1
haya/taya 320
Proto-Indo-European (PIE)
*bhh2 - 246, 257, 260, 337, 345, 361
*dyew- 332
*h2e/owo- 10
*h2ent- 260
*h2nr 387
*h2onsu- 261
*e 411
*ei- 259, 412
*o-/Keh 288, 410
*kwe 182
*kwi- 202, 259, 266, 320, 377
neyH- 284, 321, 388
*-mto- 262
*nu- 285
*pedo- 247, 336
*terh2 - 331
*8elH- 339
*8elh1- 339
2
Akkadian
*nar 333
Greek
ggelow 11
mbrotow 262
atow (acc. pl.) 392
autn (acc.) 392
doje (aor.) 426
ergtaw (acc. pl.) 428, 429
yew 11
kombow, kombion 352
plekuw 399
projnouw (acc. pl.) 382, 411
sma 288, 415
rxh 391
Egyptian
3 32
n 32, 41, 128
ym 33
wnwtj 278, 429
p3 wm 41, 355
p3 m-nr n Jmn 400
n 47
nr 32, 389
s3
47
snb 32
dj 32, 41, 128, 399
Coptic
eiom 33
PLATES
521
522
plates
Plate 1
523
524
plates
Plate 2
plates
Plate 3
525
526
plates
Plate 4