CHAPTER 1

Introduction
The conflict in Mindanao has been a perennial problem. It is a tragedy of countless lives
both civilians and military lost during the battles, of dreams shattered and never-ending search
for possible solutions.
The contemporary armed conflict on the Moro front is the sharpest expression of the
Bangsamoro problem. This problem is rooted in the historical and systematic marginalization of
the Islamized ethno linguistic groups, collectively called Moros, in their homeland in Mindanao
islands, first by colonial powers Spain from the 16 th to the 19th centuries, then by the U.S. during
the first half of the 20th century, and since formal independence in 1946, by successor Philippine
governments, dominated by an elite with a Christian-Western orientation.
Other factors which triggered the Moros to rebel are the Jabidah massacre in 1968, the
intensifying electoral competitions between 1967-71, combined with proliferating land disputes
and armed militias, and the imposition of Martial Law in September, 1972. With the intercession
of the, Organization of Islamic Conference, led by Libya, a ceasefire agreement between the
MNLF and GRP in Tripoli in 1976 came to the fore. But, the disputes over Tripolis
implementation have continued to draw the conflict out.1
Like the 1976 Tripoli Agreement, the succeeding negotiated settlement between the
MNLF and the GRP like the Republic Act 6734 of Aquino administration, the Jakarta accord in
1996 and finally the Tripoli agreement between the MILF and the GRP in 2001 did not solve the
conflict. Though there is now only a low-level of military activity, but the problem still persists.
Unlike its parent organization the MNLF who succumb to the offer of autonomy in 1996 Peace
1

Agreement by rejecting its original demand for independence, the MILF continues to affirm their
faith in their struggle for national liberation. The MILFs maximum objective then which is
establishing an independent Islamic state in Mindanao is incompatible with the governments
paramount consideration on national sovereignty, territorial integrity, national interest, national
security, and constitutional process. Conflict then ensued (and still ensues) between them.2
This incompatibility of wants and interests is a matter of power against power, where
each party tries to overpower the other in the struggle. This study uses Nietzsches concept of
will to power in analyzing the competition that grows out from this conflict. As will to power is
the underlying nominal reality of the universe, this study will try to find out if there are indeed
manifestations of will to power in the conflict, and how in various ways this will to power
manifests itself. Born out of competing wills, conflict connotes disagreements, clash of interests
and struggles over power. The questions now of who gets power, which laws get made and
whose ideas prevail perhaps can be answered by the one who exerts more power over the other.

Statement of the Problem:

1. Are there manifestations of will to power in the GRP-MNLF conflicts?
2. How is will to power manifested to the conflict?
Objective of the Study:
1. To determine whether there are manifestations of will to power in the conflict.
2. To find out how will to power manifests in the conflicts.
Assumptions:
1. That both parties impose their will on each other in accordance with the Nietzchean concept of
will power.
2. That the one who exerts more power in the conflict will emerge as victor.
3. That will to power is a continuous affirmations of both parties in the conflict.
Scope and Limitations of the Study:
This study is an attempt to analyze the struggle of the GRP and the MNLF over
sovereignty of the Mindanao lands using Nietzsches concept of will to power. The researcher is
also neutral in dealing with the issues involving the conflict between the Government of the
Republic of the Philippines (GRP) and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MNLF). If one or
both sides perceive a distortion on their image in one way or another, the researcher does not
intend it. This is just the outcome of interpreting data in the light of Nietzschean philosophy.

Significance of the Study:

The researcher envisions that this study will give significant insights and a better grasp of
the exiting conflict between the MILF and the GRP. This paper hoped also to provide the
groundwork for coming up the real solution to the problem of this liberationist struggle.

INTERPRETIVE FRAME

The desire to be the best, the struggle to pursue ones interests, and the striving to gain
the upper hand is naturally embedded among humans. Pursuing ones interests however, maybe
incompatible of inconsistent with the goals of others, causing conflict. This is especially true
with the existing social and political conditions in the Philippines. The liberationist movement of
the MILF is in conflict with the integration policy of the government which intends to integrate
the Moros into the mainstream of the Philippine national life, socially, culturally, politically and
economically. Both parties are determined in their respective goals: the Philippine government is
determined to preserve the nations sovereignty and territorial integrity while the MILF is
adamant in their desire to preserve their Islamic identity. Hence, an independent Islamic state is
the only suitable option for them.
This study makes use of Friedrich Nietzsches concept of will to power to explain the
struggle of both parties towards their respective goals. Friedrich Nietzsches concept of will to
power describes and explains the elevation of the human species through the development of
oneself and the striving for excellence. The law that directs all activities of life is the law of

power, the urge to excel all others in strength. In line with this, will the government attain its
goal in integrating the Moros into the mainstream of Philippine society? Or will the MILF
achieve its aims and desired ends from their many years of insurgency? Caught between the two
opposing poles of liberation and integration, the proper thing to do therefore is to test the
strength of the contending powers and whosoever has the higher will to power will emerge as
victor.
Definition of Terms:

Conflict
The term is used to signify a struggle and claims to scare status, power and resources. Between
the MILF and the GRP, the conflict is also viewed as frustration-rooted protest against lack of
opportunities for development and recognition for identity. (Cunningham, 1998).3 But, in this
study, the term is mainly used to refer to incompatibility of interests where the differing
perspectives (liberation vs. integration) try to prevail over the other.

GRP- (Government of the Republic of the Philippines).

In this study however, GRP is deemed as an organization that directly conflicts with the MILFs
struggle for establishing an independent Islamic state in Mindanao. Though GRP carries the
aspirations of the countrys people, it is rigidly considered as an organization who advocates
territorial integrity and sovereignty solely for its own ends.

MILF (Moro Islamic Liberation Front)

- An Islamic liberation movement based in the Bangsamoro region in Mindanao and the
neighboring islands who advocate for the self-determination and for the establishment of an
independent Islamic state in the said regions.4
Moro Problems
- The age-old struggle of the Muslims in the Southern Philippines for self-determination as well
as for national liberation. It is also totality of conditions that led the Moros to resort to armed
rebellion against the Philippine government.5
Moros
- The generis name for the thirteen ethno linguistic Muslim tribes in the Philippines which
constitute a quarter of the population in Mindanao in the Southern Philippines. They share a
distinct culture, speak different dialects, and are varied in their social formation but share a
common belief in Islam.6
War
- The term is used to describe a conflict involving the organized use of weapons and physical
force by states or large-scale groups. It is usually a series of military campaigns between two
opposing sides involving a dispute over sovereignty, territory, religion or ideology.7 In the
conflict between the MILF and the GRP, the above definitions hold true. However, in this study,
the term is mainly used to refer to a violent way of settling the disputes (using all might)
between the two contending powers in relation to the gaining of their respective goals
(Liberation vs. Integration).
6

CHAPTER 2
REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE

A. THEORIES OF HUMAN NATURE

Throughout history, one of the dominating factors of the development of political thought
has been the study of human nature. Human nature maybe defined as the essence of human
species and consists of all the traits and behaviors that are inherent in human beings. Different
approaches, pessimistic and optimistic can be taken in deciding whether humans are inherently
evil or good and whether or not human beings are equal to one another.8
Aristotle propounds the idea that man has not a single nature, but a three-fold nature;
animal, vegetative, and rational. The physical body represents the vegetative aspect. Mans
emotional, sensual and sensuous nature is shared with the animal kingdom; however, his high
rational nature is not only supernal, but limited to him alone. Since the moral task of man is to
actualize or realize his nature and inasmuch his nature is three-fold, all three must be cultivated.
But these three sources of happiness do not issue the same equality of happiness; its highest,
richest, and supernal form stems from the cultivation of mans highest nature, the rational.
Therefore, the life according to reason more than anything else is man. This life is also the
happiest.9
Like Aristotle, Plato also believes that human nature is composed of three principal parts:
the rational whose is composed of three principal parts: the rational whose excellence fructifies
into the virtue of wisdom, the spirited whose constitution is predisposed to the virtue of courage

and the concupiscent-controlled composed of those possessing excellent self-control moderation

of appetite. The rational nature of man is his supernal, to which the rest of his nature must
conform if order and justice are to prevail within an individual and throughout the state at large.
Hence, the one ruling principle in man state is reason.10
John Locke, an enlightenment philosopher based his theory on the belief that everyone
was born equal. In a state of nature, Locke believed people would elect who should be leader and
influence democratic government, in which everyone has political and social equality. He also
believed that people would come together and form certain rights. These rights are known as the
natural rights of, life, liberty and property.11
Jean-Jacque Rousseau, a political philosopher saw a fundamental divide between
society and human nature mans highest nature. Rousseau contended that man was good by
nature, a noble savage when in the state of nature (he state of all the other animals and the
condition human kind was in before the creation of civilization and society) but is corrupted by
society. He viewed society as artificial and held that the development of society, specially the
growth of social independence, has been inimical to the well-being of human beings.
In the Discourse on Arts and Sciences Rousseau argued that the arts and sciences had
not been beneficial to human kind, because they were advanced not in response to human needs
but as the result of pride and vanity. His subsequent discourse on inequality tracked the progress
and degeneration of mankind from a primitive state of nature to modern society. He suggested
that the earliest human beings were isolated semi-apes who were differentiated from animals by
their capacity to free will and their perfectibility. He also argued that these primitive humans
were possessed of a basic drive to care for themselves and a natural disposition to compassion or

pity. As humans were forced to associate together more closely, by the pressure of the population
growth, they underwent a psychological transformation and came to value the good opinion of
others as an essential component of their own well-being.12
John Scotus Eriugenas allegorical explanation of the biblical account of the six days of
creation, which he explains in terms of his own philosophy, brings him to his doctrine of man.
According to him man can be said to be an animal and at the same time not an animal since
while he shares with the animal the function of nutrition etc., also has the faculty of reason which
is peculiar to him and which elevates him all above the animals.
John Scotus emphasizes the fact that man is the microcosm of creation, since he sums up
in himself the material world and the spiritual world sharing with the plants the powers growth
and nutrition, with the animals the powers of sensation and emotional reaction, and with the
angels the powers of understanding. He is in fact the link between the material and the spiritual,
the visible and invisible creation. From this point of view one can say that every genus of animal
is in man rather than that man is in the genus animal.13
St. Thomas Aquinas, a medieval thinker, describes man as a rational anima, a single
undivided being that is at once animal (material) and rational (intellectual soul). Drawing from
Aristotelian hylomorphism, the soul is seen as the substantial form of the body (matter). The
soul, as the substantial form, is what is universal or common to all humanity, and therefore is
indicative of human nature.15
The ancient Chinese philosopher Mencius believed that everyman is inherently good.
No man is devoid of a heart sensitive to the sufferings of others. According to suffer by falling
into a well will feel compassion. He goes on to further that whoever does not have the hearth of
9

compassion is not human, thus he makes it clear a defining characteristic that to be a human, one
must have a hearth of compassion.
According to Mencius beliefs, every person is good to begin with but he can become
bad. But, this is not something due to innate factors. Mencius believes that there are people who
fail to make the best of their native endowment that is why people vary in their goodness. People
have to cultivate their heart of compassion such that they can become better human beings.15
Epictetus, the foremost proponent of classical Stoicism acknowledges the presence of
emotions in human nature but does not advocate their place in search for a good life. He argues
that because humans cannot control the situations that affect their emotions, they should detach
them from the world. He claims that human nature desires what is good and the way to obtain
this desire is to change the judgment of what is good. He explains that what upset people is not
the things themselves but their judgment about things, not a things inherent value of good or
bad. By adjusting the perceptions of what is good, a person can control a things effect on their
emotions.16
The 17th century English philosopher Thomas Hobbes known for his masterwork
Leviathan based his political theory on his concept of the nature of man whom he depicts as a
corrupt and untrustworthy being by natural constitution. He believes that in the state of nature,
all men are equal and equally have the right to whatever they consider necessary for their
survival. The driving force in man is the will to survive. In the state of nature all men are
relentlessly pursuing whatever acts they think will secure them safety. This state of nature is of
men moving against each other, the anarchic condition Hobbes called the war of all against
all.17

10

Ayn Rand, a Russian-born American novelist and philosopher best known for creating a
philosophy she named Objectivism, believed that human nature is fixed. According to her what
separates men from animals is their rationality. Although man is a physical entity, his mind
cannot be reduced entirely to his brain or body. Her theory of human nature is based on the idea
that the human mind enjoys complete sovereignty over the body and the will. Everything we do
and are proceeds from the mind, she once declared. Our mind can be made to control
everything. Man, is given his body, his mind, and the mechanics of consciousness. The rest is
up to him he must create himself.18
Herbert Spencer,
adapts overtime to the conditions of social existence. His idea of human nature involves the
adaptation of mens faculties to their organic, social, and psychological needs. His progressive
adaptation involves an increasing adjustment of an inner subjective relation to outer objective
relations. In his theory of human nature, Spencer states:
Individual organisms, species, political systems and entire societies are alike in that all tend to
evolve from relatively simple and homogenous entities into complex and heterogynous ones;
only the fittest survive and perpetuate their kind; concept of organic evolution al nature moves
from the simple to the complex fundamental law seen in the geological formation of the earth
and in the origin of the development of plant and animal species, natural selections; if they are
sufficiently complete to live, they do live and it is well they should live, if they are not
sufficiently complete to live, they die and it is best they should die man is what he is because
his universe, his environment makes certain consistent demand upon him, man as a part is a stage
of evolution.19

11

Indeed, inquiries into the nature of human beings have occupied philosophers for such a
long time and considerable found out that self-interest and altruistic concerns coexist in human
nature. As a matter of fact, an experience of benefit or injury is frequently attributed to the nature
of humans. Speaking of injury, the plight of the Moros in respect to their economic and political
conditions is such a good example. This is because the opportunity and the capability to satisfy
their needs essential to their wellbeing are deprived to them. The article below provides us the
birds eye view of the Moro grievances seen to be the cause believe to be inevitable among
humans

B. THE BASIC MORO PROBLEMS

Aside from their forcible incorporation into the mainstream of the Philippine society,
there are other problems besting the Moros. Dr. Macapado Abaton Muslim identifies the six
theories of contemporary Moro grievances which led the Moros to take up arms against the
Philippine government. The first is their economic marginalization and destitution. In the
hierarchy of poverty, the Bangsamor belongs to the poorest of the poor with majority of them
learning a living as peasant farmers and fisher folk. The Moro communities continue to be mired
in a grinding poverty which is due to their continuing exclusion from the economic progress of
Mindanao. Until now, the great majorities of the Moro neither participate in the key sectors of
the economy Mindanao, nor benefit significantly there from.20
Their stagnant economic situation is based also on their having been driven out of the
better parts of Mindanao as a result of the aggressive wars launched against them by the
Spaniards and the Americans. Also, a great number of Moros were disposed of their lands as a
12

result of the implementation of several land laws and the establishment of numerous land
settlement projects in their areas before and after Philippine independence. Many Moros also lost
their lands to rich and well-connected land grabbers who took part in the profitable plantation of
agriculture on Mindanao.21
Their political domination and inferiorization result from being deprived of substantive
participation in the governance of their affairs. Since Philippine independence in 1946 Christian
Filipinos have been in control of public governance in their homeland. The 1971 elections were
said to be significant because they formalized the shift of political power form Muslims to
Christians in parts of Moroland.22
It is a fact that the Moros did really constitute a nationality which is very much different
from Christian Filipinos. And they want to preserve the Islamic identity which they discerned as
under threat of extermination. The Martial-Law related, Ilaga-military atrocities in Mindanao in
the early seventies which were given religious color to provoke the Moros to give a big fight to
the Marcos administration exacerbated Moro resentment over the insults against their religion,
that they saw in some government policies, in some text books, in the press, and in their
interaction with some Christian Filipinos who continue to harbor prejudices against them. Part of
this is the Moros desire to live Islam to the maximum extent possible. As Muslims for example,
the Moros wanted Shariah or Islamic law to govern their relations instead of the Philippine legal
system that contains many unislamic elements. The estyablishment of Shariah court does not
satisfy this needs because the jurisdiction of these courts is limited to persons, family and
property relations. Also, the Shariah Courts do not enjoy autonomy, since they are under the
control of the Supreme Court.

13

The non-recognition of their significant historical contributions to the country is another

aspect which concerns them. For more than three centuries of fierce resistance to the colonizers
remain suppressed in Philippine history books. Their efforts were never valued despite the fact
that they were never totally conquered by the Spaniards.23
The general feeling of physical insecurity which may be attributed to the Ilaga and
military atrocities in Muslim Mindanao in the 70s is the fourth theme of the Moro grievances.
The mass killing of Muslim civilians, the barbarism that accompanied the killings, the burning of
their home, crops, mosques and madrasahs were largely responsible for the development of this
feeling among the Moro people. The brutalities and abuses that had accompanied some over-kill
and search and destroy military operations have also contributed to the loss of faith in AFP
among the great majority of the Moros today.24
The Moros perception that the government is responsible or the party to be blamed for
much of their sufferings and insecurities and the Moros perception of the hopelessness of their
condition under the existing political and economic order in Mindanao corresponds to the fifth
and sixth theme of the Moro grievances. This may be attributed to the Moros expectation of the
government to protect their interests, like their prior rights to some of Mindanao lands and the
failure of the government to play that role. Also, they perceived some agencies of government
which have been neglecting and discriminatory against them.25
It is true that many Muslims in the Philippines do not identify themselves with the
Philippine government. This is shared not only by the rebels but by the Moro masses in general.
Ti is perhaps by looking into the roots of the problem can a lasting solution to the conflict will
ever be attained.

14

CHAPTER III
THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
FRIEDRICH NIETZSCHES THE WILL TO POWER

Friedrich Wilhelm Nietzsche was born on October 15, 1844, in the small town of Rocken,
near Leipzing, in the then province of Saxony. He is named after King Frederick William IV of
Prussia, who celebrated his 49th birthday on the day of Nietzsches birth. Nietzsches father, a
Lutheran pastor, died in 1894, and he was brought up at Naumburg in the feminine and pious
society of his mother, his sister, a grandmother and two maiden aunts.26
Nietzsches will to power contrasted to Schopenhauers Concept of will
No doubt, Nietzsche was greatly influenced by Schopenhauers concept of will. But,
Schopenhauers will does not have concern with power, but instead constitutes an unintelligent
blind striving. This will for Schopenhauer never reaches satisfaction; it takes the forms of
desires, cravings, aspirations in human beings, but its insatiable nature means that it makes a
burden out of ones existence. Once ones desire is satisfied, it merely gives rise to another and
so on. Because of this, Schopenhauer regarded the will as the source of all the evil and
suffering in this world. These ideas led him to adopt a life-denying view of the world, since if
contains nothing but suffering and the burden of satisfying unrelenting desires.
In direct contrast to this, Nietzsches doctrine of the will to power asserts a very life
affirming view, in that creatures affirm their instincts to acquire power and dominance, and
sufferings not seen as evil, but as a necessary part of existence which is to be embraced. Lasting
15

pleasure and satisfaction come about as a result of being able to live according to ones instinctsthe ability to exert ones will to power.27
The will to power is the will to overpower!
For Nietzsche, there is one thing that does characterize all human beings. This drive to
dominate the environment and is so central to human nature is the will to power. This will to
power is more than simply the will to survive. It is rather than inner drive to express a vigorous
affirmation of all mans powers. As Nietzsche says, the strongest will to life does not find
expression in a miserable struggle for existence, but in a will to life does not find expression in a
miserable struggle for existence, but in a will to war. A will to power, a will to overpower! 28
Nietzsche holds that the instinct for the acquisition of power is the prime factor that motivates all
the activities of life we observe that everything in this world has the tendency to overcome
others, to gain superiority over everyone else, to vanquish the whole world of beings. The law
that directs all activities of life is the law of power, the urge to excel all others in strength. It is a
psychological presupposition of Nietzsche that humans are always attempting to impose their
wills upon others. Every action toward another stems from a inner desire to bring that person
under ones power in one way or another. Whether a person is giving gifts, claiming to be in love
with someone, giving someone praise, lying, and domination on the other, the psychological
motive is the same: to exert ones will over others.
Will to power is the basic driving force of nature
The will to power, however, is not limited to the psychology of human beings. Rather, it
is the underlying noemenal reality of the universe, which manifests itself in various ways in
everything and everyone. According to Nietzsche, the will to power is the basic means, through
16

which living things interpret or interact with the world, even more fundamental than the act of
self-preservation.29 In Beyond Good and evil he states:
Physiologist should think before putting down the instinct of self-preservation as the
cardinal instinct of an organic being. A living thing seeks above all to discharge its
strength-life itself is will to power; self-preservation is only one of the indirect and most
frequent results.30
For Nietzsche, all life is product of will to power, which is the will to rule, to control and
force ones will upon others. In the Genealogy of Morals, he says the will is the striving to find
or establish the surrounding that will most enhance the creative abilities of the individual. In the
Will of Power, he asserts:
My idea is that every specific body strives to become masters over all space and to extend
its force and to thrust back all that resists its extension. But, it continually encounters
similar efforts on the part of other bodies and ends by coming to an arrangement (union)
with those of them that are sufficiently related to it; thus, they conspire together for
power. And the process goes on.31
Will to power as manifested in affirmative ways
Nietzsche however says that simply using violent force to bring another under ones
power, though it is the most natural and most instinctive method is not always the most
successful. Bringing other individuals under ones power is not the same thing as causing them
physical harm. It takes much more than that:

17

Every living thing reaches out as far from itself with its force as it can, and overwhelms what is
weaker: thus it takes pleasure in itself. The increasing humanizing of this tendency consists in
this, that there is an ever subtler sense of how hard it is really to incorporate another: while a
hard it is really to incorporate another: while a crude injury done him certainly demonstrates our
power over him, it at the same time estranges his will from us even more-thus it makes him less
easy to subjugate.32
The individual also has this subtler sense that physical violence alone most likely
makes others resentful and indignant towards us, and may actually drive them farther away from
being truly under our power. This checking of the individuals more violent instincts through the
state and the subtler sense, does not keep ones will to power in check as a whole. Rather, the
ego learns to find other ways to exert its will to power than through the violent or forceful
domination of others. No matter what type of situation individuals find themselves in, their will
to power comes through in some way or another. Nietzsche calls these different ways the
disguised form of the will to power, meaning that they appear to stem form something else, such
as altruism and sympathy, when they really originate in ones instinct to bring someone under
ones power. But, there is more to the will to power than meets the eye. It also includes a will to
freedom, or freedom of the spirits. Nietzsche also understands the expression aristocracy as the
rule of the best. Thus, aristocracy is not only a social category but even more the nobility of mid
and great deeds. For him, the nobleman willfully binds himself to something higher and
demonstrates his reverence and passions. The nobility of the higher ranks reveals itself in an
instinctive reverence for excellence. Its positive character manifests itself in a triumphant
development of oneself and in an infinite acceptance of opposites.33

18

No universal Moral standards: Master-morality vs. Slave morality

Nietzsche rejected the notion that there is a universal and absolute system of morality that
everyone must equally obey. Whenever someone proposes a universal moral rule, he invariably
seeks really to deny the fullest expression of mans elemental energies. In this respect,
Christianity along with Judaism is the worst offender, for the Judeo-Christian ethics is so
contrary to mans basic nature that its anti-natural morality debilitates man and produces only
botched and bungled lives.34 In Beyond Good and Evil, Nietzsche says that he has discovered
two primary types of morality. The distinctions of moral values have either originated in a ruling
caste, or among the ruled, the slaves, and dependent of all sorts. In master-morality:
The noble type of man regards himself as the determiner of values; he does not require to
be approved of; he passes the judgment. What is injurious to me is injurious to itself; he
knows that he himself confers honor on things; he is a creator of values. He honors
whatever he recognizes in himself; such morality is self-glorification. In the foreground
there is the feeling of the plenitude of power which seeks to overflowthe nobleman
also helps the unfortunate, but not-or scarcely out of pity, but rather from an impulse
generated by the super-abundance of power. The nobleman honors in himself, who
knows how to speak and keep silence, who takes pleasure in subjecting himself to
severity and hardness, and has reverence for all that is sever and hard.35
The slave-morality, by contrast, originates with the lowest elements of the society, the
absurd, the oppressed, the slaves, and those who are uncertain of themselves. The slave:
has an unfavorable eye for the virtues of the powerful; he has a skepticism and distrust,
refinement of distrust, of everything good that is there honored- he would fain persuade
19

himself that the very happiness there is not genuine. On the other hand, those qualities
which serve to alleviate the existence of sufferers are brought into prominence and
flooded with light; it is here that sympathy, the kind, helping-hand, the warm heart,
patience, diligence, humility and friendliness attain to honor; for here these are the most
useful qualities, and almost the means of supporting the burden of existence. Slavemorality is essentially the morality of utility.36
According to slave-morality, therefore the evil man arouses fear; according to mastermorality, it is precisely the good man who arouses fear and seeks to arouse it, while the band
man is regarded as the despicable being.
Nietzsche further explains that:
Within the narrow sphere of the so-called moral values, no greater antithesis could be
found than that of master-morality and the morality of Christian valuations: the latter
having grown-out of a thoroughly morbid soil. The master-morality, on the other hand,
being the symbolic speech of well- constitutedness, of ascending life, and or the will to
power as a vital principle. Master morality affirms just as Christian morality denies. The
first reflects its plenitude upon things-it transfigures, it embellishes, it rationalizes the
world-the latter impoverishes, bleaches, mars the value of things, it suppresses the
world.37
Slave morality as a reactionary morality: its triumph in revolt in moral
Nietzsche makes use of the concept of resentment. The higher type of man creates his
own values out of the abundance of his life and strength. The meek and powerless fear the strong

20

and powerful, and they attempt to curb and tame them by asserting as absolute, the values of the
herd.
He proves:
The revolt of the slaves in morals begins in the very principle of resentment becoming
creative and giving birth to values- a resentment experienced by creatures, who deprived
as they are of the proper outlet of action, are forced to find their compensation in an
imaginary revenge. While every aristocratic morality springs from a triumphant
affirmation of its own demand, the slave morality says no from the very outset to what
it outside itself different from itself and not itself: and this no is its creative
deed.38
Slave morality begins in negation: a resentment of excellence, achievement, individuality
and power. All these power virtues are regarded as good. The slave morality is thus a
reactionary morality, since the categories of good and evil are not created form within the
individual, but are created as a reaction to the values of the powerful.39
Nietzsche explains:
The slave morality requires the condition of its existence an external and objective world,
it requires objective stimuli to be capable of reaction at all-its action is fundamentally a
reaction. The contrary is the case when we come to the aristocrats system of values: it
acts and grows spontaneously, it merely seeks its anti-thesis in order to pronounce a more
grateful and exultant yes to its own self: its negative conception, low, vulgar, bad
is merely a pale late born foil in comparison with its positive and fundamental conception
of we aristocrats, we good ones, we beautiful ones, we happy ones.40
21

The challenge to the master-morality resulted from a deep-seated resentment on the part
of the slaves. This revenge took the form of translating the virtues of the noble aristocrats into
evils. Nietzsche argues that in his own time, the strong and the noble were losing the battle for
survival against the weak, who manifests another, more sinister, and opposite will the will to
nothingness. Through a revaluation of noble values, the weak (specially the socialists-the
inheritors and proponents of the Christian slave morality) have created a world in which the
strong and noble are seen to be evil, whereas, from Nietzsches perspectives these evil qualities
are valuable in themselves, in that they serve the enhancement of the species as a whole. 41 It is
a fact that:
men with a still natural nature, barbarians in every terrible sense of the word, men of
prey, still in possession of unbroken strength of will and the desire for power, threw
themselves upon the weaker, more peaceful races . At the commencement, the noble
caste was always the barbarian caste: their superiority did not consist first of all in their
physical, but in their psychical power-they were more complete men .42
But, the power of the master race was broken by the undermining of its psychic strength.
Against the natural impulse to exert aggressive strength, the weak races had erected elaborate
psychic defenses. New values, new ideals, such as peace and equality were put forward under the
guise of the fundamental principle of society. Nietzsche contends:
to refrain mutually from injury, form violence, from exploitation, and put ones will on a
par with that of others: this may result in a certain rough sense in a good conduct among
individuals when the necessary conditions are given (namely, the actual similarity of the
individuals in amount of force and degree of worth, and their co-relation within one

22

organization). As soon, however as one take principle of society, it would immediately

disclose what it really is-namely, a will to the denial of life, a principle of dissolution and
decay.43
Hardness-the key to resist all sentimental weakness
But, a skillful psychological analysis of the herds resentment and its desire to exact
revenge against the strong will show, says Nietzsche what must to be done:
One must think profoundly to the very basis and resists all sentimental weakness: life
itself is essentially appropriation, injury, conquest of the strange and the weak,
suppression, severity, obtrusion of peculiar forms, incorporation and at least putting it
mildest, exploitation.44
He adds:
even the organization within which as was previously supposed, the individuals, treat
each other as equal must itself, if it be a living and not a dying organization, do all that
towards other bodies, which the individuals within it refrain from doing to each
other; it

will have to be the incarnated will to power, it will endeavor to grow, to gain

ground,

attract to itself and acquire ascendancy- not owing of any morality or immorality,

but

because it lives, and because life is precisely will to power . Exploitation does not
belong to a depraved or imperfect and primitive society: it belongs to the nature of the
living being as a primary organic function; it is a consequence of will to power, which is
precisely the will to life.45

23

Nietzsche understands corruption in the sense of decadence. What he maintains is that all
the values upon which mankind builds its highest hopes and desires are decadent values.
I call an animal, a species, an individual corrupt when it loses its instincts, when it selects
and prefers that which is detrimental to it . Life itself to my mind is nothing more or
less than the instinct of growth of permanence, of accumulating forces of power: where
the will to power is lacking, degeneration sets in.46
Nietzsche also claims that the effect of sympathy with the suffering of others is baneful.
He writes:
Pity stands in antithesis to the tonic emotions which enhance the energy of the feeling of
life: it has a depressive effect-one loses force when one pities . This depressive and
contagious instinct thwarts off those instincts bent on preserving and enhancing the value
of life . Nothing in our unhealthy modernity is more unhealthy than Christian pity.47
The Death of God and the Eternal Recurrence
While others saw in nineteenth-century Europe the symbols of power and security,
Nietzsche grasped with prophetic insight the imminent collapse of the traditional supports of the
values to which the modern men had committed themselves. The greatest fact for him was
neither the military power of Germany nor the unfolding advances of science but rather the
incontrovertible fact that the belief in the Christian God had drastically declined to the point
where he could say the God is dead.
The decay of belief in God opens the way for mans creative energies to develop fully;
the Christian God with his commands and prohibitions no longer stands in the path; and mans

24

eyes are no longer turned towards an unreal supernatural realm, towards the other world rather
than towards this world.48 In the Joyful Wisdom, Nietzsche states:
The most important of more recent eventsthat God is dead, that the belief in the
Christian God has become unworthy of belief-already begins to cast its first shadows
over Europe. To the few at least whose eyes, whose suspecting glance is strong enough
and subtle enough for this drama, some suns seems to have set, some old, profound
confidence seems to have changed into doubt: out old world must seem to them daily
more darksome, distrustful, strange and oldwe philosophers, and free spirits feel
ourselves irradiated by a new dawn by the report that old God is dead, our hearts
overflow with gratitude, astonishment, presentiment and expectation. At last, the horizon,
seems open once more, granting even that it is not bright; our ships can at last put out to
sea in face of every danger; hazard is again permitted to the discerner; the sea, our sea,
again lies open before us; perhaps never before did such an open sea exist.49
Through the report that God is dead opens up vast horizons to free spirits, most people
are not yet ready to positively accept and understand the magnitude of the great event. This
exposes them to the danger of nihilism. The fact that God is dead indicates that there are no
values that prevail for eternity. Without God, there can be no provider of absolute and eternal
values. The result then, is that human beings live in a world without intrinsic decadence: it offers
no idols through which one invests value in life; instead, one perceives the meaninglessness of
everything, the absurdity of every choice, and thus experiences ambivalence toward any potential
course of action.

25

The European man has been brought up to recognize certain moral values which have
been associated with Christian belief and in certain sense depend on it. If the European man loses
his faith in this value, he loses faith in all values, for he knows only morality, the morality which
was canonized by ChristianityThe breakdown of belied in the Christian moral values exposes
man to the danger of nihilism, not because there are other possible values, but because men in
the west know the others.50
Nietzsche contends that in infinite time there are periodic cycles in which all that has
been is repeated over again. While nihilism in his challenge to philosophical claims on
metaphysics and ethics, he presented an alternative in the eternal recurrence. According to
Nietzsche, it would require a sincere Amor Fati (love of fate), not simply to endure, but to wish
for the eternal recurrence of all events exactly as they occurred- all of the pain and joy, the
embarrassment and glory. The wish for the eternal return of all events would mark the ultimate
affirmation of life.51
Apollonian Nature vs. Dionysian Nature
The Greeks, according to Nietzsche in the Birth of Tragedy, knew very will that life is
terrible, inexplicable, and dangerous. But though they were alive to the real character of the
world and of human life, they did not surrender to pessimism by turning their backs on life. What
they did was to transmute the world and human life through the medium of art. And they were
then able to say yes to the world as an aesthetic phenomenon. According to him there were two
ways of doing this, corresponding respectively to the Dionysian and Apollonian attitudes or
mentalities. Dionysus was for Nietzsche the symbol of the stream of life itself, breaking down all
barriers and ignoring all restraints. It presents a kind of raw energy from which everything has

26

its origins. It embodies overwhelming emotions such as terror and ecstasy, in which, the intensity
of the experience temporarily obscures the separation between the individual and the feeling
itself. Therefore, in its pure state, the Dionysian is powerful, yet equally destructive without a
means by which to control or focus it. Apollo on the other hand, was the symbol of the principle
of individuation, that power that controls and restrains the dynamic processes of life in order to
create a formed work of art or a controlled personal character. 52 The Apollonian impulse is a
natural counter needed to make sense of the Dionysian by creating a structure through which it
can be objectified. Therefore, Dionysus represents existential reality and Apollo gives man the
means to live this reality without being swallowed up by it by providing the impulse to beauty
necessary to free him from self-destructive forces of his base instincts.
For Nietzsche, the supreme achievement of human nature occurred in Greek culture were
the Dionysian and Apollonian elements were brought together. To deny that the Dionysian
element had a rightful place in life was to postpone to some later date the investable explosion of
vital forces, which cannot be permanently denied expression. The Dionysian way is triumphantly
affirming and embracing existence in all its darkness and horror. 53 In The Will to Power,
Nietzsche explicates:
The kind of experimental philosophy which I am living, even anticipates the possibility
of the most fundament nihilism on principle: but by this I not mean that it remains standing
negation. It would rather attain to the very reverse to a Dionysian affirmation of the world, as it
is without subtraction, exception or choice- it would have eternal circular motion; the same
things the same reasoning and the same illogical concatenation. The highest state to which a
philosopher can attain: the maintain a Dionysian attitude to life my formula for this is amor
fati Thus I divined to what extent a stronger a kind of man must necessarily imagine-the
27

elevation of man in another direction: higher creatures beyond good and evil, beyond those
values which bear the stamp of their origin in the sphere of suffering, of the herd, and of greater
number54
Revaluation of values and the Overman
-Going Beyond Good and Evil
Again, Nietzsche maintains that the concept of a uniform, universal and absolute moral
system is to be rejected, for it is the fruit of resentment and represents inferior life, descending
life, and degeneracy, whereas the aristocratic morality represents the movement of ascending life.
For Nietzsche, the essential thing in good and healthy aristocracy is that it should not regard
itself to be a function of the monarchy or the commonwealth, but as their meaning and supreme
justification-that it therefore accepts with a good conscience the sacrifice of innumerable men
who for its sake have to be suppressed and reduced to imperfect men, to slaves and instruments.
Its fundamental faith must be that society should not exist for the sake of society but only as a
foundation and scaffolding upon which a select species of being is able to raise itself to its higher
task and in general, to its higher existence. According to him, men are differentiated into ranks,
and it is quanta of power, and nothing else, which determine and distinguish ranks. For this
reason, such ideals as equality among men are nonsensical. There can be no equality where there
are in fact different quanta of power. Equality can only mean the leveling downward of everyone
to the mediocrity of the herd. To be sure, a higher culture will always require as its basis a
strongly consolidated mediocre herd, but only to make possible the development and emergence
of the higher type of man.55
For Nietzsche, if the slave morality originated in resentment and revenge, there must
again occur a revaluation of all values. Nietzsche did not intend the creation of a new table of

28

values. He meant rather to declare war upon the presently accepted values. Since traditional
morality is a perversion of original natural morality, revaluation must consist in rejecting
traditional morality in the name of honesty and accuracy. It is not necessary to legislate new
values but only to reverse the values once again. Just as Christianity was a revaluation of all the
values of antiquity, so today, the dominant morality must be rejected in favor of mans original
and deepest nature.56 Nietzsche focused upon the internal power within man, which is capable of
shaping and creating events, a power which uses and exploits the environment. Nietzsches grand
hypothesis was the everywhere and in everything the will to power is seeking to express itself.
This world, he says, is the will to power and nothing else. Life itself is a plurality of forces, a
lasting form of processes of assertion of force57
Nietzsche further asserts that even after the revaluation of values, the herd will not be
intellectually capable of reaching the heights of the free spirits. The overman is the person who
can overcome the herd instinct, that is, create his or her own values without the influence of
ones social norms. He discovers that it is in his best interest to reject any outside notions about
values, trusting rather what he finds within himself. He creates his own good and evil, based on
that which helps him to succeed or fail. In this way, good is something which helps one to realize
his potential and evil is whatever hampers or stands in the way of this effort. For Nietzsche,
history is moving not toward some abstract developed humanity but toward the emergence of
some exceptional men. Only when superior individuals have the courage to revalue all values
and respond to their internal will to power can the next stage be reached.58
For Nietzsche, the will to power can achieve its purpose only by striving and an
inevitable loss on the part of the weak. Life is meaningful only on the account of struggle. War is

29

good; peace is stagnation which is not worth desiring. War strengthens the race, peace weakens
them.59 In Antichrist, Nietzsche affirms:
What is good? All that enhances the feeling of power in man, the will to power and
power itself. What is bad? All that proceeds from weakness. What is happiness? The
feeling that power is increasing, that resistance has been overcome. Not contentment but
more power; not peace but war; not virtue but efficiency. The weak and the botched shall
perish; first principle of humanity. And they ought even to be helped to perish. What is
more harmful than any vise?- practical with the botched and weak- Chrisitanity.60
For Nietzsche, life is struggle for existence at its highest. The test of a man is energy and
ability.

30

CHAPTER IV
ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION

This analysis attempts to analyze and explain the struggle of the two conflicting parties
(the GRP and the MILF) by using Nietzsches concept of will to power which describes and
explains the elevation of the human species through the development of oneself and the striving
for excellence. The law that directs al activities of life is the law of power, the urge to excel all
others in strength.
In keeping with Nietzsches philosophy, the researcher would argue that the conflict itself
between the MILF and the GRP is a product of the underlying forces which are prominent on
human nature- the will to power. Following Nietzsches assertion that this inner reality could be
understood by its multiplicity of manifestations, the researcher would argue further that in the
said conflict there are indeed manifestations of will to power. As Nietzsche states, the instinct for
the acquisition of power is the prime factor that motivates all the activities of life.
Independent Islamic government as the goal-opposed to Philippine system
The MILFs struggle for self-determination springs forth from the fact that the Moros
seek above all their survival as a Muslim people. They believe that their survival demand
freedom from the domination of the neocolonial forms of authority in those matters which most
clash against on their identity and selfhood as Muslims. These include such things as education,
family life, community organization, religious activities, and to some extent jurisdiction over
land economic resources. Having a different culture and religion of its own, they want to

31

establish a system of life and governance suitable and acceptable to the Bangsamoro people.
Their vision of establishing an independent Islamic government in the Bangsamoro homeland is
reflective of Nietszches thought that the will is the striving to find or establish the surroundings
that will most enhance the creative abilities of the individual. 61 For the Moros, Islam is their
way of life which gives them meaning to live, and for life itself is will to power, and to preserve
that Islamic identity is only one of the most frequent results.
With its different constitutional paradigms, the Moro Islamic system opposed to the
western liberal democratic system of the government makes the Philippine system not suitable
and acceptable on the part of the Moros. In this kind of government, the Moros cannot be said to
grow, that is, practicing in utmost possible the teachings of Islam because the Philippine
system hinders them to grow into their full nation statehood. They want to unfetter themselves
from this domination which they believe is the cause of social decay among the Bangsamoro
people. They are looking forward to establish a government that shall embody their ideals which
will in their own way would open to them not only material, but also intellectual, cultural, and
spiritual progress which would further encourage all forms of excellence. This is because
according to Nietzsche every living organization must endeavor to grow, gain ground and
acquire ascendancy.
Incompatibility of interests creates conflict
Nietzsche mentioned every specific body strives to become masters over all space, to
extend its force, its will to power and thrusts back all that resists its extension. 62 The MILFs
struggle for national liberation however brings them to a vertical conflict with the Philippine
government which is rigid in preserving the countrys interests particularly the countrys

32

sovereignty and territorial integrity. The Philippine government will not let the MILF stand in the
way of the formers integration policy seeking to integrate all the minorities including the Moros
into the mainstream of the Philippine national life, socially, culturally, politically and
economically. Its political stand is that any solution to the Bangsamoro problem is within the
mandates of the constitution and laws of the land. Form this incompatibility of interests born the
strife of two worthy rivals, each striving to gain the upper hand.
Will to power- its destructive aspect
According to Nietzsche, humans are always attempting impose their superiority and will
upon each other, in one way or another. It would also be appropriate for the researcher to say that
the way to power can be constructive or destructive since according to him, a living thing seeks
to discharge its strength not only to survive but to power which sometimes results in violent
behavior intrinsic to the nature of men.63
With the desire of the government to capture al the fixed camps of the MILF (this was the
time when one of the core issues is the acknowledgement of the MILF camps), since the former
Estrada administration was alarmed that the identified MILF camps were straddling significant
portions of many municipalities, it has decided not only to reverse on the ground the
acknowledgements of seven MILF major camps already made in 1999 but to change the reality
of all 46 identified MILF fixed camps on the ground. This eventually took the form of the
military offensives or the all-out war policy in the year 2000 which culminated in the AFP
capture of the MILF Main camp Abubakr.64 This strategy of the government was to degrade the
military capability of the Moro rebels and weaken its negotiating position, to impose on the
Moro rebels a peace settlement which is of course under the parameters of the Philippine

33

constitution. Its all out-war policy made the impression that the government has the ability to
pulverize the enemy as shown by its massive and brutal military operations against the MILF.
This was in turn superseded by the call of Jihad of former MILF chairman Hashim
Salamat who believed that the call of Jihad has been a successful one because the organization
has shown its strengths and capacity that allowed them to withstand the weapons of the enemy,
vowing to fight until victory is achieved. He said that the organization experienced many positive
results and developments; this was perhaps due to fewer casualties on their side (as what they
claim) and a way of displaying their strengths to the enemy, since Jihad has been a way of
regaining their usurped freedom, wherein freedom for Nietzsche means sovereignty at the top of
the heap.
The two worthy opponents are indeed, heroes in the eyes of Nietzsche because they are
both capable of requital. That is, they have the power of returning what the enemy can do to
them. They are both good.
Nietzsche maintains life is a plurality of forces, a lasting form of processes of assertions
of force. The all-out war policy however did not end in the governments assault and the capture
of the MILFs main camp during the Estrada regime, it still continues up to the present
administration. The AFPs Buliok offensive in the year 2003 which targeted the MILF was
another governments way of regaining the MILF camps since the latters camps had sovereignty
and territorial implications for both sides even if to a lesser degree. 65 For the MILF, establishing
control of certain municipalities, then asking GRPs recognition of these areas as its territories,
will mean more territories. Moreover, the MILF has also strengthened its military capability and
also renewed the call for Jihad and still unanimously demands for independence. The continuous

34

affirmation of both sides on obtaining their end is the lasting assertions of forces that Nietzsche
mentioned in his will to power.
The series of violent clashes, bloody skirmishes between the two powers, however reveal
the terrifying aspect of human nature. These manifest the humans horrific side of existence, that
terrifying element to our existence that ought to be remained concealed but not suppressed. The
giving more of emphasis by both sides on the intensive use of military might on the struggle
marks the preponderance of the Dionysian impulse in man.
Will to power- Its constructive aspect
Nietzsche claims that simply using violent force to bring another under ones power,
though it is the most natural and most instinctive method, is not always the most successful. 66
Surely, the Philippine government wasnt that much able to subjugate the MILF as the latter is
very adamant in their continued commitment to independence as they staked most of their
strengths during the battles. Physical strengths would of course show much the capacity of a
living organization to grow, gain ground, and acquire ascendancy. So, Nietzsche proved
that the ego learns to find other ways to exert its will to power that through the violent or forceful
domination of others. In the conflict, even rightly after its fierce battles, the government has been
strategically hinting about its plans of pouring over of development projects especially in the
conflict-affected areas. It did present its plans of pursuing socio-economic, rehabilitation and
development programs in Muslim areas to develop and uplift the living conditions of the people,
and other rehabilitation and development programs which would gradually; if not immediately
improve the lives of the people. So, what would this be at the bottom for Nietzsche is that
pouring over of development projects especially within the MILF camps or controlled areas is to

35

lure away the rebels from demanding self-rule. Also, it would also be used to strengthen
International political front in order to discourage the Islamic countries to support the MILF
cause.
According to Nietzsche, no matter what type of situations individuals find themselves
in, their will to power comes through in one way or another. In the case of the GRP-MILF
conflict, the existence of the peace talks as a way of committing the parties to end the violent
conflicts have also become means or battlefield for competing wills. Persuasions and arguments
have become an artistic way of overwhelming the other party instead of having it on the arena of
arms and battles. For Nietzsche, if there is an aspect of our nature that is terrifying, there is also
however, an aspect of our nature that consists of the veiling of the former aspect, leading to an
overcoming of our nature and allowing creative agency. Diverting the energy of primitive
impulses into a socially more acceptable activity in the conflict takes the form of peace
negotiations which involve reasons and order. These also demonstrate the wits of the two parties
trying to prevail over the other through presenting cogent arguments favorable to their side. The
emphasis of both sides on argumentation as way of acquiring dominance indicates the hegemony
of the Apollonian principle.
Plebiscite- A matter of dispute, a way to impose oness will over the other
The aforementioned peace talks which started few decades ago remain to be the
comprehensive solution to the conflict. The ARMM of The Autonomous Region for Muslim
Mindanao which was intended to meet the demands of the Muslims in Southern Philippines
became also a matter of dispute because its failure as a mechanism for peaceful political
competition, good governance and quality leadership selection has been used as an argument

36

against the Moro self-determination and self-rule. On the government side, such failure arises
mainly from the timidity and incapacity of the leaders of the ARMM to use its vast power to
promote the common good. But, for the MILF it is precisely the structure as a part of the national
political structure which limits the fulfillment of certain Bangsomor aspirations and that national
political structure is embedded int ehconstitution.67 Going into the peace negotiations, the MILF
showing its readiness to talk about political settlements, particularly negotiated political
settlements, it is its proposal during the formal talks to have a single talking-point, and that is, to
solve the Bangsamoro problem is finding a political and lasting solution to the problem with the
end in view of establishing a system suitable and acceptable to the Bangsamoro peole. 68 And that
in defining the final status of the Bangsamoro peoples, the MILF is stern in its stand to have an
iterative process through the plebiscitary consent of the Moros and indigenous people without
the veto power of settlers and migrants. This means that a plebiscite will be called but only
among the Bangsamoro people because it involves their status as people and indigenous people
may choose or not to choose to be or not to be part of the Moro area of governance. 69 The
Bangsamoro homeland of course had become settler dominated, and it is logical to say that
conducting a plebiscite on the areas where the Muslims were predominant would only have for
the settlers and migrants the veto power. In the minds of the MILF, it is indeed an appealing
argument to subject the Tripoli Agreement to a popular vote because as a democratic decision,
the voice of the majority is guaranteed and shall be unquestionably in effect. The plebiscite
usually goes unopposed since it is what the majority wants. 70 Subjecting therefore the Tripoli
Agreement to a plebiscite is a unilateral advantage for the government to guarantee itself that the
resolution of the conflict is still within the context of the Philippine constitution.

37

As of this time, the conflict is still extant. The ways the two partied maneuver the peace
process and the aforementioned battles still point out to their own interest, to exert their will.
They therefore qualify themselves as opponents worth to waged war with. A grater possibility is
that in the coming battles, and peace talks, it is inevitable that the two powers will still exert their
will because according to Nietzsche, the will to power is always seeking to express itself.
Lasting pleasure and satisfaction come about as a result of being able to live according to ones
instincts- the ability to exert oness will to power.71

CHAPTER V.
SUMMARY, CONCLUSIN AND RECOMMENDATIONS

38

In this study, it is evident that there are indeed manifestations of will to power in the
GRP-MILF conflict as there is the desire of both parties to excel over the other not only in terms
of physical strength but psychical strength as well.
As a conflict is a competition between two parties trying to get something they both
cannot have due of course to inconsistent goals, both side exerted their power to excel over the
other in a number of ways. This actually corresponds to the principle of elevation that Nietzsche
professes. Thus, the use of intensive military might by both sides like in the All-out war policy of
the government and the declaration of Jihad on the part of the MILF and other series of violent
clashes between them as well as the presence of the negotiation process, peace talks, signed
peace agreements and other carrot approaches between the conflicting parties demonstrate the
ability of both sides to exert ones will. In the conflict, the imposing of will by both sides to gain
the upper hand is a sign of an instinctive reverence for excellence because to raise oneself to a
higher level is a manifestation of will to power expressing itself. Both sides possess the strength
and the desire for power. That is, they are more complete men.
It is true that as of this time, the conflict still exists. The said peace processes between the
MILF and the GRP which are undertaken to solve the conflict did not actually end the problem.
The existence of the peace talks (though here is always an impasse) until this time which started
many years ago demonstrates its being ineffective in resolving the problem.
Peace talk: Slave Morality
Although domination of both parties are apparent during peace talks as manifested in
their earnest desires to assert their wants and interests, parallel of course with their respective
goals, the researcher however, would argue that peace talks are in some way a manifested slave
39

morality- indeed, a product of slave morality. These are not the values upon which the noble and
the strong like the contending parties have created themselves, rather these are the values
imposed by the masses on them.
It can be recalled that the GRP and the MILF have proven much of their strengths when
they both declared an equally affirming yet terrifying declarations of bloody war that almost
unveiled the stronger party. These acts of the contending powers are indeed noble as they create
these values in itself. They create these values from ones own inwardness, and from superabundance of power. Nietzsche proves that the slave morality requires the condition of its
existence an external and objective world, it requires objective stimuli to be capable of reaction
at all- its action is fundamentally a reaction. Nietzsche adds that the power of the master race was
broken by undermining of its psychic strength, against the natural impulses to exert aggressive
strength; the weak races had erected elaborate psychic defenses. 72 These psychic defenses take
the form of translating noble values into evils. This values-creating master morality of both
parties, however, which came in the form of hostilities and military actions are deemed as evil
by the masses,-evil because these acts cause sufferings and miseries to the people. They therefore
arouse fear. But, according to master morality, it is precisely the good man who arouses fear
and seeks to arouse it.73
It is a fact that the fierce fighting between the MILF and the government troops made the
lives of the people increasingly more difficult as they were forced to flee from their homes
during the battles, squeezing themselves in the evacuation centers with less food and sometimes
nothing to eat. Feeling unsafe as the fighting of both parties disturb their peaceful living as they
experienced countless lives lost during battles, they, the masses resent over the power of the two
parties at the same time fear these values of the powerful. Nietzsche says that the revolt of the
40

slave in morals begins in the very principle of resentment becoming creative and giving birth to
values an experienced by creatures, who deprived as they are of the proper outlet of action, are
forced to find their compensation in an imaginary revenge. Since the masses are impotent
enough not to contend with the conflicting parties, out of resentment and sufferings, they create
values as a reaction to the values of the powerful through committing the two parties to peace
talks would pacify both parties which would successfully end the violent conflicts. This is
reflective in Nietzsches assertions that the meek and powerless fear the strong and powerful
and they attempt to curb and tame them by asserting as absolute the values of the herd.74
With the call of the civil society, the priests and the masses in general for the GRP and the
MILF to sit in the negotiating table and talk about the peace process since for the masses the
violent fighting of the two powers are demoralizing and indeed evil on the perspective of the
sufferers, the two contending parties somehow succumb to these values as they were almost
conscience-stricken that their values (the values of the powerful) are deemed as evil. The
qualities of the two parties are deemed by the masses as contemptible which nearly cause the
former to be weak and indecisive.
New values and new ideals were now put forward under the guise of the fundamental
principle of the society. As Nietzsche states, those qualities which serve to alleviate the
existence of the sufferers are brought into prominence and flooded with light. 75 These peace
talks are the new values created by the weaker and more peaceful races to be utilized as
means to alleviate their sufferings. Committing both parties to peace talks to end the violent
conflicts would of course provide relief to the people as cessation of any kind of military
activities usually follows from it.

41

The masses cry for peace, however made the two powers to restrain themselves from
making hostile or provocative acts which can mar or spoil the negotiation process, wherein for
Nietzsche, to refrain mutually from injury, from violence, from exploitation and taking this
principle of society, discloses what it really is- a will to dissolution and decay. 76 This is actually
degenerating on the part of the GRP and the MILF because peace talks are just restrictions of the
weak on the strong, to prevent the latter from completely fulfilling their natural ends-to exert
their will to power, to elevate themselves. This, however, eventually caused stagnation on the
part of the two powers as they are confined to the morality of the masses, where they could not
exercise so much their power, to assert their will, their own demand. These values of the masses
act as a constraint to the two power exertion and affirmation of their own value-their natural
values.
According to Nietzsche, the stronger type of men must resist this sentimental weakness,
for life itself is appropriation, injury, conquest of the strange and the weak, suppression, severity,
exploitation.77 This means that both parties must the will to affirm themselves in action and the
willingness to fight for their way of life and thought because to affirm oneself is to cultivate the
characteristics which springs from itself and not outside itself as for Nietzsche, the most
fundamental laws of preservation and growth demand precisely that each should discover his
own virtue, his own categorical imperative.78 To resist this sentimental weakness is to live life
beyond good and evil conceived by the masses. Good as those qualities which serve to
alleviate the existence of the sufferers, evil as those fear inducing values of the powerful or
the things that cause their own unsatisfactory conditions. To go beyond good and evil is to
revalue the prevailing values, that is replacing the decadent and degenerated values with more
noble, grand and healthy values. According to Nietzsche, it is not necessary to legislate new
42

values but only to reverse the values once again. The dominant morality must be rejected in favor
of mans original and deepest nature. 79 So, just as peace talks and peace negotiations are the
prevailing values and a reactionary morality of the masses to the morality of the powerful, the
peace talks between the MILF and the GRP must be replaced with their original values. And
these natural values are the violent fighting and skirmishes, the values of the masters which have
been almost disposed of by the morality of the common men.
In the conflict between the Philippine government and the MILF, there are of course these
different perspectives or opposing constitutional paradigms. And these opposing constitutional
paradigms. And these opposing constitutional paradigms cannot both co-exist in one country, so,
one must prevail over the other, or only one of them must remain on top. But, the GRP and the
MILF somehow can be said to be equals. Indeed, there is no such strife or competition of
unequal. Moreover, the actual similarity of both parties in amount of force and degree of worth
discloses decadence. According to Nietzsche, equality can only mean the leveling downward of
everyone to the mediocrity of the herd. This equality must be broken in order for a more
powerful, more valuable and the more secure guarantee of the future will emerge. Though both
parties are worthy opponents whom each of them should respect, it is also that one whom one
must overcome. To know therefore who has the higher ability of staking ones strength and
fighting skill, the researcher concludes that war, a violent war must be utilized to determine
which of the two parties is stronger.
Beastly qualities of the strong, however is not alien to us, for these are naturally
embedded in human beings. War seems to be ingrained in human nature, according to Kant.
He further argues that war should even be regarded as noble. 80 This is perhaps due to the fact that
war brings out mans finest qualities as indicated by his creativity, independence, and hardness.
43

In his famous book The Prince, Niccolo Machiavelki emphasizes that a prince ought
to have no other aim or thought, nor select anything else for his study, than war and its rules and
discipline; for this is the sole art that belongs to him who rules, and it is of such force that it not
only upholds those who are born princes, but it often enables men to rise from a private station ot
the rank.81
Hegel also argued that warfare had positive benefits for individual because according to
him, war serves to eliminate various forms of corruption which can develop in a stale, safe
society. While many seem to regard war as a moral disaster, Hegel actually argues that the lack
of war would be the disaster. Its disastrous because it prevents people from developing to their
fullest extent. It is therefore his emphatic assertion that man must accept war or stagnate.82
To prove also that warlike behaviors are not estranged from us, the researcher quotes
Thomas Hobbes saying that man is belligerent by nature though this side of our nature is
controlled by reason and with the vent of powerful authority who would keep them all in awe,
Nietzsche believes that the wild best has not been slain at all, it lives, it flourishes, it has only
been transfigured.83 This only shows that wars and battles simply cannot be ignored because
these are inevitable and deeply rooted in our very own nature as human beings.
Nietzsche claimed that war is good and strengthens the race. This is because through
war, the strengths of the two contending powers will be unleashed. War therefore serves as
measurements of their strengths. It also strengthens the race of the higher men because it makes
the noble men conscious of their own values which help them develop new values by constantly
creating. On the other hand, peace is stagnation which is not worth desiring because it makes the

44

noble men fall asleep, sinking into material life rather than staking ones strength, to express
ones will to power.
Nietzsche then defines happiness as the feeling that the power is increasing, that
resistance has been overcome. This is because growth is indicated by surpassing every mighty
opponent they met. Ones power increases when one is able to surpass every mighty opponents
strength.
This war however, will have no conformity to any rules or standards, as these standards
might be detrimental to higher men. War will determine the victor since war itself will forge the
standards and limits in such a way that one can wage war as long as one still has the capability to
resist the opponent in the same measure of the latters strength.
Surely, in war some men will perish away as the call of the first principle of humanity
states, but it is necessary for the emergence of some exceptional men. As Nietzsche asserts, one
must accept with a good conscience the sacrifice of innumerable men who for its sake must be
suppressed so that a select species of beings is able to raise itself into a higher existence. It is true
of course that warfare involves civilians, and civilian casualties are foreseeable though they may
not be the target as they are not worthy opponents for the conflicting parties to wage war with.
The contending powers should not be afflicted with the thoughts of pity for pity stands in
antithesis to the tonic emotions which enhance the energy of the feeling of life-it suppresses
productive passions and has depressive effect on the strength of both parties.84
The researcher does not say that this violent war she suggests is a fixed paradigm or the
ultimate solution to the problem. As Nietzsches will to power is nothing but a becoming, these

45

prevailing values will also need valuations in response to the demands of time. It is therefore
recommended in this study that:
1. A violent war could be utilized as an excellent solution to any related problem of liberationist
and secessionist struggle.
2. There must be long-scale gradations of ranks among human beings to avoid mediocrity.
3. Further study in conflict resolutions in relations to war must be conducted in order to come up
a better and a lasting solution to the problem of liberationist and other related struggles.

CHAPTER VI.
POST-WAR INSIGHTS

46

It is indeed strange that while people all over the world are desperately trying to solve the
problem of liberationist struggle through peaceful means, this paper rather takes a back turn and
proposed indeed a violent war as a better alternative solution to this long-time conflict between
the GRP and the Moro rebels. We now turn our eyes on what can be seen on the distance after the
war.
Disastrous is war as one can ever imagine. But, war is necessary for the unveiling of the
stronger type of men who will rule over the people. It is natural for these rare individuals to be
sovereign and at the top of the heap. Reality has it that in the struggle between the two
contending powers, the overwhelming force wins. The one who exerts more power rules over the
other. This eventual triumph of one power over the other marks the end of the war (of course
with the consent of the losers). The defeated side will be brought under the dominion of the
stronger military power, and this victorious side will be the one to impose rules. The stronger
power will then compel its opponents to fulfill its will.
Thus, the victorious side may imprison or prosecute the high-ranking officials of the
defeated side, or it could grant amnesty to some of its leaders or members who will surrender.
The winning party may also let the vanquished opponent to award reparations to them, and pay
the damages to the lives and properties destroyed by the conflict. But, there is more to the will to
power. For Nietzsche, the nobleman willfully binds himself to something higher, for ones
nobility is characterized not only by physical strength but more so in the nobility of mind and
great deeds. It must also be noted however, that power should not be understood only in negative
terms-as that one that merely subjugates. For power is not only the ability to do harm but also the
ability to help. One must also look on what power does, instead of what power prevents. Only
then will power appear in its truest forms. Thus, the nobleman excels not only in the art of
47

warfare, but distinguishes himself also in the art of governance and leadership. Thus, the
victorious side is expected to reconstruct not only the Mindanao lands but also those areas
affected by conflict. The reconstruction would be not only in terms of properties destroyed but
will also forge political and economic stability. They must pursue vigorously its socio-economic
and development programs especially on the conflict-affected areas. Rehabilitation and
development programs which include the provision of appropriate services and necessary
material needs to the evacuees and displaced families, their protection against loss of life and
loss and destruction of their properties, health facilities and other similar acts would now be
implemented to enable the people to return to their normal lives. Priority would also be given to
agricultural lands to be brought into production, trade and industry, and other means of
production intended for the growth of economy. Attention would also be given to the art of
instruction, to serve and promote better conditions and the rise of human beings. However, these
acts of the noble men do not spring form pity but rather from an impulse generated by the
superabundance of power.
In the future, the researcher would not know would not know what would be the higher
mens course of action and how these noble men would want to live their lives since it depends
on their creativity and independence. But, as the freedom to choose are entirely in their hands,
their creative will must will the future, making this world the will to power and nothing besides.

ENDNOTES :

Soliman M. Santos Jr. Delays in the Peace Negotiations between the Philippine
Government and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front: Cause and Prescriptions: East48

West

Center

Washington

Working

Papers,

24

September

2014,

http://www.eastwestcenter.org/stored/pdfs/EWcwwp003.pdf
2

Ibid.
Zainal Kulidtod, Perceived Strengths and Weaknesses of GRP Peace Initiatives,
(Dissertation, Mindanao State University-Marawi, 2005).
4
Moro
Islamic
Liberation
Front,
24
September
2014,
http://www.ict.org.il/organizations/orgdet.cfm?orgid=92
5
Macapado Abaton Muslim, The Moro Problem: Basic Elements, Mindanao Journal,
Vol. XXII (July-December 1996) p. 34.
6
Guiamel M.Alim, The Bangsamoro Struggle for Self-Determination, European
Solidarity
Conference
on
the
Philippines,
24
September
2014,
http://www.seasite.niu.edu/Tagalog/modules/Muslim Mindanao/MindanaoLands.htm
7
War, 24 September 2014, http://en.wikipedian.org/wiki/war
8
Signe Ziegler, A Discussion on Human Nature of Marx and Hobbes, 24 September
2014, http://home.student.uva.nl/willem.frankenhuis
9
Marbel L. Sahakian and S. Sahakian, Realms of Philosophy (USA: Schenckman
Publishing company, Inc. 1970) pp. 88-89.
10
Ibid.pp. 148-149.
11
State of Nature, Paper on Lord of the Flies, 24 September 2014,
http://shs.wetport.k12.ct.us/portfolio.smith/LOF.htm
12
Nauture
vs.
Society,
24
September
2014,
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jean_JacquesRousseau
13
Frederick Copleston, SJ., History of Philosophy, Vol. 2 (USAL Newman Press, 1962)
pp. 143-144.
14
HumanNature, 24 September 2014, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Human_Nature
15
Mencius View of Human Nature and How it is Communicated in His Writings, 24
September
2014,
http://www.standford.edu/~zain/publicpapers/fall2002ihum/paper1.htm
16
Epictetus and Mencius: The Role of Emotions in a Good Life, 24 September
2014, http://www.geocities.com/peternthomas/Essay/PAPER3.htm
17
Mabel L. Sahakian and S. Sahakian, Realms of Philosophy (USA; Schenckman
Publishing Company, Inc. 1970) pp. 175-176.
18
TheoryofHumanNature,24September2014.http://aynrandcontrahumannature.blo
gspot.com/2007/05/shorter_archn_chapter_1.html
19
Edward W. Younkins, Herbert Spencer on Liberty and Human Progress, 24
September 2014. http://www.newfoundations.com/GALLERY/Spencer.html
20
Macapado Abaton Muslim, The Moro Problem: Basic Elements, Mindanao Journal,
Vol.XXII (July-December 1996) p. 34.
21
Ibid. p. 35
22
Ibid. pp. 35-36
23
Ibid. p. 36
24
Ibid. p. 37
25
Ibid. p. 37-38
26
19August 2007, http://enwikipedia.org/wiki/Friedrich_Nietzsche
27
Danny
Weston,
The
Will-to-Power,
24
September
2014,
http://www.promethea.org/Misc_Compositions/Antipolitique.html
28
Samuel E. Stumpf, Master-Morality vs. Slave-Morality and The Will to Power,
Socrates to Satre: A History of Philosophy, 3rd ed. USA: McGrawHill Book Company,
1982.
3

49

29

Travis J. Denneson, Society and the Individual in The Will to Power, 24

September 2014, http://www.infidels.org/library/modern/travis_denneson/power.
30
Beyond Good and Evil, Great Books of the Western World, Vol. 43, 2nd ed.
(Chicago: Encyclopedia Britannica, Inc., 1996) p. 470.
31
The
Concept
of
Will
to
Power,
24
September
2014,
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/will_to_power
32
Travis J. Denneson, Society and the Individual in the Will to Power, 24 September
2014, http://www.infidels.org/library/modern/travis_denneson/power
33
Ibid.
34
Samuel E. Stumnf, Master-Morality vs. Slave-Morality and the Will to Power,
Socrated to Sartre: A History of Philosophy, 3 rd ed. (USA: McGraw Hill book
Company, 1982).
35
Beyond Good and Evil, Friedrich Nietzsche with an Introduction by Tom Griffith
(London: The Collectors Library of Essential Thinkers, 2005) pp. 320-321.
36
Ibid. pp. 322-323.
37
The Philosophy of Nietzsche, edited with an Introduction by Geoffrey Clive (New
York: The New American Library, Inc. 1965) p. 286.
38
Ibid. pp. 410.
39
Master
Morality
and
Slave
Morality,
24
September
2014,
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Friedrich_Nietzsche
40
The Genealogy of Morals, The Philosophy of Nietzsche, edited with an
Introduction by Geoffrey Clive (New York: The New American Library Inc. 1965) p.
410.
41
Samuel E. Stumf, Master Morality vs. Slave Morality and The Will to power,
Socrates to Sartre: A History of Philosophy, 3rd ed. (USA: Mc Graw Hill Book
Company, 1982)
42
Beyond Good and Evil, Friedrich Nietzsche with an Introduction by Tom Griffith
(London: The Collectors Library of Essential Thinkers, 2005) pp. 316-317.
43
Ibid. pp. 318
44
Ibid.
45
Ibid. pp. 318-319.
46
The AntiChrist, The Philosophy of Nietzsche, edited with an Introduction by
Geoffrey Clive (New York: The New American Library, Inc. 1965) pp. 427-428.
47
Nietzsches
Revaluation
of
Schopenhauer,
24
September
2014,
http://www.bu.edu/wcp?Papers?MPsy/MpsyConw.htm
48
Frederick Copleston, SJ. A History of Philosophy, Vol. VII (USA: Newman Press,
1962) p. 403.
49
The
Joyful Wisdom, Reality, Man and Existence: Essential Work of
Existentialism, edited with an Introduction by H.J. Blackham (New York: Bantam
Books, Inc., 1965) pp. 67-68.
50
Frederick Copleston, SJ., A History of Philosophy, Vol. VII (USA: Newman Press,
1962) p. 405.
51
Amor
Fati
and
the
Eternal
Recurrence,
24
September
2014,
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Friedrich_Nietzsche
52
Fredrick Copleston, S.J. A History of Philosophy, Vol. VII (USA: Newman Press,
1962) p. 397.
53
Samuel E. Stumpf, Apollonian vs. Dionysian, Socrates to Sartre: A History of
Philosophy, 3rd ed. (USA: Mc Graw Hill Book Company, 1982)

50

54

The Will to Power, Reality, Man and Existence: Essential Works of Existentialism,
edited with an Introduction by H.J. Blackham (New York: Bantam Books, Inc. 1965) p.
116.
55
Samuel E. Stumf, Master Morality vs. Slave Morality and the Will to Power,
Socrates to Sartre: A History of Philosophy, 3rd ed. (USA: Mc Graw Hill Book
Company, 1982).
56
Ibid.
57
Ibid.
58
Ibid.
59
Friedrich
Nietzsche,
24
September
2014,
http://www.swami_skrishnand.org/com/com_nioet.html
60
The Antichrist, The Philosophy of Nietzsche, edited with an Introduction by
Geoffrey Clive (New York: The New American Library, Inc. 1965) p. 427.
61
Nietzsches
Will
to
Power,
24
September
2014,
http://www.froyd.net/philosophy/philo4.html
62
The
Concept
of
Will
to
Power,
24
September
2014,
http://www.en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Will_to_power
63
Nietzsches idea of an Overman and Life from His Point of View, 24 September
2014, http://www.stanford.edu/~pj97/Nietzsche.htm
64
Soliman M. Santos Jr, Delays in the Peace Negotiations between the Philippine
Government and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front: Causes and Prescriptions: EastWest
Center
Washington
Working
Papers,
24
September
2014,
http://www.eastwestcenter.org/stored/pdfs/EWCWwp003.pdf
65
Ibid.
66
Travis J. Denneson, Society and Individual in Nietzsches The Will to Power. 19
September 2014, http://www.infidels.org/library/modern/travis_denneson/power
67
Soliman M. Santos Jr. Delays in the Peace Negotiations between the Philippine
Government and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front: Causes and Prescriptions: EastWest
Center
Washington
Working
Papers,
24
September
2014,
http://www.eastwestcenter.org/stored/pdfs/EWCWwp003.pdf
68
Ibid.
69
Carolyn O. Arguillas, Dialogue is the Only Option, Mindanao Leaders Tell GRP,
MILF,24
September2014,
http://mindanews.com/index.php?
optioncom_conten&task=view&id=1048&itemid=75
70
Macapado Abaton Muslim, The Moro Armed Struggle in the Philippines: The Nonviolent Autonomy Alternative (Marawi: The Office of The President and the College
of Public Affairs, 1994) p. 146
71
Danny
Weston,
The
Will
to
Power,
24
September
2014,
http://www.promethea.org/Misc_Compositions/Antipolitique.html
72
Samel E. Stumf, Socrates to Sartre: A History of Philosoph, 3rd ed. (USA: Mc Graw
Hill Book Company, 1982)
73
Ibid.
74
Ibid.
75
Ibid.
76
Beyond Good and Evil, Friedrich Nietzsche with an Introduction by Tom Griffith
(London: The Collectors Library of Essential Thinkers, 2005) p. 318.
77
Ibid.
78
The AntiChrist, Friedrich Nietzsche with an Introduction by Tom Griffith (London:
The Collectors Library of Essential Thinkers, 2005) p. 394.

51

79

Samuel E. Stumf, Revaluation of All Morrals, Socrates to Sartre: A History of

Philosophy, 3rd ed. (USA: Mc Graw Hill Book Company, 1982).
80
The
Philosophy
of
War,
24
September
2014,
http://www.utm.edu/research/iep/w/war.htm
81
24 September 2014, http://www.gosale.com/723510/the_prince
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Social
Values
and
Universal
Spirit,
24
September
2014,
http://atheism.about.com/library/Faqs/phil/blphil_eth_wardef_hegel.htm
83
Beyond Good and Evil, Friedrich Nietzsche with an Introduction by Tom Griffith
(London: The Collectors Library of Essential Thinkers, 2005) p. 311.
84
Nietzsches
Revaluation
of
Schopenhauer,
24
September
2014,
http://www.bu.edu/wcp?MpsyConw.html

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