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Capitalism is the root cause of racism
McLaren and Torres 99 (Peter Mclaren, professor of education at U of California, and Rudolfo
Torres, Professor of Planning, Policy, and Design, Chicano/Latino Studies, and Political Science, Racism and
Multicultural Education: Rethinking Race and Whiteness in Late Capitalism, Chapter 2 of Critical
Multiculturalism: Rethinking Multicultural and Antiracist Education, edited by Stephen May, p.49-50, Questia)
offers for workers of the oppressing race the imaginary compensation for the exploitation they suffer of belonging
to the ruling nation' (1993, p. 39). Callinicos notes the way in which Marx grasped how 'racial' divisions between
'native' and 'immigrant' workers could weaken the working-class. United States' politicians like Pat Buchanan, Jesse
Helms and Pete Wilson, to name but a few, take advantage of this division which the capitalist class understands
you might be
asking yourselves: Doesn't racism pre-date capitalism? Here we agree with Callinicos that
the heterophobia associated with precapitalist societies was not the same as modern racism. Pre-capitalist
slave and feudal societies of classical Greece and Rome did not rely on
racism to justify the use of slaves. The Greeks and Romans did not have
theories of white superiority. If they did, that must have been unsettling news to Septimus
Severus, Roman Emperor from Ad 193 to 211, who was, many historians claim, a
black man. Racism emerged during the seventeenth and eighteenth
centuries from a key development of capitalism-colonial plantations in the New
World where slave labour stolen from Africa was used to produce tobacco, sugar,
and cotton for the global consumer market (Callinicos, 1993). Callinicos cites Eric Williams
who remarks: 'Slavery was not born of racism: rather, racism was the
consequence of slavery' (cited in Callinicos, 1993, p. 24). In effect, racism emerged as the ideology of
and manipulates only too well-using racism effectively to divide the working-class. At this point
the plantocracy. It began with the class of sugar-planters and slave merchants that dominated England's Caribbean
(hetero)sexism serves as one of the worldsystem's shields. As an ofensive and defensive weapon, the shield of
hetero- and ageist-sexism both allows power- holders to advance
inequalities in intimate and abstract ways and to defend and protect the
system. In contrast to the view that sexism is an independent and holistic system, I argue that hetero- and ageist- sexism (or the institution of
gender) can best be understood not as a separate system (or as relations organized
under the institution of the household), but as one of a number of interconnected, everpresent global institutions of the capitalist world-system. Sexism is connected to all
its own logic and roots (1988). Here I argue that
activities in the global system and emanates from more than the gendering of household work, the secular increase
in unwaged activities es- pecially in areas of the global South, and the simultaneous increase in dependency on
waged labor, especially in areas of the global North (Dickinson & Schaeffer, 2001; 2008) and in the lives of some
U.S. professional households or "good job" families (Nelson & Smith, 1999). Rather than resulting from the workings
of one set of social processes, the institution of gender expressed and created all aspects of the modern, global
"The locus of
patriarchal control is not found in its pan-historical perseverance, but in
the contemporary organization of production" (Smith, 1984a: 74). Hetero- and
ageist-sexism form an integral part of the multi- faceted institutional
relations that sustain historical capitalism, and the formation of its many
layers and its connections with house- holds can be revealed through
feminist, world-systemic analysis and social-change practice.
social system. Following world-sys- tems analysts' definition of racism, Joan Smith wrote,
Policy
Technological fetishism fails to alter the conditions that cause
climate change and denies the role of capitalism in
environmental degradation
Foster, 10 - professor of sociology at the University of Oregon (John, Why Ecological Revolution, Monthly
Review, http://monthlyreview.org/2010/01/01/why-ecological-revolution/, February 3rd 2010)//jk
We are increasingly led to believe that the answers to climate change are
primarily to be found in new energy technology, specifically increased energy and carbon
efficiencies in both production and consumption. Technology in this sense, however, is often
viewed abstractly as a deus ex machina, separated from both the laws of
physics (i.e., entropy or the second law of thermodynamics) and from the way technology is
embedded in historically specific conditions. With respect to the latter, it is worth noting
that, under the present economic system, increases in energy efficiency
normally lead to increases in the scale of economic output , efectively
negating any gains from the standpoint of resource use or carbon
efficiency - a problem known as the Jevons Paradox. As William Stanley Jevons
observed in the nineteenth century, every new steam engine was more efficient in the use of coal than the one
before, which did not prevent coal burning from increasing overall, since the efficiency gains only led to the
become that even a militant ecologist like Bill McKibben, author of The End of Nature, recently stated: There is only
one lever even possibly big enough to make our system move as fast as it needs to, and thats the force of
markets.[9] Green-market fetishism is most evident in what is called cap and trade - a catch phrase for the
creation, via governments, of artificial markets in carbon trading and so-called offsets. The important thing to
know about cap and trade is that it is a proven failure. Although enacted in Europe as part of the implementation of
the Kyoto Protocol, it has failed where it was supposed to count: in reducing emissions. Carbon-trading schemes
have been shown to be full of holes. Offsets allow all sorts of dubious forms of trading that have no effect on
emissions. Indeed, the only area in which carbon trading schemes have actually been effective is in promoting
profits for speculators and corporations, which are therefore frequently supportive of them. Recently, Friends of the
Earth released a report entitled Subprime Carbon? which pointed to the emergence, under cap and trade
agreements, of what could turn out to be the worlds largest financial derivatives market in the form of carbon
trading. All of this has caused Hansen to refer to cap and trade as the temple of doom, locking in disasters for
our children and grandchildren.[10] The masquerade associated with the dominant response to global warming is
illustrated in the climate bill passed by the U.S. House of Representatives in late June 2009. The bill, if enacted,
would supposedly reduce greenhouse gas emissions 17 percent relative to 2005 levels by 2020, which translates
into 4-5 percent less U.S. global warming pollution than in 1990. This then would still not reach the target level of a
6-8 percent cut (relative to 1990) for wealthy countries that the Kyoto accord set for 2012, and that was supposed
to have been only a minor, first step in dealing with global warming - at a time when the problem was seen as much
less severe. The goal presented in the House bill, even if reached, would therefore prove vastly inadequate. But the
small print in the bill makes achieving even this meager target unrealistic. The coal industry is given until 2025 to
comply with the bills pollution reduction mandates, with possible extensions afterward. As Hansen observes, the
bill builds in approval of new coal-fired power plants! Agribusiness, which accounts for a quarter of U.S.
greenhouse gas emissions, is entirely exempt from the mandated reductions. The cap and trade provisions of the
House bill would give annual carbon dioxide emission allowances to some 7,400 facilities across the United States,
most of them handed out for free. These pollution allowances would increase up through 2016, and companies
would be permitted to bank them indefinitely for future use. Corporations would be able to fulfill their entire set of
obligations by buying offsets associated with pollution control projects until 2027. To make matters worse, the
Senate counterpart to the House bill, now under deliberation, would undoubtedly be more conservative, giving
further concessions and offsets to corporations. The final bill, if it comes out of Congress, will thus be, in Hansens
words, worse than nothing. Similar developments can be seen in the preparation for the December 2009 world
climate negotiations in Copenhagen, in which Washington has played the role of a spoiler, blocking all but the most
limited, voluntary agreements, and insisting on only market-based approaches, such as cap and trade.[11]
Recognizing that world powers are playing the role of Nero as Rome burns, James Lovelock, the earth system
scientist famous for his Gaia hypothesis, argues that massive climate change and the destruction of human
civilization as we know it may now be irreversible. Nevertheless, he proposes as solutions either a massive
building of nuclear power plants all over the world (closing his eyes to the enormous dangers accompanying such a
course) - or geoengineering our way out of the problem, by using the worlds fleet of aircraft to inject huge
quantities of sulfur dioxide into the stratosphere to block a portion of the incoming sunlight, reducing the solar
energy reaching the earth. Another common geoengineering proposal includes dumping iron filings throughout the
ocean to increase its carbon-absorbing properties. Rational scientists recognize that interventions in the earth
system on the scale envisioned by geoengineering schemes (for example, blocking sunlight) have their own
massive, unforeseen consequences. Nor could such schemes solve the crisis. The dumping of massive quantities of
sulfur dioxide into the stratosphere would, even if effective, have to be done again and again, on an increasing
scale, if the underlying problem of cutting greenhouse gas emissions were not dealt with. Moreover, it could not
possibly solve other problems associated with massive carbon dioxide emissions, such as the acidification of the
every five minutes; one hundred-megawatt geothermal-powered steam turbine every eight hours; and one three-
metabolic interactions between humans and nature in the 19th century, recognizing the complex
interdependence between the two. Since man lives from nature and derives the very necessities to survive from it,
nature is his body. He is a part of nature and they are inextricably linked and so man must be in dialogue with it in
order to survive. This complex interchange he likened to the metabolism or material exchange within the body.
But as man began to adopt practices that disrupted this interchange, a rupture occurred with the relations between
man and the natural world. This rupture, driven by capitalist expansion, intensified with large-scale agriculture,
harmful industries, and the global market. Marx saw this rupture, or metabolic rift, occur as populations began to
flock toward cities. In contrast to traditional agriculture, where waste from food is recycled back into the soil, this
new type of agriculture meant nutrients (food) were being shipped to cities to feed the growing population, and
thus not cycled back into the soil. This caused the natural fertility of the soil to decline and nutrients in the city to
accumulate as waste and pollution. As soil fertility worsened, more and more intensive agricultural methods were
needed, increasing the use of artificial fertilizers, further harming the nutrient cycles of the soil. Capitalism
continued to demand higher and higher yields, requiring more and more intensive and harsh farming methods,
greater fertilizer use, and so on, creating a cycle of deterioration of the natural processes, and a rift between man
emissions of GHGs. The system we have put our faith in for many years rests on a ceaseless hunger for
any reduction in resource-use. Likewise, transforming our infrastructure to more sustainable energy sources would
require a such massive output of GHGs from fossil fuels to build that implementing the change would push us over
the climate cliff.
While these structural arrangements produce various con tradictions, given the social inequalities and ecological
degrada tion that the system inevitably creates, it also provides a degree of structural stability when measured
on a limited timescale, such as decades or centuries. Thus, the "laws" of capitalism, due to their relative
constancy over the past centuries, can appear to be laws of nature that cannot be transcended. But, as historicity
suggests, what appears to be a universal law in a particular context may be shown to be invalid in other
solutions.
environmental conditions of the Holocene epoch in which civilization developed over the last 12,000 years):
climate change, species extinction, the disruption of the nitrogenphosphorus cycles, ocean acidification, ozone depletion, freshwater usage,
land cover change, (less certainly) aerosol loading, and chemical use. Each of
these rifts in planetary boundaries constitutes an actual or potential
global ecological catastrophe. Indeed, in three cases -- climate change,
species extinction, and the disruption of the nitrogen cycle -- we have
already crossed planetary boundaries and are currently experiencing
catastrophic efects. We are now in the period of what scientists call the
The decreased
availability of freshwater globally is emerging as an environmental crisis
of horrendous proportions.3 All of this may seem completely
overwhelming. How are we to cope with all of these global ecological
crises/catastrophes, threatening us at every turn? Here it is important to
grasp that all of these rifts in the planetary system derive from processes
associated with our global production system, namely capitalism. If we are
prepared to carry out a radical transformation of our system of production
-- to move away from "business as usual" -- then there is still time to turn
things around; though the remaining time in which to act is rapidly
running out. Let's talk about climate change, remembering that this is
only one part of the global environmental crisis, though certainly the most
urgent at present. Climate science currently suggests that if we burn only half of the world's proven,
economically accessible reserves of oil, gas, and coal, the resulting carbon emissions will almost certainly raise
global temperatures by 2 C (3.6 F), bringing us to what is increasingly regarded as an irreversible tipping point -after which it appears impossible to return to the preindustrial (Holocene) climate that nourished human civilization.
At that point various irrevocable changes (such as the melting of Arctic sea ice and the ice sheets of Greenland and
Antarctica, and the release of methane from the tundra) will become unstoppable. This will speed up climate
change, while also accelerating vast, catastrophic effects, such as rising sea levels and extreme weather.
Alternatively, if our object is the rational one of keeping warming below 2 C, climate science now suggests that we
should refrain from burning more than a quarter of the proven, economically exploitable fossil fuel reserves
that if we were to cease burning fossil fuels completely at the point that global average temperature had increased
by 2C, or 450 parts per million (ppm) carbon concentration in the atmosphere (the current level is 390 ppm), the
earth would still not be close to returning to a Holocene state by the year 3000. In other words, once this boundary
is reached, climate change is irreversible over conceivable human-time frames.5 Moreover, the damage would be
done; all sorts of catastrophic results would have emerged. Recently climate scientists, writing for Nature magazine,
one of the world's top science publications, have developed a concrete way of understanding the planetary
boundary where climate change is concerned, focusing on the cumulative carbon emissions budget. This is
represented by the trillionth ton of carbon. So far more than 500 billion tons of carbon have been emitted into the
atmosphere since the industrial revolution. In order to have an approximately even chance (50-50) of limiting the
increase in global average temperature to 2C, the cumulative CO2 emissions over the period 1750-2050 must not
exceed one trillion tons of carbon; while in order to have a 75 percent chance of global warming remaining below
2C, it is necessary not to exceed 750 billion tons of carbon. Yet, according to present trends, the 750 billionth ton
of carbon will be emitted in 2028, i.e., about sixteen years from now. If we are to avoid burning the 750 billionth ton
of carbon over the next four decades, carbon dioxide emissions must fall at a rate of 5 percent per year; while to
avoid emitting the trillion ton, emissions must drop at a rate of 2.4 percent a year . The
longer we wait the more rapid the decrease that will be necessary. The trillionth ton, viewed as the point of no
return, is the equivalent of cutting down the last palm tree on Easter Island. After that it is essentially out of our
still more capital in the next phase -- always on a larger scale. There is no
braking mechanism in such a system and no social entity in control. If for
some reason the system slows down (as it is forced to periodically due to
its own internal contradictions) it enters an economic crisis. That may be
good temporarily for the environment, but it is terrible for human beings,
particularly the bottom portion of the 99 percent, faced with rising
unemployment and declining income. Overall, capitalism is aimed at
exponential growth. It cannot stand still. The minimum adequate growth
rate of the system is usually thought to be 3 percent. But this means that
the economy doubles in size about every 24 years. How many such
doublings of world output can the planet take? Hence, there is a direct
and growing contradiction between capitalism and the environment, a
contradiction that becomes more and more apparent as the size of the
capitalist economy begins to rival the basic biogeochemical processes of
the planet. Naomi Klein has rightly characterized the age we live in as "disaster
capitalism" because of its dual economic and ecological crises -- and due
to the increasingly exploitative means the rich employ to enable them to
prosper in the midst of increasing destruction .7 There are two predominant ways of
addressing the climate crisis and the environmental problem generally. One is to look for technological ways out -often seen as being spurred by the creation of carbon markets, but the onus is on the technology. The argument
here is that through the massive introduction of various advanced technologies we can have our pie and eat it too.
We can get around the environmental problem, it is suggested, without making any fundamental social changes.
Thus, the pursuit of profits and accumulation can go on as before without alteration. Such magic-technological
answers are commonly viewed as the only politically feasible ones, since they are attractive to corporate and
political-power elites, who refuse to accept the need for system change. Consequently, the establishment has
gambled on some combination of technological miracles emerging that will allow them to keep on doing just as they
have been doing. Predictably, the outcome of this high-stake gamble has been a failure not only to decrease carbon
emissions, but also to prevent their continued increase. The turn to those alternative technologies that are already
available (for example, solar power) has been hindered by the fact that they are often less profitable or require
changes in social organization to be implemented effectively. As a result, greater emphasis is placed on: (1) nuclear
energy (a Faustian bargain if there ever was one); and (b) carbon capture and sequestration technology for coalfired plants, which is neither economically nor ecologically feasible at present, and hence only serves to keep coal,
the dirtiest fossil fuel, going. Beyond this the only option that the vested interests (the 1% and their hangers-on)
have left is to push for geoengineering technologies. This involves such measures as dumping sulfur dioxide
particles in the atmosphere to block the suns rays (with the danger that photosynthesis might be decreased), or
fertilizing the ocean with iron to promote algal growth and absorb carbon (with the possibility that dead zones might
expand). These geoengineering schemes are extremely dubious in terms of physics, ecology, and economics: all
three. They involve playing God with the planet. Remember the Sorcerer's Apprentice! Nevertheless, such
technological fantasies, bordering on madness, continue to gain support at the top. This is because attempts to
shift away from our currently wasteful society in the direction of rational conservation, involving changes in our way
of life and our form of production, are considered beyond the pale -- even when the very survival of humanity is at
stake. The other approach is to demand changes in society itself; to move away from a system directed at profits,
production, and accumulation, i.e., economic growth, and toward a sustainable steady-state economy. This would
mean reducing or eliminating unnecessary and wasteful consumption and reordering society -- from commodity
production and consumption as its primary goal, to sustainable human development. This could only occur in
conjunction with a move towards substantive equality. It would require democratic ecological and social planning. It
therefore coincides with the classical objectives of socialism. Such a shift would make possible the reduction in