Banister &hogg, (2004) Negative Symbolic Consumption and Consumers - Drive For Self - Esteem

European Journal of Marketing
Negative symbolic consumption and consumers drive for self-esteem: The case of the
fashion industry
Emma N. Banister Margaret K. Hogg
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EJM
38,7
Negative symbolic consumption

and consumers drive for
self-esteem
850
The case of the fashion industry
Received May 2003

Revised October 2003
Emma N. Banister
Lancaster University Management School, Lancaster, UK, and
Margaret K. Hogg
Manchester School of Management, UMIST, Manchester, UK
Keywords Self esteem, Consumption, Product image, Fashion industry
Abstract Self-esteem is an important motivational drive for consumption involving both the
acceptance and rejection/avoidance of symbolic goods. This paper examines the relationship
between self-esteem and the rejection of goods and brands within the context of fashion
consumption by young professionals. A conceptualisation which accounts for consumers use of
various strategies in their efforts to maintain or enhance their self-esteem is suggested. A
small-scale exploratory study is used to examine first, how consumers invest products and brands
with negative symbolic meanings; and second, how this leads consumers to reject products and
brands. The importance of understanding negative symbolic consumption when marketing high
involvement products such as fashion goods is identified; and the implications for fashion retailers
and marketing management are discussed.
European Journal of Marketing

Vol. 38 No. 7, 2004
pp. 850-868
q Emerald Group Publishing Limited
0309-0566
DOI 10.1108/03090560410539285
Introduction
This paper explores the means by which young adult consumers use the negative
symbolic meanings invested in fashion products as a key to identity negotiation. We
investigate consumers need to balance autonomy and affiliation in their choices of
fashion, a market where consumers are defined as much by what they choose to reject
as by what they actively purchase and display. The pursuit of self-esteem is
recognised by marketing managers as one of the most important motivational drivers
of consumer behaviour and decision-making, and, therefore, consumers decisions are
regularly made within the context of enhancing or protecting self-esteem, in
recognition of the value of the self (Grubb and Grathwohl, 1967). Consumers often
decide whether to accept or reject products and brands on the basis of their symbolic
(as opposed to the functional) attributes, investing items with either positive or
negative symbolic meanings. Despite considerable research into understanding how
individuals maintain or enhance their self-esteem by consuming the symbolic
meanings of products and brands, rather less attention has been directed towards
understanding why consumers reject products or brands for symbolic reasons (i.e.
negative symbolic consumption) to protect their self-esteem. One reason for this is
that negative symbolic consumption leaves very few traces (Wilk, 1995, 1997).
However, understanding why consumers reject products and brands is of central
concern to marketing managers.
Literature review
The literature review focuses on symbolic consumption; self-concept; self-esteem;
image congruency (Grubb and Grathwohl, 1967); and self-discrepancy theory (Higgins
et al., 1994) incorporating the motivational effects of possible selves (Markus and
Nurius, 1986). We establish the importance of understanding the negative inferences
that are associated with products and brands, often through the stereotypes associated
with product-user imagery (Sirgy et al., 1997), and present a theoretical
conceptualisation of the potential relationship between rejected goods and negative
(and thus rejected) aspects of consumers identities. Three research questions are
identified from this conceptualisation and will provide the focus for this paper. Firstly,
how do consumers invest products and brands with (negative) symbolic meanings?
Secondly, how do consumers use the rejection of products and brands to pursue
self-esteem by seeking to satisfy two potentially oppositional motivational drives
social identification and social distinction (Simmel, 1904; Gronow, 1997, p. 77) or
autonomy and affiliation? Thirdly, how can fashion marketers and retailers encompass
an understanding of consumer motivational drives and negative symbolic
consumption in their integrated marketing strategies?
Symbolic consumption
Material objects are viewed as symbolic when individuals focus on meanings beyond
their tangible, physical characteristics (Levy, 1959). Thus products are social tools,
serving as a means of communication between the individual and his significant
references (Grubb and Grathwohl, 1967, p. 24)[1]. We extend this argument to
incorporate the relationship between negative symbolic meanings and consumers
pursuit of self-esteem in the social communication process. In order for consumer
products and brands to function as communication symbols, meanings must be
socially shared, and continuously produced and reproduced during social interactions
(Dittmar, 1992). However, the meanings of objects are not always clear-cut (Ligas and
Cotte, 1999; Holt, 2002); nor necessarily always controlled by manufacturers and
marketers, as consumers can invest products and brands with either positive or
negative meanings (Sirgy et al., 1997). Products can therefore function as symbols of
individuality and uniqueness (Hoyer and MacInnis, 1997), autonomy and social
distinction (Simmel, 1904; Gronow, 1997); and also as symbols of affiliation and social
identification. All these higher-order needs can be linked to the maintenance and
enhancement of self-esteem.
Fashion and clothing were selected as the context for this study due to their
symbolic properties and accessibility to most consumers. Clothing, defined here to
include tangible and material objects connected to the human body (Kaiser, 1997),
involves overt consumption behaviour that makes consumers tastes and values
accessible to others. Fashion can refer to the process by which styles are introduced to
a public and accepted by that public (Sproles, 1979, p. 5, cited in Kaiser, 1997) and also
a particular style that is accepted by a large group of people at a particular time
(Kefgen and Touchie-Specht, 1986, cited in Kaiser, 1997). Gronow (1997) develops this
further to suggest fashion to be a socially valued or a universal standard of taste that
also incorporates the singularity and subjectivity of individual tastes. Drawing on
Georg Simmel (1904), Gronow (1997) views fashion as satisfying two opposing
functions both social identification and distinction: It is a socially acceptable and
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secure way to distinguish oneself from others and, at the same time, it satisfies the
individuals need for social adaptation and imitation (Gronow, 1997, p. 84). Murray
(2002) emphasises the political nature of clothing as consumers make choices between
particular cultural perspectives aligning themselves with some while resisting
others. Through a process of appearance management, individuals use clothing in the
constant negotiation of who they are (Kaiser et al., 1991) and who they are not (Freitas
et al., 1997). Fashion brand managers and retailers position their designs and products
with a view to its political nature, appealing to certain consumer segments while
remaining distant from others. In this study we focus on consumers appearance
management, the style of clothing they wear, incorporating the activities and thought
processes involved in the purchase and display of clothing items (Kaiser, 1997). We did
not specifically focus on fashion brands, as we were keen to identify those meanings
attributed by consumers, and much of the imagery associated with brands is generated
in the market place by marketing communications and advertising. However, branding
was an important consideration for some consumers, particularly the male
participants.
Self-concept, self-esteem and self-consistency
Motives represent the disposition within an individual either to strive towards positive
incentives (goals), or to avoid negative incentives (threats) (Markus and Nurius, 1986).
Two motives are central to the self-concept and image congruency theory (Grubb and
Grathwohl, 1967): self-esteem and self-consistency (Rosenberg, 1979, p. 53). Self-esteem
is the motive to seek experiences that enhance or protect the self-concept whereas
self-consistency is the motive to behave consistently with our views of our selves.
Self-esteem will be our primary concern for this study as it is strongly linked to the
responses of, and acceptance by, significant others and involves both approach and
avoidance behaviours. Approach behaviours are associated with the maintenance and
enhancement of individuals sense of self-esteem; whilst avoidance behaviours include
protecting self-esteem by avoiding negative possibilities, represented by the negative
possible self or dreaded self (Power, 1997, p. 6). Attitudes play an important role in
maintaining and protecting self-esteem, encouraging consumers to distance
themselves from disliked products and brands (Shavitt, 1989; 1990). The
maintenance of self-esteem can be linked to the social identity function of social
adjustment (Shavitt, 1989, 1990; Greenwald, 1989), which is associated with the
strategic sense of public self (which includes avoiding negative evaluations from
significant others); and with the group sense of collective self (which seeks to meet the
goals of important approach reference groups, and also to avoid the goals of
important avoidance or rejected reference groups) (Eagly and Chaiken, 1993, pp. 484-5).
The maintenance of self-esteem involves the protection and enhancement of the sense
of self, and also the avoidance of self-abasement by rejecting products with negative
imagery (Sirgy, 1982, pp. 289-90).
Self-images, product-images and congruency theory
Image congruency theory (Grubb and Grathwohl, 1967; Erickson and Sirgy, 1992;
Kleine et al., 1993) provides an initial integrative framework (Figure 1) for
understanding the potential relationships in symbolic consumption between
product/brand meaning, consumers self-concepts and the audience. Under image
congruency theory, individuals select products and brands that are congruent with
particular elements of their self-concept (actual or ideal) seeking self-consistency
(Niedenthal et al., 1985).
Sirgy (1982) argued that congruency theory would also predict which products and
brands consumers would reject. Therefore, both approach and avoidance behaviours
could be identified in the pursuit of self-consistency in relation to self-esteem. Sirgy
(1982) identified four different states of interaction between value-laden product
images and consumers self-perceptions: positive self-congruity and incongruity; and
negative self-congruity and incongruity (see Figure 2).
From a self-esteem perspective, under both negative self-incongruity and congruity,
consumers will be motivated to reject negatively laden products in order to avoid
self-abasement. In this paper we concentrate on negative self-incongruity, which
describes consumers with a positive self-image who are motivated to avoid or reject
negatively valued products.
Negative
symbolic
consumption
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Self-regulatory system
The self-regulatory system (Higgins et al., 1994) proposes that people will function with
reference to either a desired (a positive reference value) or an undesired (a negative
reference value) end state. Higgins et al.s (1994) framework suggests there are two
means by which the discrepancy between actual and desired states can be reduced
(discrepancy reduction system) and also two means by which the discrepancy between
Figure 1.
Relationship of the
consumption of goods as
symbols to the
self-concept
Figure 2.
The effects of self-esteem
on purchase motivation
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the actual and undesired end state can be amplified (discrepancy amplifying system).
The differences between the four conditions (shown in Table I) lie in the focus for
individuals behaviour whether the desired end state provides the main impetus for
behaviour (a positive drive) or whether this is provided by the undesired end state (a
negative drive), although the two systems may lead to very similar behaviours
Both systems (i.e. a positive/promotion and a negative/prevention outcome focus)
are context-driven and are relevant for most individuals at different times, yet one or
the other will be most prevalent or most often activated (Higgins et al., 1994).
Individuals are viewed as selectively focusing on best or worst case outcomes for an
event or a situation, depending on whether they tend to adopt a best-case or worst case
perspective (Markus and Nurius, 1986) and seek to eliminate negative states, as
opposed to the achievement or maintenance of positive states (Karniol and Ross, 1996).
In order to gain a fuller picture of the motivational effects of end states, it is useful to
consider the motivational properties of possible selves, whereby outcomes become
personalised representations.
Possible selves, negative possible selves and user stereotypes
We extend Grubb and Grathwohls (1967) framework (Figure 1) to include the concept
of possible selves, which provides a way of considering the motivational social
adjustment functions of social identity, the rejected self and negative symbolic
consumption. Postmodernism has led many researchers to question the very notion of
the self, with recent theories emphasising the need to incorporate multiple selves into
our understanding to appreciate its relational nature (Gergen, 1991). Kleine et al.s
(1993, p. 210) research challenges the notion of a global self and argues instead for a
multi-layered or multi-dimensional self: The significance of a product to consumers
depends on which of their ideas it enables and the importance of that identity what it
contributes to their overall sense of self. Possible selves incorporate this view of the
self as a dynamic structure involving a multiplicity of selves (Cantor et al., 1986) or end
states. These selves provide consumers with goals, aspirations, motives, fears and
threats and the self-relevant information that individuals need to organise and give
direction to their lives (Markus and Nurius, 1986).
The motivational function of possible selves focuses on the encouragement of
approach and avoidance behaviours perceived to be relevant to the possible self
(Morgan, 1993). In addition, possible selves provide an evaluative and interpretive
context for the current view of the self (Markus and Nurius, 1986). One of the key
contentions (Markus and Nurius, 1986) is that people are motivated to approach
desirable possible selves whilst also avoiding undesirable ones. Negative or rejected
Valence of end state as a reference point
Direction of means Desired (discrepancy reducing)
Undesired (discrepancy amplifying)
Table I.
Summary of regulatory
forms as a function of
valence of end state as a
reference point and
direction of means
Approach
Approaching matches to desired end

states
Approaching mismatches to undesired

end states
Avoidance
Avoiding mismatches to desired end

states
Avoiding matches to undesired end

states
Source: Higgins et al. (1994, p. 277)
possible selves, therefore, function as (dis)incentives for future behaviour, representing

selves to be rejected or avoided (Markus and Nurius, 1986), and can include the
undesired self (Ogilvie, 1987). Various aspects of negative and rejected selves can be
considered to be important reference points or implicit standards used by individuals
to assess how close or distant they are from being like their most negative images of
themselves (Ogilvie, 1987; Eisenstadt and Leippe, 1994).
The symbolic meanings of products are often linked to stereotypes associated with
the personal images of the product-user (Sirgy et al., 1997). Stereotypes are: Shorthand
categorisations of experience which are part of our shared understanding of the social
world (Jagger, 1998. p. 5) or . . . sets of fixed ideas and beliefs held by members of one
or more groups about members of another group (Tajfel and Fraser, 1978, p. 427); and
are formed and maintained through a variety of cognitive and motivational processes
(Hilton and Von Hippel, 1996). Product-user imagery is important in self-congruity
theory (Sirgy et al., 1997) and helps give shape and meaning to consumers possible
selves. Advertisers and marketing professionals use the notion of product user image
and congruency to position brands (Sirgy et al., 1997), creating typical consumers for
their products through the use of role models in advertising. Individuals can also
engage in self-stereotyping, which involves perceiving oneself to be a member of a
group and consequently behaving in line with this social identity (Biernat et al., 1996).
Different identities and therefore positive and negative stereotypes will be salient
at different times, and this will affect individuals behaviour in certain situations (Shih
et al., 1999). Conformity to group norms will be largely dependent upon the relevant
social identity that is salient at the time (Reicher and Hopkins, 1996).
Avoidance groups function as negative anchors for consumers (Englis and
Solomon, 1995), and can be compared with Ogilvies (1987) undesired selves. Out
group members are not only perceived as possessing less desirable traits than in
group members, but are seen to be more homogeneous as well (see Hilton and Von
Hippel, 1996 and Haslam et al., 1996). A possible explanation for this could be that
people tend to know more in-group members, and have more information about their
own, and therefore are able to perceive them as heterogeneous, noticing subtle
differences. Negative stereotypes are considered to be particularly powerful.
Motivational factors lead to the rapid confirmation yet the slow or begrudging
disconfirmation of a negative expectancy (Hilton and Von Hippel, 1996)
Conceptualisation
In Figure 3 we present a conceptualisation that elaborates and extends Grubb and
Grathwohls (1967) framework in a number of ways. Firstly, we extend the audience
to include both approach and avoidance significant others or reference groups.
Avoidance reference groups (or out groups) can function as threats, as consumers
negotiate their identities through the consumption of products and brands, rejecting
those products identified with negative imagery. They (avoidance groups) tend to be
perceived in a more stereotypical and less accurate manner (Englis and Solomon, 1995,
p. 11) and can generate oppositional brand loyalty which delineates what the brand is
not, and who the brand community members are not (Muniz and OGuinn, 2001).
Secondly, we elaborate on the self-concept to include possible selves, capturing the
sense of positive and negative selves and the associated positive and negative
self-imagery. Thirdly, we incorporate the protection and enhancement of the sense of
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Figure 3.
Relationship between
possible selves, positive
and negative symbolic
meanings and the pursuit
of self esteem within the
self-concept
self, and the avoidance of self-abasement (Sirgy, 1982) as key motivational drivers;
linking these with Higgins et al.s (1994) end states, to identify approach and avoidance
behaviours which can be associated with social distinction/autonomy; and social
identification/affiliation.
The conceptualisation we present in Figure 3 does not represent a causal set of
connections to be tested, but rather a series of analytic relationships (Miles and
Huberman, 1994, p. 28) to be explored. Having recognised the importance of
understanding the negative inferences associated with products via user stereotypes,
we can now identify three research questions: firstly, how do consumers invest
products and brands with negative symbolic meanings; secondly, how do consumers
use the rejection of products and brands to pursue and protect their self-esteem, whilst
also avoiding self-abasement; thirdly, how can fashion marketers and retailers
encompass an understanding of consumer motivational drives and negative symbolic
consumption into their integrated marketing strategies?
Methodology
This research was exploratory in nature and used qualitative methods appropriate
for studies that focus on the constraints of the everyday social world (Denzin and
Lincoln, 1998). Qualitative methods usually feature richly descriptive accounts of
individuals attitudes, perceptions, beliefs, views and feelings, and the meanings and
interpretations are combined into a framework (Hakim, 1994, p. 26). The emphasis of
qualitative data on peoples lived experience (Miles and Huberman, 1994, p. 10)
makes it particularly useful for exploring new research areas such as negative
symbolic consumption.
Sample
Qualitative research typically focuses in depth on a relatively small sample (Patton,
1990) and facilitates the generation of more relevant knowledge than a large sample
would at an early exploratory stage. The sampling frame was a mixture of

convenience, purposive (Patton, 1990) and snowball sampling. Bertaux and
Bertaux-Wiame (1981) advise sampling until saturation point that is until you are
confident that you have a picture of what is going on and are able to produce an
appropriate explanation for it (Mason, 1996). A total of 15 consumers were initially
recruited because of their suitability in terms of age, gender, life experience and
interests. They were then asked to select an acquaintance of the same gender, with
similar attitudes to clothing, fashion retailers and brands. The thirty participants
involved in the study were all within the 18-30 age group. There were approximately
equal numbers of men and women and they were from a variety of professional
occupations (following Murray, 2002) including public, commercial and charity
organisations (except for the two youngest who at ages 18 and 19, were students). All
participants were British; the majority were white Caucasian, two women were from
Afro-Caribbean parentage and one woman was of mixed race.
Data collection
An initial pilot study was carried out, using two mini-discussion groups (each
involving four same sex participants) to check the effectiveness of the research design.
For the main study, in-depth consumer interviews were conducted in friendship pairs.
These paired interviews were loosely structured, representing conversations with a
purpose (Burgess, 1984; Mason, 1996) following what Robson (1993) termed fluid
agendas. Friendship pairs were employed because these types of interviews with
individuals sharing certain common characteristics provide an effective means
through which to ensure a more natural setting within which to negotiate identity talk
(Hunt and Miller, 1997). Joint interviewing also helps to establish rapport and create
an atmosphere of confidence (Edgell, 1980; Arksey, 2000), and also to reveal the diverse
kinds of knowledge held by each person (Seymour et al., 1995; Arksey, 2000).
Typically, the interviews began with general questions focused on participants
interest in clothing for example what clothing they purchased and how often. The
discussion became gradually more specific, focusing on personal style, image and
participants thoughts regarding the communicative abilities of clothing (incorporating
visual stimuli). All questions were open and for much of the time the ordering of topics
were decided on the basis of the discussion (with a guide employed to ensure
consistency across interviews).
Data analysis
All interviews were recorded and transcribed in their entirety. Analysis was ongoing
throughout the data collection (Robson, 1993) with notes and transcripts reviewed
throughout, as recommended by Patton (1990). The transcripts were analysed through
reading and re-reading, noting patterns and themes in a search for patterns and
recurring organisations (Wetherall and Potter, 1988, p. 177; Thompson and Haytko,
1997) allowing earlier readings to inform later readings. This intuitive process was
supplemented by Spiggles (1994) framework of categorisation, abstraction,
comparison and integration as the fundamental analytical operations. Spiggle (1994)
encouraged the development of categories that were grouped into more general
conceptual classes through abstraction. The differences and similarities were then
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explored through comparison, and the data was finally integrated and reported within
the context of the conceptual framework (Figure 3).
Findings and discussion
The presentation of the findings will focus on exploring consumers use of approach
and avoidance strategies (and the associated end states) in identity negotiation. We
begin with a series of general observations from the data; and then examine a number
of themes related to the conceptual framework: clothing as a communicative device;
identification and distinction and the associated approach and avoidance strategies;
distinction, avoidance and consuming with primary reference to a negative drive; and
identification, approach and consuming with reference to a positive drive.
The general findings suggested that consumers drives were fairly fluid or flexible.
The motivation of self-esteem functioned to encourage and discourage individuals
from consuming certain items, brands and styles of clothing. Our primary focus was on
the style of clothing that participants consumed (or actively avoided). Although
references to brands were included, they did not provide our specific focus and there
was considerable variation in attitudes to branding, with women seeming less
dependent (than men) on brands for identity communication. Consumers used
strategies of approach and avoidance with reference to personalised desired and
undesired end states or possible selves. The findings suggested that all consumers
referred to undesired end states at times, in an effort to maintain self-esteem, but that
some consumers were more prone to these effects than others. Participants
acknowledged that a consideration of the repercussions of consumption (in the form
of possible selves or end states) played a major part in their clothing choices.
Underpinning the findings was the concern by consumers to present themselves in the
best or the most suitable light via their clothing choices. There were also a number of
outside influences on consumers motivational drives and tendency for approach or
avoidance strategies. Even consumers who considered themselves to dress solely for
themselves and with little regard to the opinions of others (e.g. anti-fashion)
experienced some situations where they became more likely to conform to the
expectations of others.
Clothing as a communicative device
The findings confirmed earlier research (Belk et al., 1982, 1984; Elliott, 1994; Freitas
et al., 1997; Holman, 1981), which indicated that clothing played an important role in
identity creation and symbolic consumption. Clear support was provided for the ideas
of Georg Simmel (1904), who saw two motivating functions for fashion that of social
identification (approach) and distinction (avoidance) (see Figure 3) (Gronow, 1997, p.
77). The participants in the study were clearly able to articulate negative feelings
towards avoidance groups that they would not wish to be associated with (distinction),
in addition to those with which they would like to be identified.
Consumption stereotypes provided an appropriate and important means to explore
the meanings that clothing encompassed for consumers. Although the term
stereotype suggests universally defined categories, participants acknowledged that
different social categories of consumers would interpret clothing in diverse ways (Belk
et al., 1982), offering different readings (Elliott and Wattanasuwan, 1998), and items
might be rejected on the basis of these different readings. It is clear that some of the
consumption stereotypes evoked by consumers were at odds with the images that
marketers brought to the products, and this supported observations made by Ligas
and Cotte (1999). There were regional meanings (e.g. Essex boys) and lifestyle
classifications (e.g. the term tart), which were unlikely to be deliberately
communicated by advertisers. This divergent symbolism supported Kaiser et al.s
(1985) suggestion that varying interpretations of clothing symbols resulted from
individuals diverse social experiences. Symbolism could also be associated with
private experiences (or sentimental values) which would be invisible to observers
(Campbell, 1996), and participants sometimes became attached to items of clothing that
were of no obvious value to others.
Identification and distinction: approach and avoidance strategies
Participants used the symbolic qualities of clothing to satisfy two opposing functions:
social identification with (approach) groups, and distinction from less desirable
(avoidance) groups, providing support for Simmel (1904) (see Figure 3) (Gronow, 1997).
Social comparison, affiliation, conformity and autonomy were important themes in the
discussions. Participants comments reflected the search for affiliation, by meeting the
expectations of significant others, and achieving the goals of important reference
groups. A sense of two different end states emerged, indicating consistency with
Higgins et al.s (1994) self-regulatory system, and the approach and avoidance of
various end-states or possible selves (Markus and Nurius, 1986). Existing research
largely ignores the influence of undesired end states on consumption, yet the
consumption activities of the majority of consumers in our study seemed to be
predominantly informed by the motivation to avoid consuming (or being identified
with) negative images, rather than reflecting attempts to achieve a positive image
(implied by positive congruency):
The negative is bad because you know that you look bad and people talk about it so you aim
for the positive so you feel good and know that people will compliment you, so it is like
shying away from one and trying to achieve the other . . . they are very close together, I think
there is a fine line between them, you dont buy anything that you know you look bad in. You
will ask your friends advice and you do it for the very reason that you dont want to go out
looking liking yesterdays news do you? (Sara, age 25).
I think it is subconscious that you make yourself look positive, but it is conscious that you
definitely dont make yourself look negative . . . I think you definitely go out and you know
that there are certain things that you dont want to wear because you dont want to project
yourself in a negative way and I think you consciously avoid those things when you go out
shopping (Lisa, age 24).
There was a tendency for participants to operate with primary reference to either a
positive or a negative end state, yet the motivational influence of the end state was
fairly fluid. This finding is consistent with the research of Higgins et al. (1994, p. 285)
who suggested individuals might be orientated towards a particular strategy (i.e.
approach versus avoidance), yet all individuals were likely to possess both systems,
and temporary changes in circumstances could lead to the use of alternative strategies.
Marketers therefore need to be able to identify the circumstances buying situations,
shopping environments or reasons for purchase which are likely to encourage one
system over the other.
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Distinction and avoidance: consuming with primary reference to a negative drive

The majority of participants in the study seemed to consume with primary reference to
a negative drive. This meant that participants primary concern and the way in which
they maintained self-esteem was through ensuring that their dress could not be
interpreted negatively. Participants who consumed with reference to a negative drive
sought to avoid censure, played it safe and attempted to remain inconspicuous by
avoiding standing out from the crowd or competing for status. These concerns
reflected the view that wearing the wrong item was likely to receive a stronger
reaction than wearing the latest or the best (Wilk, 1994). Many of the participants in
this study interpreted what they termed trying too hard negatively, and this links
with Wilks (1995) participants who criticised products that were too flash or
exclusive:
. . . If you are seen negatively it is like rejection . . . being seen as not fitting in or being rejected
or whatever . . . you are accepted if you are OK, you are middle of the road, you are totally
accepted you are not just making fashion statements . . . (Chloe, age 25).
Consumers used words like cautious, not brave, safe, uncontroversial and
simple to describe their clothing and wore outfits they hoped would not (and could
not) be interpreted negatively:
. . . I think I wear quite simple clothes, I dont think there is anything that I think people would
make assumptions that I would consider to be negative or a bit controversial about me . . .
(Penny, age 30).
My clothes are quite simple, they are not outrageous in any way so I am certainly not striving
to be individual (Katherine, age 27).
There was also the suggestion that groups of friends would tend to dress in a similar
way again reflecting a (conscious) concern not to stand out:
I think when you are with your mates you dont really want to be individual anyway, you
want to be all the same I think (Patrick, age 27).
. . . You dont want to stand out . . . it is comfortable in the crowd isnt it? (Dean, age 27).
An important aspect of affiliation was consumers concern with fitting in with their
wider surroundings, and the people around them:
. . . If you are looking at everyone and they are wearing suits, shirt and tie and you are
standing there in a pair of jeans with a pair of trainers on, then you are not going to feel very
confident at all . . . (Patrick, age 27).
Identification and approach: consuming with reference to a positive drive

Consumption with reference to a positive drive (ideal self/ideal end state) was less
common amongst the participants, although some exhibited characteristics that
suggested this positive drive could be prevalent at times. A positive drive was
associated with personal characteristics such as individuality, confidence and a high
interest in clothing. The vast majority of participants in this research did not classify
their dress sense as individual. However, they were able to give examples of people
they considered to be more individual and more likely to dress towards an ideal or
positive reference point (positive drive). Those consumers who dress to satisfy a
positive drive are likely to be more fashion conscious, often fitting in with current
norms. However, somewhat paradoxically, as their style is more cutting edge, they
are considered by others to be more individual in their style of dressing:
. . . If someone is wearing retro-ish sort of style clothes, maybe they are not quite but sort of
. . . it says . . . it is kind of rejection of fashion in a way at the same time as being quite
fashionable . . . I think there is enough ambiguity in there to make that person look sort of
almost interesting (John, age 26).
Consumers who dressed with reference to a positive drive were also likely to be fairly
at ease with themselves, and their selection of clothing provided an opportunity to
make a positive statement about who they are (enhancing their self esteem). This was
in contrast to those who consumed with reference to a negative drive who functioned
with regard to the possible negative effects if they misjudged a situation and got it
wrong:
. . . You can spot someone walking along the street and they have got that flair because they
have added something different and because they have taken whatever it is from the shop
and they just carry it differently. They look individual; you can just spot someone who has
got fashion sense I think that is individual. To me an individual can manipulate fashion to
look individual. I havent got that talent so I do conform (Sara, age 25).
However, consumption with reference to a positive drive or positive end state was not
confined to consumers who were interested in current fashions. One participant, Sam,
dressed in an individual way, not fitting the mainstream fashion ideal. He seemed to
dress with regard to a positive ideal, yet was not concerned with current trends; in fact,
he might be more accurately termed anti-fashion:
. . . In the morning when you are going into London on the train or tube and you have got all
the business people and of course they are wearing what they are wearing because it is what
is accepted in the business world, dark suits and stuff. But once or twice when I have headed
into London with grey flares and a green smallish jacket and red shirt and blue tie which is
tied so it is really long, and I have had my hair down or tied up, you know, I have really stood
out, and people . . . standing right up near me and laughing, so they would obviously never
wear anything like that (Sam, age 19).
Sams attitude to dress suggested he functioned with regard to a positive drive in the
sense that he wore what he wanted to wear, rather than considering the reactions of
others. Yet his behaviour also differentiated him from fashion leaders (Goldsmith et al.,
1996). He often wore ripped clothing and described how he had deliberately flouted the
uniform rules at the sixth form college he had just left. There is little doubt that he
would not have dressed or worn his hair in the way that he did if he wanted to merge
into the background. Generally all of the participants were able to think of someone
they knew whom they felt dressed with regard to a positive drive, but conformity,
affiliation and playing it safe and merely maintaining self-esteem seemed to be the
primary motivation for most consumers.
Managerial implications for fashion retailers
It is important for marketers to understand when the rejection of products and brands
results from distastes (distinction), and when it reflects the constraints that operate on
consumers choices (Hogg, 1998), as each would require different managerial action.
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Constraints on clothing purchase could reflect financial concerns, the accessibility of

clothing stores and consumers body size and shape. This corroborates Campbells
(1996) point. He suggests that consumers are not always in a position to make a full
choice regarding the clothing that they wear. McCracken and Roth (1989) view poverty
and isolation as presenting potential limitations on the access to code information, as
well as the lack of economic resources to purchase the goods and access to the
necessary outlets.
The findings suggest self-esteem is a powerful motivator for consumer behaviour
and is sought in two ways, via the approach towards an ideal, or the avoidance of an
undesired, end state. Consumers perception of whether the main emphasis of their
consumption behaviour is to play it safe or whether they like to dress in an individual
way would seem to be important for marketing practitioners. It may be that everybody
does both (approach the positive and avoid the negative) to varying degrees in different
situations. It is clear that reaching an understanding of the function of the negative
drive (and negative end states) and recognising the importance of the negative
drive/end state for consumption is as important as understanding how consumers
attempt to approach an ideal self, the subject of much consumer behaviour research
(e.g. Erickson and Sirgy, 1992; Dolich, 1969). If, as the research findings suggest, the
majority of consumers function with regard to a negative drive, it would benefit
marketing managers to develop marketing campaigns that recognise and appeal to this
drive. Marketing managers may choose to use negative associations and avoidance
groups (Englis and Solomon, 1995) as a means to build brand loyalty amongst their
customer base. Integrated marketing strategies should therefore attempt to achieve
two things. Firstly, positive associations should be made with the brand or product and
secondly, advertising could be used to encourage consumers to identify negative
reference groups and negative user imagery with competitors, thus promoting
affiliation with the brand/product or company and a clear distinction from
non-consumers of the product or brand. This presents a challenge for marketers, as
different groups of consumers will employ very different positive and negative
associations.
It is also useful for marketers and retailers to consider the situations and
circumstances that encourage the prevalence of a particular drive (i.e. whether
consumers will tend to focus on positive or negative outcomes). Examples are public
situations versus private situations, work versus leisure, formal versus informal
occasions and so forth. Products (and in this case clothing) can then be produced,
marketed and sold in such a way that fits with these circumstances and the associated
drive. The working environment was found to be particularly relevant to the
participants in this study and was repeatedly cited as a situation in which certain
expectations about dress codes existed, which influenced the drive employed. For
example, a consumer who works in an office may dress with reference to a negative
drive; yet in his or her free time wear fairly unusual clothes, reflecting a positive drive.
Other examples of conformity-inducing situations were wearing a suit for a job
interview, wearing formal clothing to a wedding or funeral, or a uniform imposed at
work or at school. In many situations consumers dressed how they wanted to but
within certain boundaries (e.g. smartly for work), effectively meaning the individual
is conforming but sometimes within fairly broad boundaries. Support was provided for
the importance of the normative (Miller, 1999), in understanding consumers
evaluations of clothing; and the dialectic between different selves. Breaking from
local norms was interpreted as potentially risky and could lead to avoidance
behaviours (Englis and Solomon, 1995). Retailers should consider different situational
effects and understand how responding to these differences will help them to cater for
their customers every need.
In their positioning strategies, fashion retailers (or retailers of any symbolic goods)
should recognise their appeal in terms of customers concern with affiliation or
autonomy and how this relates to consumers end states or possible selves. This should
be reflected right through the supply chain, from the design of the clothing/product to
the tools (advertising, celebrities, etc.) that are used for promotion, to the sales
environment and the manner in which the sales team respond to customers. It may be
that some stores and product categories need to make more use of shop-floor assistants
in helping consumers to make decisions perhaps encouraging consumers to
experiment with different items of clothing or reassuring them that the style/product
they have chosen is suitable for them.
Consumers reliance on positive and negative drives may be fluid in the sense that
even the most conforming individual may sometimes fancy breaking free from the
norm. However, for retailers their image is more fixed. A retailer that is currently
perceived as stocking highly conforming product lines (appealing to consumers
functioning on a negative drive) would find it difficult to switch to selling highly
individual and high fashion designs. A research strategy that incorporates the
framework in Figure 3 and recognises the importance of consumers possible
selves/end states and approach and avoidance strategies, should be valuable for
companies assessing the effectiveness with which they cater for markets, and may
provide a useful tool for companies embarking on re-branding strategies.
Conclusion
For many consumers in this study, clothing selection entailed a delicate balancing act.
It was of utmost importance that consumers should not upset this balance in the
attempt to create a positive image for themselves. The safest option was to avoid
projecting a negative image (employing a negative drive) thus ensuring the
maintenance of self-esteem. We would argue that if marketers are able to understand
how consumers invest products and brands with negative meanings; and also how
consumers associate these negative meanings with their rejected selves, they will be
much nearer to understanding and managing the impact of negative symbolic
consumption in the market place. The framework provided in Figure 3, along with an
appropriate research strategy, should help marketing managers to be better equipped
to understand and predict the rejection of products and brands. With this clearer
understanding of negative symbolic consumption we can then begin to generalise the
wider implications for marketing strategy of the symbolic bases for the rejection of
other goods and services.
Limitations
The emphasis of this study was on conceptualisation and the overall emphasis was on
reaching understanding rather than generalisation. As the exploration of this area is in
its initial stages, a small, yet in-depth empirical study was considered to be the best
means by which to draw out the main themes and concentrate on theory building.
Negative
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Interviews were conducted in friendship pairs because of the benefits this could offer in
terms of the stimulation of discussion of a potentially difficult and fairly abstract topic.
Individual interviews would have provided more intimidating surroundings, and
might have proved less conducive to exploring the topic. It was also considered
important to address the social contexts within which meaning is created, a point that
Ritson and Elliott (1999) claim is often missed with consumer research. However, the
social interaction of paired interviews, although promoting discussion, could
potentially have encouraged careful self-presentation and impression management by
the participants. It is acknowledged that the comments of the participants could have
been influenced by past, present, or the possibility of future interaction with their
friendship partners. However, there did not appear to be any strained or power
relationships at work, and all the participants seemed genuinely open and candid,
during the course of the interviews.
The findings are limited to the population under consideration. However, through
the development of themes and examples, the conceptualisation is intended to be more
far reaching than individual observations. It is acknowledged that more experiences
and findings would have been forthcoming if participants with wider ranging
experiences had been deliberately sought. Although age was deliberately kept within a
lower and upper limit in order to gauge the experience of a particular segment of the
population, the participants represented a wide range of backgrounds. This range of
experience was considered sufficient for the purposes of an exploratory study.
Finally, at present the findings are limited to the product category under study.
However, clothing is a very important category, and provides an important means by
which to gain a greater insight into the self, benefitting additional areas of study. The
findings are also likely to be adaptable and relevant to product categories that share
similarities with clothing for example other fashion categories such as home
furnishings, footwear, textiles and also categories where product symbolism is
especially high for example cars, mobile phones, travel and so forth. A similar
process with other product categories could refine the conceptualisation, and explore
its relevance to other categories for which considerations regarding identity
negotiation are paramount.
Future research
It is clear this study has focused on a topic ripe for exploration and theoretical
advances. It has been possible for the research to clarify a number of issues associated
with identity negotiation and the rejection of products. In addition a conceptual
framework has been suggested, which should be useful for future studies. Clearly a
great deal of research remains to be conducted in order that we can understand the
complicated relationship that consumers have with their goods (or those goods that
they reject), but this research has made an important contribution. We do not claim to
answer all of the questions that have emerged from the investigation. Rather it is hoped
that the study has provided food for thought and a sense that the combined
motivational effects of self esteem, possible selves, consumers associated drives and
the rejection of consumption goods are topics worthy of future research.
Future research could investigate a greater range of consumption situations: such as
the implications for consumers possible selves and sense of identity when clothing
choices are made by significant others. It became clear that a proportion of male
participants clothing was bought for them by their partners, or their partners would
accompany them shopping. Sometimes the possible selves of most significance for
consumption decisions may have been those held by the partner or friend on behalf of
the participant this would provide an interesting topic for future research.
It would also be useful for research to involve different ages of respondents. The
indication from the young adults in this study was that their approach to image and
consumption had changed considerably over their lifespan. It would be interesting to
conduct a study with a much older or younger selection of respondents and talk
through the same issues with them, which would be likely to reveal a whole range of
issues and dilemmas. Research could usefully focus on a small sample of respondents
following their changing requirements through the aging process (incorporating the
likely changing context of their consumption during the lifespan). In order for
researchers (and marketing professionals) to understand todays consumer, it is
important that consumers are not considered to be static beings that are what they
are but considered as products of their surroundings.
Note
1. The authors acknowledge the important issues raised by Holts (1997, 2002) papers.
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Banister &hogg, (2004) Negative Symbolic Consumption and Consumers - Drive For Self - Esteem

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European Journal of Marketing

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Negative symbolic consumption

The case of the fashion industry

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Received May 2003

European Journal of Marketing

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Approaching matches to desired end

Approaching mismatches to undesired

Avoiding mismatches to desired end

Avoiding matches to undesired end

Source: Higgins et al. (1994, p. 277)

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possible selves, therefore, function as (dis)incentives for future behaviour, representing

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would at an early exploratory stage. The sampling frame was a mixture of

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Distinction and avoidance: consuming with primary reference to a negative drive

Identification and approach: consuming with reference to a positive drive

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Constraints on clothing purchase could reflect financial concerns, the accessibility of

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Edgell, S. (1980), Middle-Class Couples: A Study of Segregation, Domination and Inequality in

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