(Oudtestamentische Studiën 60) Csaba Balogh-The Stele of YHWH in Egypt - The Prophecies of Isaiah 18-20 Concerning Egypt and Kush-Brill (2011) PDF

The Stele of YHWH in Egypt
Oudtestamentische Studin
Old Testament Studies
published on behalf of the Societies for
Old Testament Studies in the Netherlands and
Belgium, South Africa, the United Kingdom
and Ireland
Editor
B. Becking
Utrecht
Editorial Board
H.G.M. Williamson
Oxford
H.F. Van Rooy

Potchefstroom
M. Vervenne
Leuven
VOLUME 60
The titles published in this series are listed at www.brill.nl/ots
The Stele of YHWH in Egypt

The Prophecies of Isaiah 1820 concerning
Egypt and Kush
By
Csaba Balogh
LEIDEN BOSTON
2011
This book is printed on acid-free paper.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Balogh, Csaba, 1975
The stele of YHWH in Egypt : the prophecies of Isaiah 1820 concerning Egypt and Kush /
by Csaba Balogh.
p. cm. (Oudtestamentische studin, ISSN 0169-7226 = Old Testament studies ; v. 60)
Revision of the authors thesisTheological University of the Reformed Churches, Kampen,
Netherlands, 2009.
Includes bibliographical references (p. ) and index.
ISBN 978-90-04-21157-5 (hardback : alk. paper)
1. Bible. O.T. Isaiah XVIIIXXCriticism, interpretation, etc. 2. Bible. O.T. Isaiah
PropheciesEgypt. 3. Egypt in the Bible. 4. Bible. O.T. IsaiahPropheciesEthiopia.
5. Ethiopia in the Bible. 6. Bible. O.T. IsaiahPropheciesCushites. 7. Cushites
Prophecies. I. Title. II. Series.
BS1515.6.E59B35 2011
224.106dc23
2011030295
ISSN: 0169-7226
ISBN: 978 90 04 21157 5
Copyright 2011 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands.
Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Global Oriental, Hotei Publishing,
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Fees are subject to change.
To Gyngyi,
Benjmin and Efraim
CONTENTS
Preface ..................................................................................................
Abbreviations ......................................................................................
xi
xiii
Chapter One Introduction ............................................................

1.1 The Book of Isaiah as the Context of Isaiah 1323 .......
1.1.1 Historical Research on the Book of Isaiah and
its Problems ..............................................................
1.1.2 Literary Research on the Book of Isaiah and its
Problems ...................................................................
1.1.3 Theological Research on the Book of Isaiah and
its Problems ..............................................................
1.2 Isaiah 1323(2427) as a Corpus ......................................
1.3 Isaiah 1820 in the Collection of Isaiah 1323 ..............
1.3.1 The Prophecy in Isaiah 18 .....................................
1.4 The Purpose and Outline of the Present Study ..............
1
2
Chapter Two Collections of Foreign Nation Prophecies as

Context for Isaiah 1323 ..............................................................
2.1 Preliminary Remarks ...........................................................
2.2 The Background of the Foreign Nation Prophecies .......
2.3 The Biblical Prophecies Concerning Foreign Nations ...
2.4 Collections of Foreign Nation Prophecies in the
Bible .......................................................................................
2.4.1 Foreign Nation Prophecies in the Book of
Amos .........................................................................
Jeremiah ....................................................................
Ezekiel .......................................................................
Zephaniah .................................................................
2.5 Conclusion ............................................................................
3
7
13
20
27
27
29
30
31
35
35
38
41
45
46
49
56
62
66
viii
contents
Chapter Three Reconstructing the Broken Stele of Yhwh:

The Foreign Nation Prophecies of Isaiah 1323 as Context
for Isaiah 1820 .............................................................................
3.1 The Superscriptions and the Structure of Isaiah 1323 ...
3.2 The Subdivisions in Isaiah 1323 ......................................
3.2.1 The Composition of Isaiah 13:114:27 ................
Isaiah 13:28 ............................................................
Isaiah 13:916, 1722 .............................................
Isaiah 14:14a, 4b21, 2223 ................................
Isaiah 14:2427 ........................................................
3.2.2 The Composition of Isaiah 14:2832 ...................
3.2.3 The Composition of Isaiah 1516 ........................
Isaiah 15:116:5 .......................................................
Isaiah 16:612, 1314 .............................................
3.2.4 The Composition of Isaiah 17(18) .....................
3.2.5 The Composition of Isaiah 21:110 .....................
3.2.8 The Composition of Isaiah 22 ...............................
Isaiah 22:114 ..........................................................
Isaiah 22:1525 ........................................................
3.2.9 The Composition of Isaiah 23 ...............................
3.3 Preliminary Conclusions to Isaiah 1323 ........................
3.4 Isaiah 1323 as a Royal Stele of Yhwh ............................
69
69
74
75
76
79
83
89
92
96
96
98
100
103
107
109
111
111
117
121
130
133
Chapter Four Lands of Riddles: The Analysis of Isaiah 18 .....

4.1 Translation with Text-Critical and Semantic Notes .......
4.2 Exegetical Section ................................................................
4.2.1 Verses 12b ..............................................................
4.2.2 Verses 2cg ...............................................................
4.2.3 Verses 36 .................................................................
4.2.4 Verse 7 .......................................................................
4.2.5 Conclusion ................................................................
4.3 Isaiah 18 in Context ............................................................
4.3.1 Literary Issues in Isaiah 18 ....................................
The Integrity of Isaiah 18 .......................................
Isaiah 18 and Its Context .......................................
The Intertextual Connections in Isaiah 18 ..........
4.3.2 Theological Perspectives in Isaiah 18 ...................
4.3.3 The Historical Background of Isaiah 18 ..............
139
140
161
161
166
170
176
177
178
178
178
182
185
187
193
contents
ix
4.4 Isaiah 18 and the Stele of Yhwh (Isaiah 1323) ............

4.5 Conclusion ............................................................................
200
202
Chapter Five From Chaos to Covenant: The Analysis of

Isaiah 19 ..........................................................................................
5.2.1 Verses 14 .................................................................
5.2.2 Verses 510 ...............................................................
5.2.3 Verses 1115 ............................................................
5.2.4 Verses 1617 ............................................................
5.2.5 Verse 18 .....................................................................
5.2.6 Verses 1922 ............................................................
5.2.7 Verse 23 .....................................................................
5.2.8 Verses 2425 ............................................................
5.2.9 Conclusion ................................................................
The Integrity of Isaiah 19 .......................................
The Intertextual Connections of Isaiah 19 ..........
Isaiah 19:115 ..........................................................
Isaiah 19:1625 ........................................................
Isaiah 19:115 and History ....................................
Isaiah 19:1625 and History ..................................
5.5 Conclusion ............................................................................
205
206
234
234
240
244
250
251
257
263
266
269
270
270
271
277
279
279
283
290
291
296
302
304
Chapter Six Naked Truth: The Analysis of Isaiah 20 ................

6.5 Conclusion ............................................................................
305
306
310
318
318
322
326
332
333
contents
Chapter Seven Conclusion ............................................................

7.1 Isaiah 1820 from a Literary Perspective ........................
7.1.1 The Literary Integrity of Isaiah 1820 .................
7.1.2 The Prophecies of Isaiah 1820 in their Literary
Context ......................................................................
7.2 Theological Concerns in Isaiah 1820 .............................
7.2.1 Theological Considerations from an Isaianic
Perspective ................................................................
7.2.2 Theological Considerations from the Perspective
of FNPs .....................................................................
7.3 Isaiah 1820 from a Historical Perspective .....................
7.4 Isaiah 1820 and the Royal Stele of Yhwh
(Isaiah 1323) .......................................................................
335
335
335
Bibliography ........................................................................................
353
Index of Authors ................................................................................

Index of Biblical References .............................................................
Index of Non-Biblical References ....................................................
371
377
390
337
341
341
344
346
348
PREFACE
This book is a revised version of my dissertation submitted to the

Theological University of the Reformed Churches (liberated) in Kampen
(The Netherlands), and openly defended in September 2009. The dissertation was prepared under the guidance of prof. Gert Kwakkel, whose
wisdom and generosity in matters of both scholarship and human life
considerably exceeded any limits and levels that I have ever anticipated.
What the reader will eventually experience on the following pages as
constructive side effects for the development of Old Testament scholarship may be considered an imprint of this intuitive supervision. I have
also profited significantly from the comments of my co-supervisor,
prof. Arie van der Kooij of Leiden University, whose kind interest in
the subject of this monograph was shown by correspondences even
after the process of promotion had already been officially closed. In
all matters related to egyptology, I am indebted to the expertise of Dr.
Jaap van Dijk from Groningen University, who was always willing to
discuss the egyptological problems I have stumbled into and challenge
my findings. I would also like to express my gratitude to the reading
committee consisting of the distinguished professors H.G.L. Peels, P.H.R.
van Houwelingen, F. van der Pol, and W.H. Rose. The remarks of the
anonymous reviewers of the series Old Testament StudiesOudtestamentische Studin have led to several helpful clarifications during the
final stages in the preparation of the manuscript. I am thankful for the
support of prof. Bob Becking and the willingness of the editors of OTS
to publish the current monograph in this prestigious series.
I would like to thank Robert Olsen for correcting the English text of
the manuscript. The author bears full responsibility for any remaining
errors.
This book is dedicated to my beloved family, my wife, Gyngyi, and
our sons, Benjmin and Efraim, for relentlessly reminding me not to
lose sight of the details. Although they may not have been aware of it,
I have constantly been enjoying their help to understand Isaiah 6:3. Far
beyond all that I myself could have achieved in my struggles with the
xii
preface
exegesis of Isaiah, they made me realise how full this world is with the
glory of God and see how close to me it shines.
Csaba Balogh
April 27, 2011
Kolozsvr / Cluj-Napoca / Klausenburg
The research for this book was made possible by Stichting FundamentIrnyt.
The preparations for publication were supported by Stichting Afbouw Kampen.
ABBREVIATIONS1
A. Blasius, B.U. Schipper (eds), Apokalyptik und gypten:

Eine kritische Analyse der relevanten Texte aus dem griechischrmischen gypten, Leuven 2002
ABC
A.K. Grayson, Assyrian and Babylonian Chronicles, Locust
Valley 1975
ABD
D.N. Freedman (ed.), Anchor Bible Dictionary, vols 16, New
York 1992
ABRL Anchor Bible Reference Library
AEL
M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature, vols 13, Berkeley,
CA 197180
HG J. Assmann, gyptische Hymnen und Gebete, Zrich 1975
ArEL E.W. Lane, Arabic-English Lexicon, vols 18, London 186393
ASV
American Standard Version
AThD Abhandlungen zur Theologie und Dogmatik
ATM Altes Testament und Moderne
BAL
R. Borger, Babylonisch-assyrische Lesestcke, Rome 1963
BBVO Berliner Beitrge zum Vorderen Orient
BDB
F. Brown et al., A Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old
Testament, Oxford 1907
BES
Bulletin of the Egyptological Seminar
BIS
Biblical Interpretation Series
BIWA R. Borger, Beitrge zum Inschriftenwerk Assurbanipals,
Wiesbaden 1996
BJS
Biblical and Judaic Studies from the University of California,
San Diego
BL
H. Bauer, P. Leander, Historische Grammatik der hebrischen
Sprache des Alten Testamentes, Halle 1922
BoI
J. Vermeylen (ed.), The Book of IsaiahLe livre dIsae: Les
oracles et leurs relectures unit et complexit de louvrage (BEThL,
81), Leuven 1989
1
For abbreviations not found on this list, see S.M. Schwertner, Abkrzungsverzeichnis
(TRE), Berlin 21994. Page numbers are used as follows: (a) in dictionaries: CAD 124
indicates page 124 of CAD; (b) in lexicons: L 4.125 indicates page 125 from vol. 4 of
L; (c) in text editions: COS, 1.303 refers to page 303 from vol. 1 of COS (COS 1.23
indicates text nr. 23 from vol. 1).
xiv
CAL
CANE
abbreviations
The Comprehensive Aramaic Lexicon (http://cal1.cn.huc.edu)

J.M. Sasson (ed.), Civilizations of the Ancient Near East,
vols 14, New York 1995
CBOT Coniectanea Biblica. Old Testament Series
CDA
J.A. Black et al., A Concise Dictionary of Akkadian, Wiesbaden
2000
CDD
J.H. Johnson (ed.), The Demotic Dictionary of the Oriental
Institute of the University of Chicago, Chicago 2001(http://
oi.uchicago.edu/research/pubs/catalog/cdd)
Cd
Chronique dgypte
CDG
W. Leslau, Comparative Dictionary of Geez, 1991
CDME R.O. Faulkner, A Concise Dictionary of Middle Egyptian,
Oxford 1962
COS
W.H. Hallo, K.L. Younger (eds), The Context of Scripture, vols
13, Leiden 19972002
CRBS
Currents in Research: Biblical Studies
CSD
R. Payne Smith, J. Payne Smith, A Compendious Syriac
Dictionary: Founded upon the Thesaurus Syriacus of R. Payne
Smith, Oxford 1903
CTN
Cuneiform Texts from Nimrud
D
A.B. Davidson, Hebrew Syntax, Edinburgh 1901
DAW
T.R. Kmmerer, D. Schwiderski, Deutsch-Akkadisches
Wrterbuch, Mnster 1998
DB
J. Hastings (ed.), A Dictionary of the Bible, vols 15, Edinburgh
1919
DCH
D.J.A. Clines (ed.), The Dictionary of Classical Hebrew,
Sheffield 1993
DDD
K. van der Toorn et al. (eds), Dictionary of Deities and Demons
in the Bible, Leiden 21999
DJPA
M. Sokoloff, A Dictionary of Jewish Palestinian Aramaic of the
Byzantine Period, Baltimore, MD 22002
DJBA
M. Sokoloff, A Dictionary of Jewish Babylonian Aramaic of the
Talmudic and Geonic Periods, Ramat-Gan 2002
DLU
G. del Olmo Lete, J. Sanmartn, Dicctionario de la lengua
ugartica, vols 12, Barcelona 19962000
DNWSI J. Hoftijzer, K. Jongeling (eds), Dictionary of the North-West
Semitic Inscripions, vols 12, Leiden 1995
DSA
A. Tal, Dictionary of Samaritan Aramaic, vols 12, Leiden
2000
abbreviations
DTTM
xv
M. Jastrow, Dictionary of the Targumim, Talmud Babli,

Yerushalmi and Midrashic Literature, New York 1996
EA
El-Amarna tablets
EB
T.K. Cheyne, J.S. Black (eds), Encyclopaedia Biblica, London
18991903
B
tudes bibliques
EQ
Evangelical Quarterly
E
Einheitsbersetzung
FHN
T. Eide (ed.), Fontes Historiae Nubiorum: Textual Sources
for the History of the Middle Nile Region between the Eighth
Century bc and the Sixth Century ad, vols 13, Bergen
1994
FNP
Foreign Nation Prophecies
FO
Folia orientalia
GAG
W. von Soden, Grundriss der akkadischen Grammatik, Rome
3
1995
GesB
W. Gesenius, Hebrisches und Aramisches Handwrterbuch
ber das Alte Testament, Leipzig 171921
GesThes W. Gesenius, Thesaurus philologicus criticus Linguae Hebreae
et Chaldaeae Veteris Testamenti, vols 13, Leipzig 182958
GGWJ
Grundriss der Gesamtwissenschaft des Judentums
GKC
E. Kautsch (ed.), Gesenius Hebrew Grammar (tr. by A.E.
Cowley), Oxford 21910
GM
Gttinger Miszellen
gn
geographical name
HAHE
J. Renz, Handbuch der Althebrischen Epigraphik, Bd. 14,
Darmstadt 19952003
HALOT
L. Koehler et al. (eds), The Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon of
the Old Testament (tr. by M.E.J. Richardson et al.), vols 14,
Leiden 199499
HBS
Herders Biblische Studien
HdO
Handbuch der Orientalistik
HSAT
Die heiligen Schriften des Alten Testaments
HSED
V.E. Orel, O.V. Stolbova, Hamito-Semitic Etymological
Dictionary, Leiden 1995
HThKAT Herders Theologischer Kommentar zum Alten Testament
HUB
Hebrew University Bible, Jerusalem, 1965
IAKA
R. Borger, Die Inschriften Asarhaddons, Knigs von Assyrien,
Osnabrck 1967
xvi
INBK
abbreviations
H. Schaudig, Die Inschriften Nabonids von Babylon und

Kyros des Grossen samt den in ihrem Umfeld entstandenen
Tendenzschriften: Textausgabe und Grammatik, Mnster
2001
ISK
A. Fuchs, Die Inschriften Sargons II. aus Khorsabad,
Gttingen 1994
ITP
H. Tadmor, The Inscriptions of Tiglath-pileser III, King of
Assyria, Jerusalem 1994
Int.
Interpretation
JM
P. Joon, T. Muraoka, A Grammar of Biblical Hebrew,
vols 12, Rome 1993
JNSL
Journal of Northwest Semitic Languages
JPS
Jewish Publication Society
JS
Journal for Semitics / Tydskrif vir Semitistik
JSS
Journal of Semitic Studies
JSSEA
Journal of the Society for the Study of Egyptian Antiquities
JSSM
Journal of Semitic Studies Monographs
KEHAT
Kurzgefasstes exegetisches Handbuch zum Alten
Testament
KHCAT Kurzer Handcommentar zum Alten Testament
KHw
W. Westendorf, Koptisches Handwrterbuch, Heidelberg
196577
KS
F.E. Knig, Historisch-kritisches Lehrgebude der hebrischen
Sprache: Syntax, Bd. 2/2, Leipzig 1897
KV
Korte Verklaring der Heilige Schrift
L
J.P. Lettinga, Grammatica van het Bijbels Hebreeuws, Leiden
9
1991
LS
C. Brockelmann, Lexicon Syriacum, Hidlesheim 1982
MC
Mesopotamian Civilisations
MH
Mishnaic Hebrew
MVEOL Mededeelingen en verhandelingen van het VooraziatischEgyptisch Gezelschap Ex oriente lux
NASB
New American Standard Bible
NBD
J.D. Douglas (ed.), New Bible Dictionary, 31996
NCW
J. Levy, Neuhebrisches und chaldisches Wrterbuch ber
die Talmudim und Midraschim, Bd. 14, Leipzig 187689
NEAEHL E. Stern (ed.), The New Encyclopedia of Archaeological
Excavations in the Holy Land, vols 14, Jerusalem 1993
NIBC
New International Biblical Commentary
abbreviations
NICOT
NIDOTTE
xvii
New International Commentary on the Old Testament

A. VanGemeren (ed.), New International Dictionary of
New Testament Theology and Exegesis, vols 15, Grand
Rapids, MI 1997
NIV
New International Version
NJB
New Jerusalem Bible
NSKAT
Neuer Stuttgarter Kommentar / Altes Testament
NRSV
New Revised Standard Version
OEANE
E.M. Meyers, The Oxford Encyclopaedia of Archaeology in
the Near East, New York 1997
pn
personal name
PNAE
S. Parpola (ed.), The Prosopography of the Neo-Assyrian
Empire, Helsinki 1998
PPANE
M. Nissinen (ed.), Prophets and Prophecy in the Ancient
Near East (WAW, 12), Atlanta, GA 2003
PPD
C.R. Krahmalkov (ed.), Phoenician-Punic Dictionary,
Leuven 2000
PW
A.F. von Pauly, G. Wissowa (eds), Realencyclopdie der
klassischen Altertumswissenschaft, Bd. 149, Stuttgart,
18941997
QH
Qumranic Hebrew
RIMA
The Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia, Assyrian
Periods
RSV
Revised Standard Version
SAA
State Archives of Assyria
SAAB
State Archives of Assyria Bulletin
SAAS
State Archives of Assyria Studies
SBAAT
Stuttgarter Biblische Aufsatzbnde. Altes Testament
SH(C)ANE Studies in the History (and Culture) of the Ancient Near
East
SI
Summary Inscription (of Tiglath-pileser III)
SOF
Societas Orientalis Fennica
SOTS.MS
The Society for Old Testament Study Monograph Series
TA
Tel Aviv: Journal of the Institute of Archaeology of Tel Aviv
University
TCT
Textual Criticism and the Translator
TSSI
J.C.L. Gibson, Textbook of Syrian Semitic Inscriptions, vols
13, Oxford 197182
T&T
Tekst en Toelichting
xviii
var.
VL
WS
abbreviations
variant
R. Gryson (ed.), Esaias, vol. of Vetus Latina, Freiburg, 198797
A. Erman, H. Grapow, Wrterbuch der gyptischen Sprache, Bd.
14, Berlin 41982
WAW Writings from the Ancient World
WBC Word Biblical Commentary
WO
B.K. Waltke, M. OConnor, An Introduction to Biblical Hebrew
Syntax, Winona Lake, IN 1990
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
This is a study of Isa. 1820, three chapters in the so-called Isaianic

prophecies concerning foreign nations, Isa. 1323(2427).1 In addition
to their textual proximity, there is at least one common element that
ties these three chapters together. Isa. 1820 deal with two neighbouring kingdoms of the Nile, Kush and Egypt. The two lands had strong
political ties in the era of the prophet Isaiah, so it is not surprising that
they are addressed here one after another. Through a detailed analysis
of the three chapters I hope to contribute to a better understanding of
the collection of prophecies on the nations in the book of Isaiah and,
more generally, the wider phenomenon of prophecies concerning the
foreign nations, so prevalent in the Hebrew Bible.2
Although sections of these three chapters have captured the attention of scholars of divergent interests, differing in focus and adopting diversified methodologies, a comprehensive study concentrating
on Isa. 1820 does not yet exist.3 Insofar as Isa. 1820 is part of a
collection of prophecies concerning various nations, the analysis of
these chapters necessitates a survey of previous research on Isa. 1323
as a whole. At the same time, the methodological divergences in the
1
For the diverging views concerning the delimitation and designation of this corpus, see 1.2 and 2.1.
2
Two marginal interpretations may be noted here, but they shall not be taken into
consideration any further in this study. In an article on Isa. 18, Winckler located the
Kush of Isa. 18:1 not in Africa, as scholars usually do, but in southern Mesopotamia, connecting Isa. 18 with Gen. 10:812 and the Chaldaean embassy of Merodachbaladan from Isa. 39 (H. Winckler, Alttestamentliche Untersuchungen, Leipzig 1892,
14656). Although may occasionally refer to southern Mesopotamia, this investigation concurs with the widely adopted view that mentioned in Isa. 18:1 is to
be located in the Nile valley. A second opinion to be left out of discussion is Knigs
interpretation of Isa. 17:1214 as a prophecy focusing on the fall of Egypt and thus thematically related to Isa. 1820 (Knig, 19798). Knigs identification of the unnamed
group of many nations in Isa. 17:1214 with Egyptians does not rest on convincing
arguments, and later interpreters pursue a different exegetical trace.
3
Isa. 1820 are discussed in an article by A. Niccacci, Isaiah xviiixx from an
Egyptological Perspective, VT 48 (1998), 21438. For other studies on different parts
of Isa. 1820, see 1.2 below and the Bibliography.
chapter one
background of studies devoted to Isa. 1323 can barely be understood

without a concise assessment of the larger frame of this collection, the
book of Isaiah in its entirety.
1.1
The Book of Isaiah as the Context of Isaiah 1323
The Hebrew prophets in general and particularly the book of Isaiah have received unparalleled attention from biblical scholars. The
prophet Isaiah is in many respects the archetype of the individual artist. Classical reconstruction of Isaiahs person and his audience suggest
that his untimely words condensed into textual form were not well
received by an age with convictions largely opposing his own. But for
those looking back at his visions across the distant miles of time and
thinking, his legacy has become one of the most productive traditions
of the Bible. Isaiahs words have fascinated a variety of readers from
the most ancient tradents of the prophets writings, through various
communities of post-exilic Judah, the Diaspora, the early Christians,
to readers and scholars of our own time.
Attempts to summarise current studies on the book of Isaiah have
been quite numerous, just like the methods applied and the results
achieved.4 It is here neither possible nor necessary to review them all
in detail. A short overview of the most significant tendencies will, however, help to situate the present study in the field of biblical scholarship. The summary below will outline the various prevalent historical,
literary and theological approaches to the study of this book.
For overviews on Isaiah-research since the 1980s, see, for instance, A.G. Auld,
Poetry, Prophecy, Hermeneutic: Recent Studies in Isaiah, SJTh 33 (1980), 56781;
R. Kilian, Jesaja 139 (EdF, 200), Darmstadt 1983; C. Hardmeier, Jesajaforschung
im Umbruch, VF 31 (1986), 330; M.A. Sweeney, The Book of Isaiah in Recent
Research, CRBS 1 (1993), 14162; Idem, Reevaluating Isaiah 139 in Recent Critical
Research, CRBS 4 (1996), 79114; H.G.M. Williamson, The Book Called Isaiah: Deutero-Isaiahs Role in Composition and Redaction, Oxford 1994, 118; M.E. Tate, The
Book of Isaiah in Recent Study, in: J.W. Watts, P.R. House (eds), Forming Prophetic
Literature: Essays on Isaiah and the Twelve in Honor of John D.W. Watts (JSOT.S,
235), Sheffield 1996, 2256; Berges, 1146; U. Becker, Jesajaforschung (Jes 139), ThR
64 (1999), 137, 11752; P. Hffken, Jesaja: Der Stand der theologischen Diskussion,
Darmstadt 2004.
introduction
1.1.1 Historical Research on the Book of Isaiah and Its Problems

The problem that concerns us here is the nature of relationship between
the text of Isaiah and the historical reality it supposedly represents. The
superscription in Isa. 1:1 places the book in the context of the second
half of the 8th century bc, the era of the kings Uzziah, Jotham, Ahaz,
and Hezekiah. While reading Isaiah against this historical background
was rather common until the 18th century (with the exception of a few
voices questioning the proper place of Isa. 4066), scholars became
increasingly sceptical regarding this historicising superscription. After
many long debates, the previous consensus concerning the historical
background of the book came to be fragmented beyond recognition.
At the same time, scholars recognised that written prophecies continued to play a crucial role in reading communities long after and
often unrelated to any original historical context. For these reasons
some interpreters questioned the legitimacy and indeed adequacy of
a hermeneutical approach focusing merely on the (primary) historical
situation underlying the text.
Despite the subsequent marked shift of attention from historical
issues to literary analysis in present-day scholarship, there is still a
great deal of interest in the historical study of Isaiah. Most commentators consider it important to sketch the history of the late 8th century
as a background against which the Isaianic prophecies can be understood.5 Moreover, historical questions play an extremely significant role
when the literary composition of the book of Isaiah is analysed from a
redaction critical perspective. Historical considerations are significant
reference points when dating texts and editions to different periods.
As De Jong has recently noted, the general Near Eastern phenomenon
5
H. Donner, Israel unter den Vlkern: Die Stellung der klassischen Propheten des
8. Jahrhunderts v. Chr. zur Auenpolitik der Knige von Israel und Juda (VT.S, 11),
Leiden 1964; P. Machinist, Assyria and Its Image in the First Isaiah, JAOS 103 (1983),
71937; F. Gonalves, Lexpdition de Sennachrib en Palestine dans la littrature
hbraque ancienne (PIOL, 34), Louvain-la-Neuve 1986; S.A. Irvine, Isaiah, Ahaz, and
the Syro-Ephraimitic Crisis (SBL.DS, 123), Atlanta, GA 1990; M.A. Sweeney, Sargons
Threat against Jerusalem in Isaiah 10.2732, Bib. 75 (1994), 45770; A. Schoors, Historical Information in Isaiah 139, in: J. van Ruiten, M. Vervenne (eds), Studies in
the Book of Isaiah: Festschrift Willem A.M. Beuken (BEThL, 132), Leuven 1997, 7593;
W.R. Gallagher, Sennacheribs Campaign to Judah: New Studies (SHCANE, 18), Leiden
1999; M.J. de Jong, Isaiah among the Ancient Near Eastern Prophets: A Comparative
Study of the Earliest Stages of the Isaiah Tradition and the Neo-Assyrian Prophecies
(VT.S, 117), Leiden 2007.
chapter one
of prophecy has strong (albeit not always clear) connections with the
historical realities in which it was born.6
Adopting a historical approach to the text of Isaiah is not free of
problems, however. Prominent difficulties in discussions concerning
the historical interpretation of Isaianic texts include the following:
(a) Not every text contains historically verifiable information. Certain
socially-critical passages, which frequently do not hold any historical
clues regarding their date (e.g., Isa. 5:2223; 10:12; 28:710), are thorns
in the side of any accurate historical positioning of prophecies.7
(b) Despite significant discoveries in the field of archaeology, our
knowledge of ancient history is still full of holes. The prophetic activity of Isaiah in the 8th century is usually discussed in relation to three
or four major periods:8 (1) 734732 bc, the threat of Aram and Israel
(Isa. 7); (2) 723720 bc, the fall of the Northern Kingdom;9 (3) 711 bc,
the fall of Ashdod (Isa. 20); (4) 705701 bc, the anti-Assyrian rebellion of Judah and its allies and the punitive campaign of Sennacherib
(Isa. 3637). Although the significance of prophetic activity increased
during times of political crisis, there may have been other moments,
insufficiently documented, but still experienced as critical.
(c) Prophetic utterance may have been delivered before an event.
Scholars of the 19th and early 20th centuries believed that prophesying was an essentially post-eventum activity. But Ezekiels unfulfilled
De Jong, Isaiah, 191285.

Some argue that social criticism may in fact be part of the Assyria-related dispute
aiming to bring political opponents of the prophet Isaiah into discredit, and thus also
related to the times of the uprising. Cf. De Jong, Isaiah, 12425, 24548; O. Backersten, Isaiahs Political Message: An Appraisal of His Alleged Social Critique (FAT, 2.29),
Tbingen 2008. Two objections may be brought to bear on this view. First, parallels
from ancient Near Eastern prophecy suggest that prophets may have been concerned
with justice in social administration without any direct relationship to issues of warfare or political alliances. Second, the wide-ranging functions of the leading personalities implied in this criticism (e.g., the priests in Isa. 28:7, or leaders of a lower rank,
who are unlikely to have exerted direct influence on the decisions of higher political
circles) suggest that the prophets statements cannot be reduced to rhetoric aimed at
discrediting political opponents.
8
See, e.g., W. Dietrich, Jesaja und die Politik, Munich 1976; F. Huber, Jahwe, Juda
und die anderen Vlker beim Propheten Jesaja (BZAW, 137), Berlin 1976; J. Hgenhaven, Gott und Volk bei Jesaja: Eine Untersuchung zur biblischen Theologie, Leiden
1988; De Jong, Isaiah, 191249.
9
Some also emphasise the impact of Sargons campaign against Gaza in 720 bc.
Cf. Sweeney, Sargons Threat, 45770; K.L. Younger, Sargons Campaign against
JerusalemA Further Note, Bib. 77 (1996), 10810; De Jong, Isaiah, 21314.
7
introduction
prophecy on Tyre (Ezek. 29:1820), as well as countless examples from

non-biblical prophetic texts suggest that a variety of criteria must be
considered when dating Isaianic texts and that the events mentioned
in the prophecies cannot simply be related to actual historical facts.10
(d) It is difficult to locate the vague historical references in prophetic
texts on a specific time scale. The siege of Jerusalem by the Babylonians
in 598 and 587 may have been experienced in a way similar to the
Assyrian threat of 701. In the same manner, Egypt supported Judah
on a number of occasions, creating potential historical parallels any
of which could belong to the background underlying the prophecies.
Therefore, the question which of these situations (if any) is implied by
a prophetic text calls for an open-minded historical inquiry.11
(e) In some cases scholars have noted a tendency of placing texts
written at a later date in an earlier historical situation. This is most evident in such narrative texts as Isa. 3639, but other cases should also
be seriously considered.12 For instance, while many exegetes believe
that Isa. 7:117 was composed during or shortly after 733, a few argue
that it actually derives from the (post-)exilic period.13 The connections
between Isa. 3639 and 7:117 are recognised on both sides of this
debate, but the direction of influence remains in dispute and, consequently, their respective dating.
(f ) It is possible that certain texts are modelled on earlier prototypes. For example, the Moab prophecy of Jer. 48 cites Isa. 1516 several times in a new historical context.14 The question is how far such
citations belong to the historical background of later compositions (or
merely indicate later amendment of these original texts).
10
Compare for instance Kilian, 12627, who assumed that Isa. 20:46 referred to
the deportation by Esarhaddon in the 7th century, and considered Isa. 20 a posteventum text, with Duhm (148), who argued that Isa. 20 was a genuine prediction
exactly because it never actually came to be fulfilled.
11
For the phenomenon of telescoping, that is the possibility that the primary historical background is overwritten by a secondary one, see Beuken, 27.
12
On this aspect see also E. Ben Zvi, History and Prophetic Texts, in: M.P. Graham
et al. (eds), History and Interpretation: Essays in Honour of John H. Hayes (JSOT.S,
173), Sheffield 1993, 10620.
13
Kaiser, 20; Kilian, 162, 2034; U. Becker, Jesajavon der Botschaft zum Buch
(FRLANT, 178), Gttingen 1997, 2160.
14
Cs. Balogh, Oude en nieuwe profetie: De rol van de profetische traditie in de
volkenprofetien, in: G. Kwakkel (ed.), Wonderlijk gewoon: Profeten en profetie in het
Oude Testament, Barneveld 2003, 12024.
chapter one
(g) Texts that appear to be historically informative may in fact be

stereotypical. Isa. 14:2425 is sometimes related to the defeat of Assyria
in 701 (cf. 3.2.1). Yet others consider the imagery too conventional
(cf. Jer. 28:24) to allow any such far-reaching historical conclusions.
(h) The boundaries between poetry and history are not always easy
to draw. In a study on Isa. 10:2832 Sweeney argued that this text
reflects a campaign of Sargon II in 720 bc.15 He believed that the list
of place names informs the historically oriented reader about the route
of the Assyrians. Disregarding the possibility of a pre-eventum prediction and the historical probability of an Assyrian attack against Jerusalem in 720, the word plays in 10:2832 unquestionably task the artistic
sensibilities of the interpreting archaeologist.16 The literary language
urges the reader to be extremely cautious when historicising poetic
texts (cf. Mic. 1:1015; Zeph. 2:4).
(i) There is an ongoing scholarly debate regarding the historical
value of names such as Assyria, Babylon, Egypt, or Edom. While
Assyria is mostly taken to refer to the historical empire of the 8th7th
centuries,17 the pair Assyria and Egypt is often believed to stand for the
Seleucid and Ptolemaic Empires. Likewise Babylon is assumed to serve
as a chiffre for personified evil, and Edom is presumed to designate the
late Nabatean kingdom.
(j) Some studies inquiring into the historical realities behind sections of the book of Isaiah occasionally downplay textual complexities
or entirely ignore them. They assume that biblical texts are not much
different from other compositions of the Near East, where the phenomenon of Fortschreibung was supposed to be either unknown, or
exceptionally rare.18 However, the composite literary character of the
Isaianic prophecies certainly involves relocations, recontextualisations, insertions, augmentations and other scribal phenomenon that
will undoubtedly influence any historical interpretation of individual
texts.
15
Sweeney, Sargons Threat, 45770. Cf. also De Jong, Isaiah, 21314.

E.g., , , , , .
17
Cf. De Jong, Isaiah, 42.
18
Cf. R.L. Schultz, How Many Isaiahs Were There and What Does It Matter?
Prophetic Inspiration in Recent Evangelical Scholarship, in: V. Bacote et al. (eds),
Evangelicals and Scripture, Downers Grove, IL 2004, 168.
16
introduction
1.1.2 Literary Research on the Book of Isaiah and Its Problems

At the turn of the 20th century it was usual to treat Isa. 166 as consisting of three more or less independent parts, as the works of three
different authors, First, Second and Third Isaiah. The connection
between the three major divisions of the book was explained in rather
mechanical terms. At the same time, those prophecies of Isa. 139
which were presumed not to derive from the 8th century, were identified only in a negative way as non-Isaianic and dated to the exilic or
post-exilic periods.
The emergence of tradition criticism yielded a new view of Isaiah.
Scholars began to recognise not only an Isaianic concern with inauthentic words, but also connections and parallels between various parts
of the book. This trend was later consolidated by the development of
an Isaianic-school-theory, which was given its best formulation in the
influential works of Mowinckel.19 Nevertheless, many exegetes identifying intertextual connections in Isaiah have increasingly found that
the model of a prophetic circle inadequately explains the books development. Some have questioned whether any one part of the book can
be easily isolated without harming the rest of it. By the end of the 20th
century many agreed that no part of Isaiah could be fully explained
on its own. The authors of Isa. 4066 may be responsible for the present form, organisation and, to a certain extent, even the content of
Isa. 139.20 Considering these developments, doubts whether Isa. 139
would have ever existed as an independent book have been repeatedly
expressed.21
In the second half of the 20th century Isaiah studies display a gradual
shift of attention from the person of the prophet to the book named
after him. This change of perspectives coincided with developments in
19
S. Mowinckel, The Spirit and the Word: Prophecy and Tradition in Ancient Israel,
Minneapolis, MN 2002, 6163, 138.
20
For two earlier attempts, cf. L.J. Liebreich, The Compilation of the Book of Isaiah, JQR 46 (195556), 25977; 47 (195657), 11738; J. Becker, Isaiasder Prophet
und sein Buch (SBS, 30), Stuttgart 1968. See further, e.g., P.R. Ackroyd, Isaiah ixii:
Presentation of a Prophet, in: J.A. Emerton et al. (eds), Congress Volume (VT.S, 29),
Leiden 1978, 1648; O.H. Steck, Bereitete Heimkehr: Jesaja 35 als redaktionelle Brcke
zwischen dem Ersten und Zweiten Jesaja (SBS, 121), Stuttgart 1985; W.A.M. Beuken,
Jesaja 33 als Spiegeltext im Jesajabuch, EThL 67 (1991), 535; Williamson, Book;
Cs. Balogh, Blind People, Blind God: The Composition of Isaiah 29,1524, ZAW
121 (2009), 4869.
21
R. Rendtorff, Zur Komposition des Buches Jesaja, VT 34 (1984), 319;
Sweeney, 41.
chapter one
the field of hermeneutics, where emphasis came to fall on the role of

the reader rather than the author in constructing meaning. The subjective character of reader-centred interpretations overshadowed the
interest of those seeking the old fashioned historical reality behind
the book of Isaiah, and they unavoidably led to the fragmentation of
research results.
In early Isaiah scholarship the prophet and his own words were
highly esteemed, but those responsible for the preservation and augmentation of the Isaianic tradition were regarded as mere epigones of
a genius master. Mowinckel began to question the legitimacy of this
approach, and with the attention shifted from the prophet to the book,
the literary, methodological and theological concerns of these anonymous followers, responsible for the preservation of the book over the
centuries, began to intrigue the interpreters more than ever before.
The face of the uninspired epigone student faded and was replaced by
the visage of the eloquent scribe with talents comparable to that of his
spiritual teacher.
Conventionally, a distinction is made between two types of literary
approaches to the book of Isaiah, usually labelled as synchronic and
diachronic. In the field of Isaiah studies, there is an entire subdivision
of works approaching the book not merely as a whole but as a text written with a unified concept. In some cases this reading is characterised
by the rejection of the historical development of the book. Other times
it has a reduced awareness of or even total disinterest in the historical growth of the book. The arguments for this final form (or holistic)
synchronic reading frequently derive from disillusionment concerning
earlier diachronic approaches. It is assumed that Isaiah is a unified
work composed in the post exilic period, dated to the 5th century bc.22
For Watts the reader is the 5th century Jew; for Conrad the reader is
the one always in the present.23 By interpreting the text of Isaiah as an
artwork void of authorial intentions (Conrad), or the vision as a modern theatre scene (Watts), biblical scholarship tends to become an art
instead of a science, a type of discourse produced by artists rather than
scholars, requiring unbounded imagination rather than knowledge of
pertinent fact.
22
Miscall, 11; Watts, xxxii; E.W. Conrad, Reading Isaiah and the Twelve as Prophetic Books, in: C.C. Broyles, C.A. Evans (eds), Writing and Reading the Scroll of
Isaiah: Studies of an Interpretive Tradition (VT.S, 70), Leiden 1997, 317.
23
Cf. E.W. Conrad, Reading Isaiah, Minneapolis, MN 1991, 31.
introduction
Those who look for more in the book of Isaiah than pure artistic
satisfaction may consider most of these studies inspiring but ultimately
unconvincing (after all art need not convince anyone). The fact that
these readings do not account for the complexities of the text would
disappoint those who find no delight in easily passing over textual
difficulties. There is more to the meaning of a text than its final form,
and everyone who strives to understand something about the composition of the book of Isaiah will find this approach a hermeneutic
blind alley.
The diachronic literary analysis of Isaiah promises more, but its success depends on several factors. Following Wildberger and Vermeylen,24
two major trends may be distinguished. A first group of scholars
assumes that the book is the product of different authors and groups
of the post-exilic period. These communities of transmission inherited several short sayings from the 8th century, which were expanded
in subsequent redactional stages after the exile. This trend in criticism
is highlighted by names such as O. Kaiser, R. Kilian and U. Becker. Its
practice of dating presumably non-Isaianic words to (very) late periods parallels the older commentaries of Duhm and Marti. However,
the degree to which recent scholars ascribe words to post-exilic scribes
differs considerably.25 Only Becker gives a redaction critical overview
of the entire process, attempting to bring various redactional stages
in connection with each other. Kaiser and Kilian deal essentially with
smaller textual units, without working out a consistent scheme for the
development of the book.
A second larger group of scholars assume that the present form
of the book is the result of gradual growth (Fortschreibung), a process which may have begun with the prophet and continued after his
24
Wildberger, 152936; J. Vermeylen, Lunit du livre dIsae, in: BoI, 1726.

For Kaiser the basic core is: Isa. 1*, the woes of 5:8ff, and a small part of Isa. 2831
( Jesaja 112, 1927; Jesaja 1339, 14). Later he also included 8:115*; 14:2932*;
17:13 and 18:12* in this list. These independent prophecies were collected at the
beginning of the 5th century and were influenced by the Deuteronomistic reception
of Isaiah (Isa. 3639). Sections were added to the book as late as the 2nd century bc.
Kilian begins by describing Isaiah as a prophet of doom (Isa. 6) and attributes those
texts to Isaiah which coincide with this image. From Isa. 1323 he regards 17:16*;
22:1b3, 1214, 1518 as Isaianic. He dates 7:117 to the post-exilic period, as a text
modelled on 3639 (Kilian, 162, 2034). According to Becker, Isaiah was essentially a
prophet of salvation. Complying with this view, the core of the Isaianic collection is
supposed to have consisted of 6:18*; 8:1, 34*(16*); 17:1b3; 18:12*; 20:34*; 28:1*,
3, 7b10 (Botschaft, 286; Jesajaforschung, 131).
25
10
chapter one
death by reinterpreting the earlier prophecies. Exegetes believe that

they can trace back a significant quantity of text belonging to this long
post-Isaianic tradition to major moments from Jewish history in the
days of Manasseh and Josiah (7th century), around the fall of Jerusalem (587 bc), the fall of Babylon (539 bc) and in the Persian and
Hellenistic periods.26
Not all of those working with these assumptions agree on the role of
Isa. 4066 in the redaction of 139. While many believe that the entire
book holds the key to understanding 139,27 some still prefer to treat
Isa. 139 more or less independently from the rest of the book.28
An overall comparison of these different views exposes both
strengths and weaknesses. It is, however, important to emphasise that
the heterogeneous character of the literary approaches to the problems
appearing in one part of these studies may not be applicable to the
other. The list below claims to be neither generalising nor exhaustive.
(a) In reading Isaiah as an ancient book, our reconstruction of the
primary audiences hermeneutics remains to a large extent speculative,
reason for which caution and self-control is required. When reading
different studies arguing each for diverse literary connections between
various parts of the book, it becomes doubtful whether all these (often
contradictory) literary connections could be considered allusions.
Without disregarding their importance, it seems that the pursuit of
motifs or allusions often leads to results with little practical usefulness.
26
For the 7th century edition of Isaiah, cf. H. Barth, Die Jesaja-Worte in der Josiazeit: Israel und Assur als Thema einer produktiven Neuinterpretation der Jesajaberlieferung (WMANT, 48), Neukirchen-Vluyn 1977; J. Vermeylen, Du prophte Isae
lapocalyptique: Isae, IXXXV, miroir dun demi-millnaire dexprience religieuse en
Isral, Paris 197778. Vermeylens wider goal is to reconstruct the development of the
book from its beginnings to its final phase.
27
Cf. Williamson, Book, on 2:24; 5:2529; 8:2123a; 11:1116; 12; Steck ascribed
Isa. 11:1116; 13:516; 2427*; 30:1826(?); 34:24; 51:18, 1116; 52:36(?); 62:1012
to the Hellenistic era (Heimkehr, 80); Rendtorff, Komposition, 295320; K. Nielsen,
There is Hope for a Tree: The Tree as Metaphor in Isaiah (JSOT.S, 65), Sheffield 1989;
Z. Kustr, Durch seine Wunden sind wir geheilt: Eine Untersuchung zur Metaphorik
von Israels Krankheit und Heilung im Jesajabuch (BWANT, 154), Stuttgart 2002.
28
Vermeylen argues that Isa. 139 is framed according to the so-called eschatological model, just like the Greek version of Jeremiah and Ezekiel, namely judgment of
Judah (112), of the nations (1327), and the salvation of Israel (2835), (Vermeylen,
Lunit, 2834). See further Chapter 2 below.
introduction
11
The significance of such discoveries for the composition of the book of

Isaiah is rarely worked out in a consistent manner.29
(b) What is a book? Undoubtedly, connections exist between various parts of the book of Isaiah, yet it remains a question how far these
connections should lead us to regard Isa. 166 as one book. After all,
what do we mean by book? It is this ultimate question that Barton has made the subject of a short, but insightful and provocative
inquiry.30 He partially based his conclusions on an earlier paper by
Benjamin Sommer,31 who contested the practice of many literary critics in assuming a holistic approach to Isaiah to be congruent with the
Jewish view of a book. Sommer argues that, in rabbinic exegesis, Isaiah
functions not as a book but as a collection of verses and pericopes.32
In pointing out plots, concentric, chiastic, mirroring, antithetic, etc.
structures, do we not impose a book model on the scroll of Isaiah
that it actually never intended to represent? It is commonly agreed
that our conception of an author differs significantly from the view
of the ancients. Something similar appears to be the case concerning
our vision of what a book was in antiquity. There is also some question regarding the manner in which we might imagine the reading
process of that time. Did ancient readers indeed recognise the rich
connections between different catchwords and metaphors that modern exegetes uncover, many of which can only be detected by reading
backwards?
(c) Although the relationship between the three divisions of Isaiah
is evident, questions remain with respect to the book-like structure.
(1) First, what kind of relationship ties the three (?) parts together?
There are highly significant connections between Isaiah on the one
29
Cf. also H.G.M. Williamson, Synchronic and Diachronic in Isaian Perspective,
in: J.C. de Moor (ed.), Synchronic or Diachronic? A Debate on Method in Old Testament Exegesis (OTS, 34), Leiden 1995, 21920; Berges, 16.
30
J. Barton, What Is a Book? Modern Exegesis and the Literary Conventions of
Ancient Israel, in: J.C. de Moor (ed.), Intertextuality in Ugarit and Israel (OTS, 40),
Leiden 1998, 114.
31
B.D. Sommer, The Scroll of Isaiah as Jewish Scripture, Or, Why Jews Dont Read
Books, SBL Seminar Papers (1996), 22542.
32
Apud Barton, Book, 4. Barton writes: . . . rabbinic exegesis regards Isaiah as a
book in the sense that there is a scroll called Isaiah, but not in the sense that Isaiah is a literary work with beginning, middle, and end, and internal coherence, as we
expect in a book in our literary sense. By saying that there is a book called Isaiah,
rabbinic commentators do not imply that it possesses unity of theme or closure in its
literary form, only that there is a collection of verses and paragraphs written by Isaiah
and gathered together in one place.
12
chapter one
hand and other prophetic books, such as Amos, Micah, Jeremiah, and
Ezekiel on the other. Yet these connections are insufficient to treat
them as one book.33 Does the mere proximity of Isa. 4066 lend additional and sufficiently strong support to these chapters to conclude
that they form a literary unit with the first part of the book, i.e. a
unit with a defined structure and perspective? (2) Second, it is curious that superscriptions and other text-structuring division markers often related with editorial activity (e.g., ) are so richly
represented in the first part of the book, but are almost entirely absent
after Isa. 40. (3) Third, it appears that certain themes from First Isaiah
are restated in the third part of the book only, while being absent in
the second part.34 How does this relate to any view of the three parts
as one book? (4) Fourth, the second and third part of Isaiah is also
grown out of independent prophecies, much like Isa. 139. It is often
on the level of independent prophecies that the connections with FirstIsaianic texts are established. This suggests that intertextual allusions
are not necessarily the work of the final editors, but those rather function at the earlier level of individual prophecies. To conclude, the relationship between the three divisions of the book is evident, but what
this exactly implies for the development of the book as a whole still
needs further research, as a book model with a highly sophisticated
structure would seem to gloss over the difficulties.35
(d) One method of dating texts frequently used in literary and
redaction criticism involves evaluating vocabulary and its lexical parallels. (1) This analysis, however, implies certain premises concerning
the date of one pericope which guides the conclusions regarding the
related text. Such circumstances easily lead to far-reaching speculations. (2) Second, conclusions are often based on virtually neutral terminology or stereotypical material.36 (3) Third, one has to clarify the
kind of textual dependence (if any) that lexical parallelism presup-
33
G.I. Davies, The Destiny of the Nations in the Book of Isaiah, in: BoI, 119.
See, e.g., , / . Cf. L. Boadt, Re-Examining a Preexilic Redaction of Isaiah 139, in: L. Boadt, M.S. Smith (eds), Imagery and Imagination in Biblical
Literature: Essays in Honor of Aloysius Fitzgerald, F.S.C. (CBQ.MS, 32), Washington,
D.C. 2001, 17879.
35
Cf. D. Carr, Reaching for Unity in Isaiah, JSOT 57 (1993), 7677.
36
E.g., in Isa. 14:26 and 18:3 is argued to imply post-exilic universalism. Others regard in 14:26 as evidence of a late link with wisdom literature, considering
the author a sage or a scribe. Cf. W. Werner, Studien zur alttestamentlichen Vorstellung vom Plan Yahwes (BZAW, 173), Berlin 1988.
34
introduction
13
poses. The results are often evaluated in terms of contemporariness

without accounting for the possibility that the two texts may be separated by decades or centuries.37 If any relationship does in fact exist,
the direction of influence needs to be determined.38 (4) Fourth, consistency is essential. While the lack of Isaianic vocabulary is argued
to account for the spurious nature of a text for some scholars, others
suggest that the appearance of Isaianic elements is what indicates
questionable origin.39
1.1.3 Theological Research on the Book of Isaiah and Its Problems
The relationship between literary and theological issues is so strong
that discussions of one aspect unavoidably implicate the other. In
reconstructing the development of the book of Isaiah, scholars are
strongly influenced by preconceptions concerning the theology of its
authors and editors. The question whether Isaiah was a prophet of
judgment only, or a prophet of salvation, or a combination of both
is ultimately the vision that would define which particular passages
would be attributed to whom in the long history of the Isaianic tradition. On the other hand, the reconstruction of the theological view of
the prophet is based on the book of Isaiah, placing the exegete in a
position where it becomes extremely difficult to avoid the real dangers
of circular reasoning.
(a) Isaiah as a prophet of doom. Isaiahas most prophets of his era
named in the Bibleis most generally recognised to have proclaimed
messages of judgment. Indeed some authors, such as Kilian, describe
37
E.g., Werners discovery of the plan of Yhwh-motif in late texts of the Bible
leads him to conclude that virtually every text containing this motif is contemporary
and late. See also the observations of Hardmeier, Jesajaforschung, 1416; H.G.M.
Williamson, In Search of a Pre-exilic Isaiah, in: J. Day (ed.), In Search of Pre-exilic
Israel (JSOT.S, 406), London 2004, 19195.
38
From the relations between Isa. 10:511* and 36:1820; 37:1013, Becker
concludes that Isa. 10 was influenced by Isa. 3637 (Becker, Botschaft, 209; Idem,
Jesajaforschung, 130). Cf. the opposing views on Isa. 7:117 and 3639 in Becker,
Jesajaforschung, 124; J. Barthel, Prophetenwort und Geschichte: Die Jesajaberlieferung in Jes 68 und 2831 (FAT, 19), Tbingen 1997, 63.
39
The lack of divine names assumed to be typical for Isaiah leads Wildberger to
conclude that Isa. 14:423 is spurious (542). However, on Isa. 19 Kaiser says: Die
zahlreichen Rckgriffe auf andere Stelle unseres Buches zeugen nicht fr Jesaja als
ihren Autor, sondern die Arbeit eines in den Gedanken des Buches lebenden Frommen (83). Similarly also Kilian, 120.
14
chapter one
Isaiah as exclusively a prophet of doom. According to this opinion,

Isaiah did not simply summon his people to repentance, but he predicted unavoidable judgement. This view of the prophet gives a consistent picture and provides a hermeneutic key that may help scholars
to reconstruct a literary history of the book. Nevertheless, it remains a
serious question whether this consistency complies with the activity of
the real prophet Isaiah. Is it not too idealistic and one-sided to assume
that regardless of internal (the prophetic mind, the prophets commission) and external factors (historical situations, identity of the audience, reception of the prophetic word), Isaiah proclaimed the same
message of doom for more than four decades?
In describing Isaiah exclusively as a prophet of judgment, the commission narrative in Isa. 6 often plays an important role. Yet how central is Isa. 6 for the theology of the whole book of Isaiah? Insofar as it
is considered a retrospective summary, this may certainly give a rough
picture of how the message of the prophet was ultimately received.40
At the same time, the paradigmatic elaboration of the theme of Isa.
6:910 in the story of Ahaz where the positive message of the prophet
is observed with reluctance and obvious lack of enthusiasm, would
seem to indicate that even this, on the first sight somewhat curious
commission in 6:910, does not exclude fairly positive messages of
exhortation (cf. Isa. 8:14). Furthermore, the commission narrative
is concerned with the nation ( )as a whole, but a restricted circle
in 8:1118 is addressed with a completely different message. Finally,
there is ambiguity in the closure of Isa. 6 itself. Regardless whether
6:13b is a later elaboration, this text predicts the future as one of salvation after judgment.
Stepping beyond the evidence of the biblical text, we have a significant amount of external sources to conclude that the phenomenon
of prophecy existed in Canaan as well as elsewhere in the Near East.
The prophets in this context appear almost exclusively as prophets of
salvation for the primary audience (mostly the king), and prophets of
judgment so far as foreigners are concerned. Therefore, the fact that
prophecy of salvation could have been delivered before the king or
40
Whether Isa. 6:910 is a commission or a retrospective conclusion of the prophets experience is a hotly debated issue. Hardmeier cuts a long discussion short arguing
that it may have been retrospective, as the present recorded form of Isa. 6:910 is
indeed a retrospective view of history (Jesajaforschung, 2324, 28).
introduction
15
otherwise by an 8th century prophet is beyond discussion. The only

question is whether Isaiah, too, prophesied salvation.
(b) Isaiah as a prophet of salvation. U. Becker and M.J. de Jong
argue that Isaiah should not be seen as an exceptional figure but as one
of many ancient Near Eastern prophets whose main concern was the
well-being of the state and nation. He obviously uttered prophecies of
salvation in front of the king and the people threatened by foreigners
(Isa. 8:14; 17:13). Indeed, he was a prophet of salvation rather than
doom.41 Becker maintains that the historical narratives describing the
prophet as announcing deliverance are closer to reality than the image
of the messenger of doom, which was likely reconstructed from the
book after 587 bc as an adaptation of an earlier picture of Isaiah.42
While it is convincing to argue that salvation prophecy forms a constitutive part of the Isaianic message, Becker and De Jong (two scholars who make this argument) cannot overcome important difficulties
stemming from critical prophecies.43 Beckers late dating of critical
prophecies, such as Isa. 30:15 or 31:13,44 is problematic (cf. 4.3.2).
The late dating of prophecies of doom often lacks convincing exegetical support and leads to some arbitrary conclusions.45
Placing Isaiah alongside other prophets of the Near East hardly
requires any justification. Yet it is clear that we not only find critical
potential in the Near Eastern prophecy itself,46 but this corpus also
convinces us that the critical views may have been uttered by the same
41
In contrast to Becker, De Jong does not claim that Isaiah was merely a prophet
of salvation. Isaiah uttered threatening oracles against specific groups, such as political and religious leaders (De Jong, Isaiah, 50). Yet Isaiah always supported the state
and never predicted that Judah with all its inhabitants would collapse in a political
cataclysm.
42
Becker, Botschaft; see also M. Kckert et al., Das Problem des historischen
Jesaja, in: I. Fischer et al. (eds), Prophetie in Israel (ATM, 11), Berlin 2001, 11718;
cf. De Jong, Isaiah, 4445, 8081.
43
Cf. W. Dietrich, Jesajaein Heilsprophet?, ThR 64 (1999), 32437; Barthel in
Kckert et al., Problem, 12536; Williamson, Pre-exilic Isaiah, 198.
44
Becker, Botschaft, 24563; cf., however, De Jong, Isaiah, 9297.
45
E.g., Becker regards Isa. 6:18 as Isaianic, but in order to fit his scheme, he drops
6:5abb (the people of unclean lips), which might be regarded as a critical remark by
a prophet of doom (Becker, Botschaft, 8889). Furthermore, as Barthel also noted, it
is unlikely from a critical point of view that a call narrative such as Isa. 6 could come
to an end in v. 8, without presenting the actual commission to the prophet (Barthel
in Kckert et al., Problem, 128).
46
Cf. M. Nissinen, Das kritische Potential in der altorientalischen Prophetie, in:
M. Kckert, M. Nissinen (eds), Propheten in Mari, Assyrien und Israel (FRLANT,
201), Gttingen 2003, 133; De Jong, Isaiah, 272, 312.
16
chapter one
prophets, who otherwise predicted salvation and were addressed to

the same audience who, on other occasions, were given proclamations of deliverance.47 In fact, the ambiguity of the prophetic message
is implied in Mic. 3:5, for instance, where Micah accuses some of his
contemporaries of leading the nation of Yhwh astray by proclaiming
peace to those feeding them and war against those who do not. The
contrast of and in this text is exactly what prophecy of
salvation and prophecy of doom is about (cf. Jer. 28:9).
De Jongs thesis that Isaiah was primarily concerned with the wellbeing of the Judaean state is too vague to explain the exclusion of
certain texts from the Isaianic repertoire, especially those critical of
the king (Ahaz) as well as the people of Judah.48 The definition of what
well-being is can be anything but objective. For Isaiahs opponents,
the Judaean leaders, including their supportive prophets (who were
part of the same system as Isaiah),49 promoting the well-being of the
state meant being free from Assyria and being free from burdensome
tribute expenses.50 Irrespective of whether these conflicts between Isaiah and the Judaean leaders (and their prophets) should be regarded
as ideologically motivated, the mere existence of these conflicts underlines just how subjective the issue of the well-being of the state is.
De Jong pays insufficient attention to the strong, almost exclusively royal focus and royal ideology of the Assyrian prophecies in
comparison to the Isaianic material which was not preserved in royal
archives and which displays a broader interest in the life of Judah in
general.51 He rightly observes that prophets were part of a system,
47
Esarhaddons treaty warns against prophets (ragimmu), ecstatics (muh h ), or
inquirers of the divine word (mr ilu amt ili) who incite rebellion against the king
(SAA 2 6:11617; PPANE 102). This may refer to the same prophets that otherwise
predicted the success of his reign. The ambiguity of the message and its reception are
related (cf. PPANE 1:1328). Cf. De Jong, Isaiah, 312: The same prophetic voice that
encouraged and legitimised the king, could also formulate demands on him, or even
choose the side of his adversaries.
48
See his concise analysis of selected texts in De Jong, Isaiah, 53170.
49
Cf. Isa. 28:7b10 (attributed to Isaiah also by De Jong, Isaiah, 239, 24345).
50
I believe that the unpreserved prophecies supporting the anti-Assyrian policy of
Judah would provide a better parallel to the New-Assyrian prophecies than Isaiahs
texts. The collapse of Judah may explain why it was the Isaianic critical prophecies and
not the anti-Assyrian and pro-rebellion messages of his adversaries which were passed
on to later generations. But it is difficult to explain why critical words would have been
composed and placed in the mouth of Isaiah after 587, if he had always strived for the
consolation of his nation.
51
See De Jong, Isaiah, 35456, discussing some differences between the Judaean
and Assyrian societies.
introduction
17
which means that they spoke and acted for the benefit of social and
cosmic stability.52 But in my view, this prophetic function does not
exclude directing criticism against the system. Such criticism is indeed
not the prediction of irrevocable doom (not an ex eventu prophecy), as
it was sometimes assumed.53 By criticising Judah, Jerusalem or its king,
Isaiah was protecting the society to which he belonged by revealing
a threatening disaster that he wished to avoid and, as such, he was
only doing his job.54
Later editors of the book of Isaiah were undisturbed not only by a
prophet who proclaimed salvation (as Becker noted) but also by an
Isaiah who pronounced both doom and salvation (Isa. 38:1, 5). In the
time of these authors (7th6th century bc) this seems to have been a
rather normal phenomenon, which raises the question how far this
ambiguity is irreconcilable with an 8th century prophetic figure like
Isaiah?55
Finally, the Assyrian campaign of 701 bc is generally believed to
have had disastrous effects on Judah.56 If that is true, it makes it even
historically probable that these events deeply influenced the Isaianic
tradition, far beyond what Becker and De Jong are ready to admit.
52
De Jong, Isaiah, 313.

Rightly questioned by R.G. Kratz, Das Neue in der Prophetie des Alten Testaments, in: I. Fischer et al. (eds), Prophetie in Israel (ATM, 11), Mnster 2001, 19, 21,
and De Jong, Isaiah, 32930.
54
De Jong, Isaiah, 312. Curiously and somewhat confusingly (with respect to the
principal thesis of his book), a similar interpretation is given also by De Jong on the
prophecy of Mic. 3:12, cited by Jer. 26:18: of you Zion will be ploughed as a field. De
Jong notes about this text that in announcing disaster the prophet did not stand in
opposition to the establishment, but served the interest of king and state (Isaiah, 344).
While this example underlines that the fulfilment of the prophetic pronouncement of
doom is conditional, it was rather supposed to threaten the leaders and urge them to
change their policy, yet, at the same time, Mic. 3:12 is also a clear case of a prophecy
of judgment which predicts the collapse of the state (Zion) and its inhabitants. De
Jong overstated the role of Isaiah as a prophet supporting the establishment because
he started his analysis in obvious opposition to a one-sided description of Isaiah by
some scholars as a figure free of the system, a lonely fighter, and a representative of a
unique form of prophesying (cf. De Jong, Isaiah, 2528, 328).
55
Based on extra-biblical evidence, De Jong correctly questioned the either/or
approach to the issue of judgment and salvation. However, he goes too far in concluding that the categories of Heilsprophetie and Unheilsprophetie are better abandoned
from descriptions of prophecy in the ancient Near East (Isaiah, 313). The categories
prophet of judgment or salvation may be abandoned (the one need not be played off
against the other), but not the prophecy of judgment and salvation as global designation for the content of utterances.
56
Cf. also De Jong, Isaiah, 22432.
53
18
chapter one
(c) The ambivalence in Isaiahs message. The strong albeit one-sided

arguments regarding the above-mentioned theological views of the
historical Isaiah should be taken seriously. Basically two models have
been proposed to deal with the dichotomy of salvation and judgment
by the 8th-century Isaiah.57 First, some argue that prophecy of salvation must be regarded as implicit criticism, as Gegenwartskritik. This
means that ambiguity is in fact only apparent and not real, and the
image of Isaiah as a prophet of judgment can be maintained.58 It is
doubtful, however, that texts like Isa. 8:14 were meant to be read as
implicit criticism. Moreover, salvation prophecy in its Near Eastern
form often lacks any critical element. Therefore, scholars more often
explain the ambiguity with the help of a chronological scheme, assuming that the prophetic message was adapted to the historical situation,
the reception of the audience or changing attitudes toward Assyria.59
Hgenhaven argued that 722 bc, the year when Israel fell, decisively
changed the mind of Isaiah. The former prophet of salvation became a
messenger of judgment.60 De Jong emphasises the role of the audience
by maintaining that Isaiah uttered promises of salvation for his people and king when the welfare of the state was threatened by external
enemies (e.g., in Isa. 10:515) but also messages of judgment against
the leaders and royal advisors whose policy posed a threat to the wellbeing of the nation.61
Even if the ambivalence of the Isaianic theology cannot be solved so
simply,62 it is important to take it into account in each individual case.
Beckers tendency to exclude ambivalence by arguing that such an
approach makes our reconstruction dependant on the prophet rather
57
Cf. Becker, Botschaft, 1112; Kckert in Kckert et al., Problem, 10711.

So, e.g., H.-J. Hermisson, Zukunftserwartung und Gegenwartskritik in der
Verkndigung Jesajas, EvTh 33 (1973), 5477. Cf also Barth, Jesaja-Worte, who found
support for this in Isa. 1:2126, the Denkschrift, and 28:14ff.
59
W. Dietrich, Jesaja und die Politik, Munich 1976; G. Fohrer, Wandlungen Jesajas, in: Idem, Studien zur alttestamentlichen Texten und Themen (BZAW, 155), Berlin
1981, 1123.
60
Hgenhaven, Gott, Leiden 1988, 111.
61
See already Barthel in Kckert et al., Problem, 132.
62
It is problematic to distinguish clearly between criticism against the leaders
(which De Jong considers authentic prophecies) and criticism against the king and
the ordinary Judaeans supporting the leaders (which he considers post-587 insertions). Words addressed against the leaders were obviously also directed against their
supporters. Nevertheless, Isa. 8:1118 suggests that the prophet differentiates between
various audience groups.
58
introduction
19
than the book63 does not take full account of the complex nature of
the book as a source and the extra-biblical evidence. As already noted
above, diviners (in general) in the Near East delivered both positive
and negative messages, depending on the occasion. Indeed, they were
expected to tell what had been revealed to them from time to time. If
Beckers description of Assyrian texts as prophecies issued on specific
occasions (Gelegenheitsprophetien)64 can be applied to Isaiah as well,
our view of ambiguity in the message of this prophet undergoes a significant change.65 Therefore, Isaiahs pronouncements must be analysed carefully while considering complex internal and external factors.
(d) A final remark concerns the theological factor in the books editing process. In dealing with intertextual connections between various
passages, it is common to reconstruct their date based on parallels associated with theological ideas. This is again a problematic point. (1) As
reports indicate, the pre-exilic era was not free of conflicts between
different groups and opposing voices (e.g., pro- and anti-Assyrian
views). The question is therefore whether reconstructed editorial layers often appearing to be contradictory automatically imply differences
in date, as often assumed. May it not be possible that anti-Assyrian
prophecies derive from prophets contemporary with Isaiah and were
included later into the Isaianic collection?66 (2) How far do similar
theological views imply a common date for parallel passages? Does
the motif of the plan against the entire earth ( )in Isa. 14:26
point to common authorship with the similarly focused Isa. 13, dated
in the post-exilic period?67 Strikingly, the foreign nation prophecies of
Jeremiah contain additional salvation prophecies (46:26; 48:47; 49:6,
39) that strongly resemble the original text yet derive from different
eras.68 A closer example from Isaiah is the divine name
appearing in the 8th century bc, as well as in later texts. (3) As noted,
Isa. 3639 suggests that not long after Isaiah died he was received as a
63
Becker, Botschaft, 11.

Becker in Kckert et al., Problem, 118.
65
Note also Barthel in Kckert et al., Problem, 132.
66
E.g., Becker questions whether the Vlkerkampf-motif (Isa. 8:910; 17:1214)
is conceivable in the 7th century (Jesajaforschung, 12829). However, considering
various groups in Judah, including those related to the cult, from where this motif is
supposed to emerge, his objections sound artificial.
67
For this rather common way of arguing, cf., e.g., B.M. Zapff, Schriftgelehrte
ProphetieJes 13 und die Komposition des Jesajabuches: Ein Beitrag zur Erforschung
der Redaktionsgeschichte des Jesajabuches (FzB, 74), Wrzburg 1995, 292.
68
Only Jer. 49:39 appears in the presumably older tradition of the LXX.
64
20
chapter one
prophet who had delivered anti-Assyrian prophecies. The question is

not only the extent to which this later interpretation may correspond
to the real Isaiah, but also whether the apparently conflicting Isaiahtraditions should be interpreted in terms of dialogue or debate between
more or less contemporary groups militating for different ideologies,69
or rather as a recontextualisation of earlier judgment messages that
under other circumstances may have even been interpreted as implicit
promises of salvation.70
1.2
Isaiah 1323(2427) as a Corpus
After presenting dominant tendencies, results, problems and perspectives of previous scholarly inquiries into the book of Isaiah, I shall
focus now on research conducted on the literary, theological and historical setting of one segment of this book, namely Isa. 1323.
It is commonly agreed that the structure of the book of Isaiah
for the sake of compatibility with early critical research on the book
I refer to Isa. 139 onlyis very complex. Mowinckel observes eine
sehr groe Planlosigkeit in the composition of Isa. 135.71 Karl Martis description of the book as eine kleine Bibliothek prophetischer
Schriften (xvii) sounds less desperate but hardly more promising.
Attempts to simplify this complex structure to an assumed three level
stratification (judgment of Israel, judgment of other nations and salvation of Israel) are widespread72 and often argued by drawing par69
Cf. Davies, Destiny, 9899: . . . on this matter [namely the nations in Isaiah]
there are harsh contradictions between positive and negative passages, and the
book is more like a billboard on which different political parties or religious groups
daub their slogans one on the top of the other . . .. Berges also writes: Das Jesajabuch
in seiner Endgestalt ist ein eingefrorener Dialog zwischen verschiedenen jdischen
Gruppen in nachexilischer Zeit, die um die Bedeutung des Zion fr sich und die
Vlker kmpfen. (Berges, 47).
70
This latter possibility is implied by Jer. 26:1819 assuming that piety can turn
prophecies of judgment into prophecies of salvation. Cf. Isa. 6:1113 that leaves the
door open for post-disaster salvation prophecies. For two examples in this sense, cf.
Cs. Balogh, He Filled Zion with Justice and Righteousness: The Composition of
Isaiah 33, Bib. 89 (2008), 47879; Idem, Blind People, Blind God: The Composition
of Isaiah 29,1524, ZAW 121 (2009), 4869.
71
S. Mowinckel, Die Komposition des Jesajabuches. Kap. 139, AcOr 11 (1933),
26970.
72
E.g., J. Vermeylen, Lunit du livre dIsae, in: BoI, 3233; Zapff, Prophetie,
3012; O. Kaiser, Der Gott des Alten Testaments: Theologie des Alten Testaments.
Teil 3: Jahwes Gerechtigkeit, Gttingen 2003, 82.
introduction
21
allels with other prophets (LXX Jeremiah, Ezekiel). However, the

convenience of this model remains questionable.73 On the one hand,
the book contains significant speeches concerning judgment against
Judah not only in Isa. 112, but also in 1323 and elsewhere. On the
other hand, pronouncements of salvation are scattered throughout the
book, including Isa. 112 and 1323, not only in the section following
Isa. 23. Neither Isa. 2435(3639) nor 2835(3639) can be treated as
the expected third part, let alone as a salvation prophecy. At best these
could be labelled as miscellaneous material. Wildbergers proposal that
the nation prophecies of Isa. 1323 were included between Isa. 12 and
24 (28) for no other reason than to have them occupy a middle position similar to the one occupied by analogous prophecies in the collections of Jeremiah (LXX), Ezekiel, or Zephaniah74 does not convince
very many structure oriented readers.
In contrast to older views taking Isa. 2427 as an independent booklet
within the Isaianic collection, recent scholars tend to regard Isa. 1327
as a single literary unit.75 The lexical relationship between Isa. 13 and
24 is believed to underline this unity.76 As discussed below, however,
we encounter several editorial concepts in the present organisation of
the book of Isaiah. The main concern of 1323 is nations in general.
Given that subcollections in 1323 begin with a -heading, it goes
without saying that 1323 can form a unit within itself, as do the
prophecies in 2833.77 From this perspective the collection would not be
harmed by being analysed separately from 2427. On a further editorial
level it is possible to speak of some kind of unity between 2427 and
1323. There is a certain degree of discernible intentionality involved
in placing 2427 after 1323, hence establishing 1323 as the context in
which 2427 should be interpreted. The ending of the first collection in
Isa. 12 with a song is here possibly editorially paralleled by the songs of
Isa. 2527.78
73
Cf. O. Eissfeldt, Einleitung in das Alte Testament, Tbingen 31964, 410; P.-M.
Bogaert, Lorganisation des grands recueils prophtiques, in: BoI, 14753.
74
Wildberger, 1562.
75
Berges, 139; Seitz, 11819; Beuken, 21.
76
Vermeylen, Lunit, 3031; Seitz, 118; Berges, 14344.
77
Cf. G. Stansell, Isaiah 2833: Blest Be the Tie that Binds (Isaiah Together), in:
R.F. Melugin, M.A. Sweeney (eds), New Visions of Isaiah (JSOT.S, 214), Sheffield 1996,
68103; Balogh, Zion, 47879.
78
The psalm of Hezekiah in Isa. 38:920 could be the third closing song of deliverance in the section 2839. Note the key term in 25:9; 38:20 and in 12:2, 3;
25:9; 26:1, 18, all playing on the name of the author, Isaiah.
22
chapter one
Isa. 1323 was obviously designed to be a collection of certain types

of prophecies. But what kind of collection is this? Is the designation
of prophecies concerning foreign nations suitable for this section of
the book? If Isa. 1323 was supposed to form a collection, how can we
explain the divergences in the superscriptions inside this corpus?
While Isa. 1323 is often considered to be a collection of foreign
nation prophecies comparable to similar pericopes in other prophetic books, some have questioned the suitability of this designation
because certain texts, like Isa. 22, do not address foreign nations in
the way other prophecies do. Kaiser tried to solve this difficulty by
assuming that the insertion of Isa. 22 in its present position was a
later development in the formation of the book. It was the work of
a proto-apocalyptic author, who regarded Isa. 1323 as the description of the universal judgment that the whole world will undergo.79
Wildberger, on the other hand, assumed that, among prophecies
on the foreign nations, Isa. 22 presented Judah as one among those
nations, following the theology of Amos 12 in which the prophecies
against nations are closely connected with those against Israel.80 However, several other sections of Isa. 1323 are also aimed at Judaeans
rather than foreigners.81 Therefore in the study of the book of Isaiah
the relationship between Judah and other nations, as well as the logic
behind the collection 1323 will remain major issues in need of further
clarification.
Discussions concerned with the formation of Isa. 1323 unavoidably stumble upon the problem of editorial headings. The frequently
appearing -superscription is recognised as an important connecting motif in 1323. However, a closer look reveals that the superscriptions take on at least three different forms. The most common
is + geographical name, as in Isa. 13:1; 15:1; 17:1; 19:1; 23:1,
but 21:1, 11, 13; 22:1 are obviously not of this type, and even more
distantly removed is 14:28. Furthermore, many individual prophecies
either possess a different superscription (20:1) or none at all (14:24;
17:12; 18:1; 22:15).
79
Kaiser, 119.
Wildberger, 809; cf. also P.R. Raabe, Why Prophetic Oracles Against the Nations,
in: A.B. Beck et al. (eds), Fortunate the Eyes that See: Essays in Honor of David Noel
Freedman in Celebration of His Seventieth Birthday, Grand Rapids, MI 1995, 239.
81
Hayes & Irvine, 221; Ohmann, 60; Berges, 139.
80
introduction
23
In effect, it is possible to distinguish two models explaining the formation of Isa. 1323. While some exegetes view 1323 as composed of
several text-blocks, others maintain that this corpus has grown from
a basic core of Isaianic texts due to the continuous addition of new
material. These two approaches are occasionally combined.
Considering the differences in the superscriptions, Duhm delimited
two collections inside Isa. 1323, 14:2820:6 (excluding 17:1218:7) and
2122+30:67, connected by a later redactor, and supplemented with
the prophecies on Babylon (13:114:23) and Tyre (23). The same editor
may have been responsible for attaching the -inscriptions ahead
of the prophecies outside 2122. At an even later stage, 14:2427 and
17:1218:7 were inserted in the free space that the editor found at this
location. The process was complete by around the 1st century bc.82
A similar distinction between two subcollections (2122 and
1520.23) is promulgated by Sweeney, but he dates the corpus much
earlier. Isa. 2122 is derived from the 8th century, while he claims
that 1520.23 comes from the Josianic era, when the book appeared
for the first time.83
In his study devoted to Isa. 1323, Jenkins argued that its final form
is the result of a well-defined editorial arrangement. The collection
contains prophecies from various periods, but it is not a ragbag of
varied material. The unity of the collection is expressed by the superscriptions as well as by grouping of the oracles. Jenkins distinguishes
between a collection remonstrating against the neighbouring nations
of Philistia, Moab and Damascus (Isa. 14:2817:11) and another aimed
at the great powers: Kush, Egypt and Babylon (Isa. 1821). He believes
that both of these smaller collections open with an oracle affirming
the security of Zion (14:32; 18:7), and conclude with the description
of an assault against Zion (17:1214; 22:114). He excludes 13:114:23
and 23 from this scheme, while regarding 14:2427 as a prelude to the
prophecies concerning the nations.84
Moving beyond the limits of diachronic analysis, Berges investigation into Isa. 1323 is started with an emphatic claim for a unified
reading of 1327. He divides the prophecies on the nations in two:
82
Duhm, 1213.
Sweeney, 215.
84
A.K. Jenkins, The Hand Stretched Out over All the Nations: A Study of the Presentation of the Isaiah Tradition in Is. 1323 (Ph.D. diss.), London 1985; Idem, The
Development of the Isaiah Tradition in Isaiah 1323, in: BoI, 23751.
83
24
chapter one
1319 and 2127. The section in the middle is the unusual text of the
symbolic act of Isaiah in Isa. 20. He points to five -superscriptions
before Isa. 20, and another five following it,85 and notices that 19:1625
ended with six expressions, just as 25:927:13 also contained
six such formulas. Both collections begin with a prophecy on Babylon.
Unfortunately, the reader is not informed why other formulas (17:4, 7, 9; 20:6; 22:8, 12, 20, 25; 23:15) were not counted in
this structuring, nor how thein his interpretationanti-Babylonian
prophecy in Isa. 24 fits in the disciplined chaotic (Berges term) structure of two sections beginning with one Babylon-oracle each.
Diachronically speaking, Berges argues for a core collection of
Isaianic utterances enriched successively with other foreign nation
prophecies after 539.86 The present redaction goes back to the Persian
era. Eventual insertions of prophecies from the Hellenistic period are
not excluded, but those did not alter the overall structure of the composition. Berges identifies several major editorial revisions: (1) The
Babylonisierung (Babylon oriented redaction) and (2) the Zionisierung
(Zion oriented redaction) of the prophecies on the nations which layers
show significant connections with later parts of Isaiah, as well as with
other prophetic books (like Zechariah). (3) Berges notes the somewhat
unique tone of Isa. 19:1625, which, in contrast to Zion-centric passages, adopts a position in favour of separate Yhwh-nations. (4) A
subsequent redaction shifted the focus, viewing the wicked and the
just in the perspective of the kingship of Yhwh in Zion.
This theory of the successive expansion of earlier material is rooted
in the studies of earlier scholars. Mowinckel explained the development
of 1323 in relation to its larger context, Isa. 139. Part A (Isa. 6:19:6)
and part B (Isa. 1) of the book of First Isaiah were expanded in the
pre-exilic period by a third block C (Isa. 2ff.), which also included
authentic Isaianic prophecies which now appear in 1323, such
as 14:2832; 17; 18; 20; 22. Because most of the prophecies on the
nations were originally located in the middle of this C section, and
because other prophetic books also follow this pattern, the later editors
placed the foreign nation prophecies here, distilling a new collection,
Isa. 1323.87
85
Berges, 14145; cf. also Hffken, Jesaja, 123; Beuken, 19, 2324, 4041.
Berges, 145. The primary collection, warning Manasseh against anti-Assyrian
alliances, included 14:2832*; 17*; 18*; 19*; 20*; 22* (149).
87
Mowinckel, Komposition, 278.
86
introduction
25
Fohrer identified an original Isaianic collection (14:2427, 2832;

17:16; 18; 20; 22:114, 1519) supplemented later by prophecies
of various nature. The original collection was organised geographically, but this model was distorted by other prophecies introduced in
this collection in the 5th century bc, when the -headings were
composed.88
Wildberger distinguishes between authentic prophecies and other
texts which appeared in a separate collection prior to being included
in the Isaianic corpus. At some stage during the exile, these originally
independent prophecies were related to Isaiah and supplemented by
Isaiahs texts on the nations. The selection of the prophecies to be
included in the newly forming book was rather accidental.89 According
to Wildberger, the redactional process did not end with a first edition.
The date assigned to Isa. 19:1625 suggests that it went on long after
the exilic era.
The view that Isa. 1323 is formed as a constantly developing collection of prophetic words also underlies Vermeylens discussion of the
books transmission and redaction. He argues for a primary collection of Isaianic utterances that were continuously expanded from the
7th century bc to the Hellenistic period.90
Zapff basically follows Vermeylen with some modifications.91 The
earliest form of the book with its superscription in 14:28*92 contained,
in his view, prophecies warning against anti-Assyrian alliances. In this
edition, Isa. 22 was directly followed by 2831. Isa. 1422* was not a
88
Fohrer, 1.177.
Wildberger, 155962.
90
Vermeylen, 1.34647: (1) Isaianic: 14:2425a, 2832*; 17:13*, 46*; 18:12,
4; 22:1b3, 7, 1214, 1518. (2) around 678: 14:26; 17:1214a; 23:14; (3) Josianic:
22:1923; (4) Deuteronomistic: 17:910a; 19:14, 1115; 20:3; 22:4, 811; (5) early
5th century: 13:122; 24:113, 18b20 added together with other universalistic passages: 15:18; 16:1, 34a, 612; 18:3, 56; 19:510; 21:19*; 21:1112a, 1315; 22:56;
23:13, 1516* (including the systematic addition of the -superscriptions); (6) the
pious and the wicked redaction: 14:34a, 2223 (and the inclusion of the earlier
14:4b21); 14:27, 30; 15:9; 16:2, 1314; 17:2b, 3b, 78, 14b; 19:1617; 21:2b, 10, 12b,
1617; 22:2425; 23:15*, 1718. (7) Hellenistic period: 14:12a?; 16:4b5; 17:10b11
(anti-Samaritan); 18:7; 19:1825. This Fortschreibung-model is adopted with some
modifications by Clements, 47: Isaianic nucleus: 14:2832, 17:16; 18:16; 20:16.
91
Zapff, Prophetie, 28699: (1) Isaianic: 14:2829, 31; 17:13; 20*; 22*; (2) 7th century: 14:2425a; (3) shortly before 587: 1516*; 19*; 22:8b11; (4) late exilic: 13:1a,
1722a; 14:25b27; 21:110; possibly 23* (-superscriptions composed); (5) postexilic: 14:4b21 (originally independent); 18 (?, cf. 296); (6) universalistic redaction:
13:1b16; (7) individual additions: 19:1825.
92
The original form of 14:28 was ( Prophetie, 286, 289).
89
26
chapter one
collection against foreign nations. The judgment on the nations was

part of Isaiahs vision regarding the impending doom of Judah. As
for Isa. 18, which is not included among Isaianic prophecies, Zapff
adopts the two blocks model of Jenkins, who distinguished between
prophecies against the neighbours and the great powers. Zapff argues
that, at a later stage, 14:25b27 with its allusions to the former parts
of the book divided this early book of Isaiah into two parts: a former section against Judah and a latter against the world. The original
scope of the collection, warning against anti-Assyrian alliances, was
reinterpreted as an anthology concerning the nations in general. This
collection beginning with Isa. 13 ended either with 21 (continued in
22; 2831) or 23. Zapff hesitates on the role of Isa. 18, 21, 23 and to
a certain extant Isa. 20, and faces problems in explaining the different
superscriptions of 21:1, 11, 13; 22:1.
In most of these studies, the theological function of individual
prophecies and their primary historical setting is less debated. In case
of the Isaianic core, the widely held opinion is that these prophecies
were spoken out in the context of anti-Assyrian alliances in the late
8th century bc. The nations addressed were enrolled in the uprising against Assyria. As an advisor of the king in international affairs,
Isaiahs prophecies served as warnings against rebellion.93 However,
opinions concerning the theological function and historical setting
of subsequent collections and expansions of these prophecies differ
significantly.
To sum up, the research on Isa. 1323 yields two important conclusions. First, there is wide consensus with respect to the existence of
an Isaianic core of prophecies concerning neighbouring nations and
powers, sometimes including Judah during the 8th century bc. Second, it is also widely agreed that Isa. 1323 includes texts from later
periods. This suggests that primary passages continued to function in
later contexts with the authoritativeness and appeal that they had originally enjoyed. Moreover, the fact that these prophecies were collected
93
Cf. Clements, 47; Sweeney, 216; Zapff, Prophetie, 286; Berges, 149; etc. A few
studies argue that prophecies on the nations have preserved little if any historically
valuable information and should be seen as theological productions of a later age, as a
search for a new post-exilic Israelite identity (e.g., Ch. Fischer, Die Fremdvlkersprche
bei Amos und Jesaja [BBB, 136], Berlin 2002). This approach has found little resonance
among scholars, however.
introduction
27
and received a proper place inside the book of Isaiah means that, for
later communities reading Isaiah, this secondary context and meaning
was of utmost importance. Therefore, to consider that the reconstruction of a presumed original form of prophecies exhausts the entire
function of Isa. 1323 and the entire book of Isaiah does not do justice
to the present form, position and sequence of those prophecies.
1.3
Isaiah 1820 in the Collection of Isaiah 1323
As the overview above makes clear, the three chapters of Isa. 1820
figure among those that have induced the most wide-ranging disagreements in the study of Isa. 1323. Below, I shall reflect briefly on specific problems related to them in particular.
1.3.1 The Prophecy in Isaiah 18
Isa. 18 is considered an extremely obscure prophecy in the Isaianic collection. Although scholars generally agree that it deals with the nation
of Kush, settled on lands south of Egypt, its ambiguous metaphors,
vague references and encrypted message have given rise to contradictory interpretations.
The second half of the 8th century was a transitional era in the history of the Near East. In Egypt, this era was marked by the emergence
of the 25th Dynasty, with rulers originating from the land of Kush, a
territory formerly under Egyptian authority. In Assyria, Tiglath-pileser
III needed vast material and human resources to keep his ever growing empire running. The small nations of the Levant gradually became
the victims of a seemingly insatiable Assyrian appetite. In the view of
these developments, the only possibility for survival and maintenance
of national independence was the formation of alliances with other
nations threatened by Assyria. Egypt and Kush, which were the chief
supporters of anti-Assyrian movements, were also expected to provide
the resources required to hold back the Assyrian war machine. Isa. 18
is most often assumed to be one of Isaiahs prophecies stating his views
on these coalitions.
From a historical point of view, four different dates have been
assigned to Isa. 18. Some believe that the messengers of Isa. 18:2 can
be identified with the embassy of Hoshea, king of Israel, sent to So,
28
chapter one
king of Egypt.94 Others date Isa. 18 to 720 bc, when Egypt offered
help for the revolting Philistines of Gaza.95 Some others connect the
prophecy to the revolt of Ashdod in 713711 bc.96 A fourth group of
scholars believe that the preparations for Sennacheribs attack in 701
inspired this prophecy.97
The literary research dealing with Isa. 18 focuses on two problems.
The first is concerned with textual integrity. Most scholars are sceptical about the authenticity of vv. 3 and 798 or even vv. 3799 and consider them late additions.100 The second problem involves the place
of Isa. 18 in the collection of 1323. Exegetes notice the absence of
a -heading in 18:1, typical of most prophecies. To make sense
of this lacuna, Isa. 18 is occasionally regarded as a literary unit with
17:114.101 Others believe that the lack of a superscription betrays the
late insertion of Isa. 18 into a collection that already possessed such
superscriptions. Isa. 18:17 is then either considered a unit within
itself, or it is connected to 17:1214.102 Still others assume that Isa. 18
appears at a crucial point in the prophecies on the nations, at the start
of a subcollection within 1323, which explains its peculiar form.103
From a theological point of view, Isa. 18 is part of the prophecies
concerning the nations. Many believe that these types of prophecies
contain important information regarding the political views of the
prophet Isaiah, but opinions differ on significant details in the text, for
instance whether it proclaims the fall of Assyria or rather the Kushite
alliance, as well as the theological function of Isa. 18 among 1323.104
94
In 728 or 724 bc; cf. Marti, 151; Knig, 198; Sweeney, 257.
Hayes & Irvine, 253, 258; Niccacci, Isaiah xviiixx, 226.
96
Procksch, 237; Fohrer, 1.22122; H.W. Hoffmann, Die Intention der Verkndigung Jesajas (BZAW, 136), Berlin 1974, 65; Clements, 163; Oswalt, 360; J.J.M. Roberts,
Isaiahs Egyptian and Nubian Oracles, in: B.E. Kelle, M.B. Moore (eds), Israels
Prophets and Israels Past: Essays on the Relationship of Prophetic Texts and Israelite
history in Honor of J.H. Hayes, Edinburgh 2006, 205.
97
Donner, Israel, 12324; Wildberger, 690; De Jong, Isaiah, 238.
98
Wildberger, 681, 69697.
99
Kaiser, Gott, 120; Becker, Botschaft, 276; De Jong, Isaiah, 14849.
100
Kilian, 118, and Zapff, Prophetie, 296, regard the entire prophecy as late.
101
Sweeney, 254.
102
Kaiser, 75; Zapff, Prophetie, 296.
103
Fischer, 136; Jenkins, Isaiah Tradition, 239.
104
Anti-Assyrian: Delitzsch, 352; Duhm, 138; Gray, 308; Procksch, 242; Kissane,
207; Young, 1.477; Donner, Israel, 126; Blenkinsopp, 311. Anti-Kushite: Fohrer, 1.206;
Wildberger, 690; Kaiser, 78; Clements, 165; Dietrich, Politik, 129.
95
introduction
29
1.3.2 The Prophecy in Isaiah 19

The prophecy on Egypt in Isa. 19 is headed by a -superscription.
Nevertheless, the prophecy is often analysed as consisting of two
distinctive sections divided into the judgment of vv. 115 and the
salvation proclaimed in 1625. The division has been regarded so significant that several essays deal with vv. 1625 independently from
vv. 115.105 Even others treat Isa. 19 not merely as an editorial unit
but as an original unit written by the same author.106 Although the
text of this prophecy is reasonably clear, there are important details
that require further elucidation and that have therefore led to different
historical, literary and theological conclusions.
From a historical perspective, most scholars are convinced that
Isa. 19 is at least partially based on a concrete historical situation.107
The description of Egypt as a land of chaos overtaken by a tough master (vv. 14) is supposed to correspond to the situation of the late
8th century.108 A different view is taken by those who date Isa. 19:115
to the 7th century109 or the Persian or Hellenistic era.110 Even more
doubtful is the 8th century background of vv. 1625, as such dating
is almost universally rejected. Apart from a few voices still maintaining Isaianic provenance111 and those arguing for a background in the
7th century,112 vv. 1625 are generally believed to derive from the
Persian113 or Hellenistic period.114
The original coherence of Isa. 19 is debated even among those
assuming an 8th century derivation. Isa. 19:115 is composed of three
blocks of speeches, vv. 14, 510, 1115. Of these three passages, it is
105
See the studies of Feuillet, Vogels, Deissler, Schenker, Kraovec, Wodecki, and
Kustr mentioned in the Bibliography.
106
Cf. Delitzsch, 240; Ridderbos, 13738; Young, 2.48; Oswalt, 247; Ohmann,
7577; Hayes & Irvine, 263; Niccacci, Isaiah xviiixx, 21438.
107
Gray, 320; Wildberger, 704; Hayes & Irvine, 25863.
108
Procksch, 246; Fischer, 140; Kissane, 210; Wildberger, 7078; Hayes & Irvine,
258; Sweeney, 271, 275; Schoors, 118; Niccacci, Isaiah xviiixx, 226.
109
Cheyne, 114.
110
Duhm, 14041; Fohrer, 1.226; Kaiser, 82; Hffken, 144; Kilian, 120.
111
Hayes & Irvine, 262; Niccacci, Isaiah xviiixx, 214; Roberts, Oracles, 206.
112
H. Gressmann, Der Messias, Gttingen 1929, 208; Sweeney, 270, 272.
113
J.F.A. Sawyer, Blessed Be My People, Egypt (Isaiah 19.25): The Context and
Meaning of a Remarkable Passage, in: J.D. Martin, Ph.R. Davies (eds), A Word in
Season: Essays in Honour of William McKane (JSOT.S, 42), Sheffield 1986, 59; Berges,
16667.
114
Kaiser, 86; Hffken, 159.
30
chapter one
argued that vv. 510 disturbs the description of the political turmoil
pervading vv. 14 and 1115, which originally may have formed a
coherent unit.115 Scholars also disagree on the unity of 19:1625. This
passage is often viewed as the product of gradual growth.116 The literary relationship between 19:115 and 19:1625 is said to be based on a
prophecy of judgment that was extended by prophecies of salvation.
Isa. 19:1625 has been especially popular among exegetes because
of its astonishing theological view of non-Israelite nations. Many have
discussed how this theology relates to other passages of the Old Testament, but less attention has been given to 19:1625 as a part of the
prophecies concerned with foreign nations. Berges observes a striking difference between the universalism of Isa. 19:1625 and other
descriptions of the future of the nations. He concludes that vv. 1625
form a unique editorial layer in the book of Isaiah.117
Despite the obvious lack of attention devoted to, Isa. 19:115, this
section is, theologically speaking, no less significant. One of its key
motifs, the plan of Yhwh, is a theme pervading the entire collection
of 1323. The relationship between the Isaianic views of Egypt in
Isa. 3031 and Isa. 19 is another important theme to consider when
addressing the question of its origin.
1.3.3
The Prophecy in Isaiah 20
Strictly speaking, Isa. 20 is not a prophetic text but a narrative. Its

prophetic character is provided by three elements: its present position in a prophetic book, its description of a symbolic action and the
prophetic oracle cited in vv. 36. The prophecy is often dated to the
period mentioned in v. 1, namely the time of the revolt of Ashdod
against Assyria in 713711 bc, although some voices detect traces of
post-Isaianic origin.118
115
T.K. Cheyne, The Nineteenth Chapter of Isaiah, ZAW 13 (1893), 12728; Marti,
155; Procksch, 244; Vermeylen, 1.322; Wildberger, 7034.
116
Cf. Procksch, 249; Fohrer, 1.211; Kaiser, 86; Schoors, 121; Kilian, 123; Sweeney,
27071; Hffken, 146; Blenkinsopp, 318; etc.
117
Berges, 16471.
118
See for the latter Kaiser, 9697; Vermeylen, 1.32425; Sweeney, 272; J. Blenkinsopp, The Prophetic Biography of Isaiah, in: E. Blum (ed.), Mincha. Festgabe fr Rolf
Rendtorff zum 75. Geburtstag, Neukirchen-Vluyn 2000, 1326.
introduction
31
The coherence of this passage is not always taken for granted. The
difficult phraseology of Isa. 20:12 has led some scholars to assume
that one of these verses is the work of a later glossator, and different
parts of vv. 46 are occasionally ascribed to this unnamed author.119
Even the exact identity of the addressees has raised some questions.
A few exegetes maintain that originally Isa. 20 addressed Philistia and
was transformed into an anti-Judaean text only at a later stage.120
It is also a significant question why the salvation prophecy in Isa. 19
is followed again by a text predicting the fall and deportation of Egypt
and Kush. Kilians answer is that Isa. 20 was included in the collection
at a date earlier than the salvation prophecy of 19:1825.121 Nevertheless, the problem still remains: why was Isa. 19:1825 not included
after Isa. 20, i.e. after the text dealing with the collapse of the Nilotic
kingdoms?
The anti-Egyptian theological stance of Isa. 20 overlaps with Isa. 30
and 31, but it is intriguing to investigate whether the function and
theological intention of the prophecy can be sufficiently explained
against the 8th century background, or other alternatives need also to
be considered.
1.4 The Purpose and Outline of the Present Study

As the preceding overview shows, any attempt to solve the problem of
the formation of Isa. 1323 must focus first of all on the function of
the individual prophecies of this pericope in their original setting, so
far as this background can be reconstructed from a literary, theological and historical point of view. However, the analysis of the original
setting of the individual prophecies in Isa. 1323 hardly exhausts the
whole meaning of these texts. There is more to the text than the reconstructed original meaning. So far as these individual prophecies were
collected and placed in a new context, it deserves our full attention to
see in what sense this literary recontextualisation plays a further role
in defining the meaning of the constitutive passages of Isa. 1323.
119
120
121
Becker, Botschaft, 277; De Jong, Isaiah, 15051.

Procksch, 258; Donner, Israel, 115; Kaiser, 95; Clements, 17374.
Kilian, 127.
32
chapter one
Although thematically related, the texts of Isa. 1820 reach beyond

the delimitation provided by the -superscriptions. Because these
superscriptions give essential details in understanding the formation
of the corpus of 1323, Isa. 1820 offers a particularly helpful crosssection for the study of the formation of Isa. 1323. Moreover, due to
the alteration of judgment, salvation, judgment (Isa. 1920), as well as
the relationship of Isa. 1820 with other Egypt-related texts beyond
Isa. 1323, chapters 1820 may be supportive in finding the location
and theological function of the prophecies on the nations in the entire
book of Isaiah.
The primary purpose of the present study is to answer this question:
What is the role of Isa. 1820 in the formation of Isa. 1323? How can
a better understanding of the development of Isa. 1820 from its original to its present form help to decipher the composition and function
of Isa. 1323? In view of this, the problems to be discussed may be
subdivided into literary, theological and historical matters:
a. Literary questions. What can we say about the literary integrity of
the prophecies of these three chapters? How do these prophecies
relate to their context? What can we say about authorship in different stages of the formation of these texts?
b. Theological questions. What is the theological concern of the individual prophecies? Is the sense of earlier prophecies modified by
possible later additions and, if so, in which ways? How does the
present literary context play a role in forming the meaning of the
prophecies? What is their relationship to the views expressed in
other Egypt-related prophecies of the book and the prophecies
concerning the nations?
c. Historical questions. What is the historical background of the
prophecies in their earliest form? As far as it can be reconstructed,
what is the historical background of those responsible for the
collection(s) in which Isa. 1820 appear?
This study is divided into two main parts. Chapters 2 and 3 give an
overview of the wider literary and theological context of the prophecies on the nations in Isa. 1820 and explore them on two levels. First,
Chapter 2 discusses other collections of foreign nation prophecies in
the Bible similar to Isa. 1323 and examines them as a source of analogies and partial answers with regard to the formation and theology
introduction
33
of Isa. 1323. Second, Chapter 3 offers a concise analysis of the individual prophecies in Isa. 1317 and 2123. The problem addressed
here is how the individual prophecies and subcollections of Isa. 1317;
2123 facilitate our understanding of the development of this collection. Chapters 46 give a detailed study of Isa. 1820. Each chapter
evaluates the Isaianic texts from literary, theological and historical
perspectives. A concluding Chapter 7 reviews the principle results of
this inquiry.
CHAPTER TWO
COLLECTIONS OF FOREIGN NATION PROPHECIES

AS CONTEXT FOR ISAIAH 1323
The anthology of Isa. 1323 is usually labelled a collection of prophecies concerning (foreign) nations. Such collections play a very significant role in the composition of several prophetic books. Therefore
a critical examination of these anthologies of foreign nation prophecies may shed light on the formation of Isa. 1323. After preliminary remarks with regard to terminological issues concerning texts
comparable to Isa. 1323, I shall devote brief attention to the general
theological characteristics of foreign nation prophecies in the Hebrew
Bible in relation to their ancient Near Eastern context. The final part of
this chapter will focus on literary collections of biblical foreign nation
prophecies resembling Isa. 1323.
2.1 Preliminary Remarks

Prophecies of the Old Testament are often concerned with nations
other than Israel and Judah. Such texts attested to a larger or smaller
extent in every prophetic book with the exception of Hosea1 were in
some cases collected into larger corpuses,2 but they may also appear
outside such collections.3 Some prophetic books are entirely devoted
to this topic (Nah., Hab., Obad.). The importance of the theme of foreign nations is well-illustrated in Jeremiahs description in Jer. 1:5 as
1
Utterances with similar concerns also appear outside the prophetic books (cf.
Ps. 2; 60; 89:20, 2324). It is difficult to see if there is any difference between texts
included in and those appearing elsewhere (cf., e.g., Isa. 18:7 and Mic.
2:14 with Ps. 86:9; Isa. 18:7 with Ps. 68:32). It is not always easy to draw boundaries
between prophecy and cultic poetry. Similar texts were preserved with their historical
context in 2 Kgs 3:1619; 19:2034 (|Isa. 37:2135). For further discussion of these
texts, see J.H. Hayes, The Oracles against the Nations in the Old Testament: Their Usage
and Theological Importance (Ph.D. diss.), Princeton, NJ 1964, 12253.
2
Isa. 1323; Jer. 4651; Ezek. 2532; Amos 12; Zeph. 2:4(1)15.
3
Cf. Isa. 7:58; 8:4, 910; 10:534*; 25:1012; 30:31; 33:112; 34; 47; Jer. 9:2425;
12:1417; 43:813; Ezek. 21:2832; 35; 3839.
36
chapter two
a prophet to the nations () . This description of Jeremiah

is obviously not intended to distinguish him from other messengers
of God (as a prophet to the nations par excellence), but it is meant to
relate him to his book, in which nations are prominently represented.
As Jer. 28:8 makes clear, foreign nations were a traditional theme of
prophetic messages. Because Israel and Judah were constantly involved
in cultural, political and economic contacts with their neighbours, this
prophetic interest is readily understandable.
At first sight, such compositions may not seem to be very diverse.
Yet when we search for a definition of foreign nation prophecy or for
a description of their formal characteristics, it soon becomes clear that
these texts are by far not as uniform as their commonly-used designation might suggest. Some of these compositions deal exclusively with
the fate of a foreign nation,4 while others are included in a text which
is directly addressed to Judah.5 Some prophecies address particular
nations by name,6 others refer to or .7 In fact, some scholars
disagree whether prophecies addressing or in general should
be included among the texts under discussion. For instance, Fechter
defined foreign nation prophecies as die Art von Texten (. . .) deren
inhaltlicher Schwerpunkt das Geschick konkreter, nicht-israelitischer
Vlker ist und die vorwiegend in greren Komplexen als Sammlungen
begegnen.8 However, prophecies addressed to nations in general or
to more than one nation were also included in collections of foreign
nation prophecies (cf. Isa. 17:1214). Fechters criteria apparently do
not coincide with the principles of the editors of prophetic books. The
fact that prophecies concerning nations may appear individually casts
additional doubt on the practical usefulness of Fechters definition. It
is neither broad enough to include all the relevant texts, nor precise
enough to explain why it excludes others.
One of the criteria that scholars mention with regard to the delimitation of these texts is that foreign nation prophecies should either
address one or more nations in a direct way, i.e. using the second
E.g., Isa. 19:115; 21:110; 23; Jer. 46:112; 46:1324, 2526; 49:2327; etc.
E.g., Joel 2:20 in 2:1827; Joel 4:19 in 4:1821; Mic. 4:1112 in 4:814; Mic. 5:45,
14 in 5:18, 14; Hag. 2:22 in 2:2023; Zech. 2:13 in 2:517; etc.
6
Cf. Ezek. 25:814; Joel 3:48; 4:19; Zeph. 2:810.
7
Cf. Isa. 17:1214; Joel 4:13, 917; Hag. 2:22.
8
F. Fechter, Bewltigung der Katastrophe: Untersuchungen zu ausgewhlten Fremdvlkersprchen im Ezechielbuch (BZAW, 208), Berlin 1992, 2.
5
collections of foreign nation prophecies
37
person form, or they should be concerned with the present or future

fate of foreign people.9 This means that texts like Amos 3:9; 6:2; 9:7;
Isa. 5:2630; Jer. 2:16; Hab. 1:511 can be excluded. In most cases,
however, the fate of Judah or Israel is so strongly interwoven with the
fate of the foreigners that it is difficult if not impossible to trace the
boundaries between texts concerned with Israel and texts dealing with
other nations.10
Isa. 45:113 contains a prophecy addressed to the foreign king,
Cyrus, the anointed one of Yhwh. This oracle is rarely considered
a prophecy concerned with foreign nations, yet there is hardly any
significant formal difference that distinguishes Isa. 45:113 from Isa.
14:423, Ezek. 28:110, or 32, texts addressed to foreign kings and
included among foreign nation prophecies. Compared to Isa. 45:113
Isa. 14:423 may be considered an inverted royal oracle, or at least in
some sense related to this genre.
In fact, prophecies concerning foreign nations run parallel to prophecies addressed to Israel and Judah. This means that foreign nation
prophecies do not constitute a distinctive genre inside prophetic literature.11 In some cases, they only differ from prophecies addressed to
Judah and Israel by the fact that they have another addressee.12
In English language scholarship, these types of prophecies are
frequently known as oracles against the nations, prophecies against
foreign nations, foreign nation oracles. This terminological variation is also reflected in German as Fremdvlkersprche, Vlkerorakeln, Fremdvlkerweissagungen, Heidenorakeln.13 The applied
terminology should meet the following requirements: (a) These prophecies contain not only judgment speeches, but also promises of salvation, even if some of those may come from a secondary stage of
Fechter, Bewltigung, 1 n. 3; B. Huwyler, Jeremia und die Vlker: Untersuchungen

zu den Vlkersprchen in Jeremia 4649 (FAT, 20), Tbingen 1997, 2.
10
Note for instance texts in which the fate of a nation is supposed to be determined
by Israel, appearing as an agent of Yhwh in his dealings with the nation in question.
Cf. 2 Kgs 3:1619; Isa. 11:14; 14:14; cf. also Ps. 2; 110.
11
Cf. Hayes, Nations, 301; Fechter, Bewltigung, 2. The term Gattung is adopted
by Y. Hoffmann, The Prophecies against Foreign Nations, Tel-Aviv 1977; Idem, From
Oracle to Prophecy: The Growth, Crystallization and Disintegration of a Biblical
Gattung, JNWSL 10 (1982), 75.
12
Compare Jer. 51:4143 with Jer. 6:2224.
13
P. Hffken, Untersuchungen zu den Begrndungselementen der Vlkerorakel des
Alten Testaments (Ph.D. diss.), Bonn 1977, 38788 n. 3; Huwyler, Jeremia, 12.
38
chapter two
text formation.14 (b) Since not all of these prophecies comply with the
features of oracular literature (though some of them may), it is better to use the name prophecy instead of oracle, unless reference is
being made to specific texts conforming to the latter category.15 The
term adopted in this study is foreign nation prophecies, henceforth
abbreviated as FNPs.
2.2
The Background of the Foreign Nation Prophecies
In general, prophecy has long been recognised as an important practice

in the ancient world, and FNPs constitute one of the forms that it may
take. The wider Near Eastern background of the FNP is documented in
the biblical story of Balaam, the Aramaic prophet hired by Balak, king
of Moab, to curse Israel before entering Canaan (Num. 23:7). Balaams
mantic-magic prophecies and activities against a foreign nation, Israel,
may be related to the FNPs of the classical prophets.
Beyond the Balaam-story, two other significant archives, the Mari
texts from the 18th century bc and the texts from the royal library
of the Assyrian kings Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal from Nineveh in
the 7th century bc, confirm that FNPs appear with relative frequency
outside the Bible. These extra-biblical sources not only offer a glimpse
into the process of text formation from the oral stages to the written
and edited form of the text, but they also provide significant information on the historical background of these prophecies, which may
help us to understand biblical FNPs where such information is often
lacking.
The prophecies from Mari are indirectly addressed to king Zimrilim in the form of letters sent from various cities under or outside his
authority.16 Occasionally, these prophecies are presented as oracular
answers to inquiries (PPANE 9:2950; 24:818; 38:2439), but some
were uttered without specific questions addressed to the gods, either in
a cultic setting (PPANE 18) or otherwise (PPANE 18:114). Strikingly,
14
Cf. also J.B. Geyer, Another Look at the Oracles about the Nations in the Hebrew
Bible: A Response to A.C. Hagedorn, VT 59 (2009), 82.
15
Cf. Fechter, Bewltigung, 23; Huwyler, Jeremia, 2.
16
For a detailed discussion, see Hffken, Begrndungselementen, 34063. In
the analysis below, I have mainly used the text and translation in the edition of
M. Nissinnen, Prophets and Prophecy in the Ancient Near East (WAW, 12), Atlanta,
GA 2003 (PPANE).
39
while FNPs were probably also uttered in the presence of the king,
several texts were presented in the absence of the actual addressee,
Zimri-lim. Many of these letters were sent from one of the towns by
the kings officials. Some oracles were publicly pronounced, others
were only addressed to the royal official responsible for delivering the
letter. Often, they were not only uttered in the absence of the primary
addressee, Zimri-lim, but in the absence of the enemy as well. The
enemy is sometimes addressed in the second person form (PPANE
10:1720; 17:1517; 19:618), on other occasions in the third person
(PPANE 4:3243; 5; 7:1119; 20:1116; 38:939). The enemy of Zimrilim is often addressed through its king (PPANE 19:1518), but a few
prophecies also mention the enemy nation (PPANE 10:1720; 19:810;
38:3239).
The FNPs of Mari function as salvation oracles for Zimri-lim in
times of war. Generally the king is the focus of these prophecies, which
is understandable given that these tablets come from royal archives.
Considering their form and relating them to biblical prophecies, it
is also remarkable that proclamations regarding the destruction of the
foreign nations were recorded on the same tablet with other prophecies dealing with various aspects of Zimri-lims personal, social or
administrative life (PPANE 4). Furthermore, some tablets contain collections of oracles concerning the same nation but uttered by different
prophets (PPANE 19).
The Assyrian prophecies of Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal resemble
the Mari texts in many respects.17 They are similarly focused on the
Assyrian king. They also represent foreign nations or kings as enemies.
At the same time, however, the prophecies addressing Esarhaddon and
Assurbanipal have much more to say on theological issues, such as the
relationship between the king and the deity, a motif rather infrequent,
though not totally absent in the Mari prophecies (PPANE 17:3134).
Assyrian prophetic texts also differ from the letters of Mari in the sense
that they tell us less about the social context of the prophecies. References to this context appear mainly in historical inscriptions recording
17
For Assyrian prophecies, see the above-mentioned PPANE as well as S. Parpola,
Assyrian Prophecies (SAA, 9), Helsinki 1997; M. Nissinen, References to Prophecy
in Neo-Assyrian Sources (SAAS, 7), Helsinki 1998; M. Weippert, Knig, frchte
dich nicht! Assyrische Prophetie im 7. Jahrhundert v. Chr., Or. 71 (2002) 154;
M.J. de Jong, Isaiah among the Ancient Near Eastern Prophets: A Comparative Study
of the Earliest Stages of the Isaiah Tradition and the Neo-Assyrian Prophecies (VT.S,
117), Leiden 2007.
40
chapter two
the campaigns of the king (PPANE 100 iii 47; 101; cf. also PPANE
137 A 1117). Likewise, it is striking that in PPANE 85 Esarhaddon
is mentioned in the third person. The message regarding the defeat
and destruction of Melid, Cimmer and Ellipi is addressed in a second
person form to the Assyrians (mar mt Aur), but according to the
colophon, the oracle was read aloud before the king (PPANE 85 ii
32).
The Assyrian texts are usually much longer and adopt a language
full of metaphors and comparisons only sporadically attested in the
Mari prophecies. In Nineveh, these oracles were often gathered into
collections of pronouncements of several prophets, given on various
occasions (PPANE 6877; 7883). A remarkable collection is PPANE
93, which bears the superscription dibb a Elamyi, words concerning the Elamites and contains individual, thematically-coherent oracular utterances.
To exemplify types of prophecies that are not cast into the form
of a messenger speech common in Mari and the New Assyrian archives, note should be made of the so-called execration texts from
Egypt. Besides pronouncing on the fate of a given nation, Balaam, the
biblical figure referred to above, also performs ritual acts in order to
influence the fate of the enemy nation. Such types of rituals appear
frequently in Egypt in the context of war between Egypt and its enemies.18 Pots and figurines inscribed with the names of nations under
Egyptian authority or nations threatening Egypts sovereignty were
broken, symbolising the fate of those foreign nations. Since Israelite
prophecy is presented in Deut. 18:922 as a substitute for all kinds of
mantic practices, including execration, curse, witchcraft, and magic,19
these Egyptian texts may have some value in studying biblical FNPs.
However, contrary to the suggestion of some scholars,20 the relationship between Israelite FNPs and execration and manticism is rather
superficial.
18
G. Posener, Princes et pays dAsie et de Nubie: Textes hiratiques sur des figurines
denvotement du Moyen Empire, Bruxelles 1940; Hayes, Nations, 8386.
19
Note also Joseph, Moses and Daniel, the Israelite prophet-like figures, each surpassing in his way the skills of foreign magicians, proclaiming not only the superiority
of Yhwh above other gods but also the pre-eminence of Israels prophets above other
diviners. Cf. also Isa. 19:1115; 47:1214.
20
Cf. A. Bentzen, The Ritual Background of Amos i 2ii 16, in: P.A.H. de Boer
(ed.), Oudtestamentische Studin, vol. 8, Leiden 1950, 8599. For a critical review of
Bentzens arguments, see J. Barton, Amoss Oracles against the Nations: A Study of
Amos 1.32.5 (SOTS.MS, 6), Cambridge 1980, 1214.
41
With regard to ancient Near Eastern FNPs, it may be concluded that

the addressed foreigners always appear as enemies of war or potential
threats to the security of a country and its king. Furthermore, these
oracles have a specific historical setting within which they functioned
as a means of consolidating the empire and its king under threat.21
2.3 The Biblical Prophecies Concerning Foreign Nations

The Near Eastern background of FNPs forms an adequate starting
point for the analysis of thematically related prophecies from the Old
Testament. The ancient prophecies from Mari and Assyria provide
an interpretive pattern which may prove to be helpful in analysing
biblical prophecies. On the other hand, comparing the biblical material with Near Eastern prophecies reveals the direction in which the
biblical tradition moves away from the common cultural background,
enabling the reader to appreciate the peculiarities.
Scholars of biblical FNPs have shown a wide array of interests, and
any attempt to survey the history of this scholarship should be aware
of this diversity.22 There are many studies focusing on individual FNPs
without significant reflections on the character of these texts connecting them to other FNPs. Furthermore, inquiries into collections of
FNPs are often restricted to one particular book.
In most cases research has been governed by literary critical or
historical interests. To the extent that investigation concentrated on
the theological particularities of FNPs in relation to other themes of
prophetic literature, it was often assumed that these texts functioned
primarily as salvation oracles for the Israelite community. In early critical scholarship, FNPs, like other salvation oracles, were thought to
express the narrow-minded nationalism of specific prophetic groups,
thus distinguishing them from the utterances of classical prophets.
21
De Jong, Isaiah, 26466, 27578. Similarly, we also find prophecies concerning
foreigners in Greek literature, though these are more distant relatives of the biblical
FNPs. See A.C. Hagedorn, Looking at Foreigners in Biblical and Greek Prophecy,
VT 57 (2007), 43248.
22
For discussions of previous research on the FNPs, see Hayes, Nations, 1438;
Hffken, Begrndungselementen, 1236; D.L. Christensen, Prophecy and War in
Ancient Israel: Studies in the Oracles against the Nations in Old Testament Prophecy,
Berkeley 1989, 19.
42
chapter two
Consequently, these texts were often considered inauthentic and late.23

Others attempted to prove quite the contrary, that FNP was the most
ancient form of prophecy and that it proclaimed salvation for Israel
and Judah.24 However, such generalising categorization oversimplifies the pluriformity of these texts. Their complexity led Reventlow
to regard the prophets as essentially cultic functionaries proclaiming
both salvation and judgment whose pronouncements were aimed at
both Israel and other nations. He denied any difference between FNPs
and other prophecies addressed to Israel, and he believed that both
forms of prophesying were rooted in Israels covenant festival.25
The second half of the 20th century has given rise to several dissertations and monographs addressing the subject in general.26 The interests and methods of these studies differ in a few respects. According
to Hayes, FNPs were impregnated by the holy war ideology of Israel.
Moreover, he searches for real life backgrounds at the royal court, in
the foreign political relations of Israel and Judah (including treaties
with foreigners), or public services of lamentation.27 Hayes included
FNPs in 2 Kings, Lamentations and Psalms, which are outside the prophetic corpus, into this latter group. Yet he concludes that even these
prophecies, which were delivered on occasions of national lament, are
nevertheless also related to a foreign enemy.28 Thus for Hayes two situations emerge to which these prophecies can be connected: the context
of war or imminent threat from an enemy (e.g., 2 Kgs 19:2024) and
instances when royal oracles were given (e.g., Ps. 2). Hayes also tries
to trace the development of the FNPs from the war oracle stage in the
pre-classical period, through judgment prophecy in the pre-exilic and
exilic prophetic books, to eschatological and apocalyptical judgment
scenes in post-exilic prophetic literature in which no mention is made
23
F. Schwally, Die Reden des Buches Jeremia gegen die Heiden: XXV. XLVILI
untersucht, ZAW 8 (1888), 177216.
24
So Gunkel and Gressmann (cited in Hayes, Nations, 2124, 2627).
25
H.G. Reventlow, Das Amt des Propheten bei Amos, Gttingen 1962, 65.
26
C. Schmerl, Die Vlkerorakel in den Prophetenbchern des Alten Testaments,
Wrzburg 1939; Hayes, Nations; B. Margulis, Studies in the Oracles against the Nations (Ph.D. diss.), Brandeis University, MA 1966; Christensen, Prophecy; Hffken,
Begrndungselementen; Hoffmann, Nations.
27
Cf. Hayes, Nations, 39170; Idem, The Usage of Oracles against Foreign Nations
in Ancient Israel, JBL 87 (1968), 8192.
28
Hayes, Nations, 124, 128.
43
of any nations as concrete, historical actualities but [as] the powers of

the world to which reference is made in general terms.29
Mapping out the development of FNPs was the task that Christensen set for himself in his study on this topic. His thesis is in many
respects similar to the one argued by Hayes. He observes a historical development in FNPs from war oracle to oracles of salvation in
the early post-exilic era. Christensen maintains that Amos 12 and
Jer. 4651 form two poles in this history of transformations. Amos
12 signals the conversion of war oracle to judgement speech against
the nations of the idealised Davidic empire, while Jer. 4651 attests to
the transformation of judgment speech aimed at the national foes of
Yhwh to the preservation of the people in exile and their restoration
in Zion.30
Hoffmanns work on the FNPs also envisages the development of
this corpus. He expends a great deal of effort pointing out the common
characteristics of FNPs. Taking Amos as a starting point, he traces six
common characteristics in FNPs.31 Hoffmann assumes that Amos 12
derives from the 8th-century prophet and maintains accordingly that,
in their earliest form, FNPs (which he called doom prophecies against
foreign nations) contained all these six characteristics.32 Other FNPs
of later origin may include only a few of these features. Hoffmann
denies that these texts could be related to the cult, but he nevertheless detects close connections with oracles uttered before battles. He
believes the function of the FNPs as salvation oracles addressing Israel
was a late exilic development. In the post-exilic period the names of
Edom, Babylon and to some extent the name of Moab tend to lose
their qualities as specific ethnic designations and become a chiffre for
evil in general.33
A radically different view is taken by J.B. Geyer, who argues that
the oracles [FNPs] were not intended to be read in a historical context
29
Hayes, Nations, 300.

Christensen, Prophecy, 15.
31
(1) The prophecy is concerned with one distinctly named foreign nation; (2) it
proclaims calamity for that nation; (3) it speaks about a historical (not eschatological) calamity; (4) the causes of the calamity are explained; (5) there is no hint to the
deliverance of Israel; (6) the future is presented as irreversible and not as a warning
(Hoffmann, Nations, i; Idem, Oracle, 7778).
32
He also includes Isa. 14:323, 2832; 1516; 19:115; 21:110, 1317; 23; 47;
Jer. 4651; Ezek. 2532; Nah. 2:43:19 (Hoffmann, Nations, ii).
33
Hoffmann, Nations, iv.
30
44
chapter two
though they may have been thought relevant to (changing) historical circumstances.34 He emphasises the prominence of mythological
motifs and lamentation, as well as the importance of the liturgical setting of these FNPs, especially the significance of the Day of Atonement
and the New Year festival.35 He maintains that the FNPs show signs
that they are related to the tradition of the cosmic battle between the
deity and the forces of chaos. The nations are an aspect of this order
(or disorder) and are to be brought into line in the same way as aberrant Israel, whose faults were corrected through the ritual of the Day
of Purgation.36 Gayer puts forward the daring suggestion that we have
been mistaken in thinking that ON-IJE [the FNPs in Isa.Ezek.] are
prophetic utterances, unless perhaps they emanate from cult prophets.
Although ON-IJE now stand within prophetic books, they do so without any real ascription as to when they were uttered, on what occasion or to what purpose.37 Instead of prophetic involvement, Geyer
attributes a more significant role to other cultic functionaries, like the
high priest.
The purpose and methods of Hffken are different. His approach is
thematic rather than phenomenological. His goal is to analyse the reasons and motivations for judgment in the FNPs. In undertaking this
task, he differentiates between (1) reasons related to Israel / Judah,38
(2) speeches of arrogance, (3) universal (general) motivations, and
(4) motivations pertinent to foreign nations. Using this categorisation,
Hffken endeavours to define a temporal scheme for the motifs deriving from earlier or later periods. In his view, thematic variation testifies to a divergent historical background underlying the FNPs. Some
functioned in the context of military-political affairs, while others were
rooted in the cult.39
These works focusing on FNPs in general are valuable contributions
to our knowledge about the common forms, themes and traditions in
the background of these prophecies. However, like form criticism, their
strength is at the same time their weakness. A glimpse into detailed lit-
34
J.B. Geyer, Mythology and Lament: Studies in the Oracles about the Nations,
Hants 2004, 5.
35
Geyer, Mythology, 5, 11747; Idem, Another Look, 83.
36
Geyer, Another Look, 83.
37
Geyer, Another Look, 86.
38
(a) military and political threat against Israel / Judah; (b) the motifs of invective,
mockery, or malicious delight in the fate of Israel / Judah.
39
Hffken, Begrndungselementen.
45
erary critical investigations in comparison with the works mentioned

above makes clear that the extensive analysis of these general studies precluded any deeper literary analysis of the examined texts and
glossed over the particularities of individual literary compositions.
Moreover, as Beentjes has noted, these studies give little attention to
the settings of the FNPs in the context of particular books.40 One must
agree therefore with Huwylers questioning of there being any further merit in pursuing research on FNPs along this broadly-set path.41
Though it is important not to lose sight of the general framework,
more attention needs to be given to the specifics of individual books
and individual prophecies, and to the FNPs as literary compositions
meant to be heard and read in situations other than their original Sitz
im Leben.
2.4 Collections of Foreign Nation Prophecies in the Bible 42

The formation and literary structuring of prophetic books, in particular the logic behind this structuring, is one of the most hotly debated
topics in present-day research into prophecy. These discussions repeatedly mention the central importance of the large collections comprising Isa. 1323; Jer. 4651; Ezek. 2532; Amos 12; and Zeph. 2:415
has been pointed out repeatedly.43 As it has often been emphasised,
the fact that these prophecies have been assembled into five different
prophetic books is not a coincidental development but the result of
editorial planning. In view of the formation of Isa. 1323 to be analysed later, I shall briefly discuss problems related to (a) the individual
collections of FNPs, (b) the books as the wider context of these prophecies, and (c) the literary ties of the FNPs beyond the book in which
they appear. The principal questions can be formulated as follows:
40
P.C. Beentjes, Oracles against the Nations: A Central Issue in the Latter Prophets , Bijdr. 50 (1989), 205.
41
Huwyler, Jeremia, 34.
42
Although FNPs also appear outside these collections, those texts are less relevant
in view of the primary purpose of this study as formulated in 1.4.
43
J. Vermeylen, Lunit du livre dIsae, in: BoI, 2834; P.-M. Bogaert, Lorganisation des grands recueils prophtiques, in: BoI, 14753; Beentjes, Central Issue,
2039.
46
chapter two
a. What was the reason for collecting these FNPs? What characteristics
bind the individual texts together? Is the collection a static corpus
of pre-existing utterances gathered with a consistent editorial view,
or can we find evidence of re-organisation and amendment based
on various editorial criteria?
b. What is the concept guiding the further assembly of these collections in the series of prophetic books?
c. How far does the editorial elaboration behind the collections follow
a concept paralleled by other prophetic books and how far are these
collections book specific?
2.4.1
Foreign Nation Prophecies in the Book of Amos
(a) As we have seen in 2.3, many scholars consider the FNPs in Amos
1:32:5 to be the oldest literary condensation of its type. This pericope
enumerates seven nations in the neighbourhood of Israel. The focus
and arrangement of this section suggest that its scope is to place Israel
in the context of its neighbours.
All prophecies in Amos 1:32:5 are set according to a more or less
common literary pattern, filled with different content to suit each individual nation. There are, nevertheless, three oracles that slightly differ
from the others in their form and, to a greater degree, in their scope.
This is one of the reasons why these three prophecies are often considered to be later additions to an earlier corpus consisting of four
prophecies on neighbouring nations and one on Israel in 2:616*.44
(b) In the present form of the book of Amos, the collection of FNPs
opens the book. The prophecies against Israel in Amos 36, the central
core of the book, are strongly related to the prophecies against other
nations. After denouncing these nations, the prophet suddenly turns
to reproving Israel in similar ways (2:616). Words against enemy
nations may have sounded familiar to the prophets audience. Nevertheless, the decisive point is the moment when the prophet turns
44
The disputed prophecies are those concerning Tyre, Edom and Judah. Cf. H.W.
Wolff, Dodekapropheton 2: Joel und Amos (BK, 14/2), Neukirchen-Vluyn 1969, 170
71; Barton, Oracles, 2224; B. Gosse, Le recueil doracles contra les nations du livre
dAmos et lhistoire deutronomique, VT 38 (1988), 2240; J. Jeremias, Der Prophet
Amos (ATD, 24/2), Gttingen 1995, 1011.
47
to Israel with a message of judgment comparable to the utterances

against the foreigners not knowing Yhwh.45
However, the fact that this formally-related Israel prophecy in
Amos 2:616 appears now to conclude the FNPs does not mean that
Amos 2:616 was composed as a closure for Amos 1:32:5 from the
very beginning. Arguments derived from the text of the prophecy as
well as from the book suggest that the opposite was in fact the case.46
It is therefore more probable that the FNPs of the book of Amos were
secondarily inserted here to form the introduction to the prophecies
against Israel in 2:616, or perhaps even to the entire corpus of judgments on Israel in Amos 36. This means that Amos 2:616 is actually
older than the FNPs, and that the FNPs were deliberately composed
for their present context. This history of composition may partially
explain formal dissimilarities, such as, for instance, why 2:616 does
not actually have an ending similar to the FNPs of Amos 12.47
Formal criteria and diverging content and theology in three prophecies have led exegetes to conclude that, at one stage, Amos FNPs
consisted of four oracles introducing a fifth prophecy on Israel in 2:6
16. Some scholars argued that these five formally related texts in the
introductory section are editorially paralleled by the visions reported
in Amos 79*, likewise containing five formally related visions. The
introductory prophecies in Amos 12 probably allude to these visions
when affirming the impossibility of averting punishment through prophetic intercessory prayer (as it happens in Amos 79).48
45
On this surprise technique, see Barton, Oracles, 37; Jeremias, Amos, 8. A similar technique is used in Amos 3:36, 8 and 5:1820.
46
Cf. Jeremias, Amos, 8; A.S. van der Woude, Amos-Obadja-Jona (T&T), Kampen
1997, 25. The numerical sayings of the FNPs (for three transgressions of GN, and for
four . . .) acquire their real meaning in the prophecy against Israel. In the FNPs, there
is one wrongdoing mentioned in case of every nation, while the prophecy against
Israel mentions not four (so Jeremias and Van der Woude), but 4 + 3 = 7 sins (some
of which may be synonymous re-iterations, but note Amos 2:7cd). Amos 2:1416 also
describes seven forms of punishment (3 + 3 + 1) that will affect the nation.
47
The prophecy on Israel in Amos 2:68, 1416 with its seven transgressions may
also be a summary of the prophets own message scattered throughout Amos 36
(cf. also Jeremias, Amos, 21). It is frequently argued that such summaries precede the
collection of the Isaianic prophecies in Isa. 1.
48
Cf. Wolff, Amos, 184; J. Jeremias, Vlkersprche und Visionsberichte im Amosbuch, in: Volkmar Fritz et al. (eds), Prophet und Prophetenbuch: Festschrift fr Otto
Kaiser zum 65. Geburtstag (BZAW, 185), Berlin 1989, 8297; Idem, Amos, xix, 89.
The vision reports are consequently interrupted by a narrative and several oracular
sayings. But Jeremias considers their present location secondary.
48
chapter two
It thus appears that, at a certain stage in the history of the book of

Amos, five formally similar prophecies may have formed the first part
of the scroll and five similar visions closed the collection of Amos
36, the central core of the book containing the speeches of Amos
against Israel. The process of the formation of the book did not stop
here, however. By expanding the FNPs to include seven nations, the
parallel with the visions of Am 79 was abandoned in favour of a different editorial concept. The collection of five visions has likewise lost
its original structure due to the insertion of explanatory oracles and
narratives.49
The prophecy against Israel is the culmination of the FNPs. Israel,
the people singled out by Yhwh from among all nations, has become
like one of the foreigners, on account of which it will share their fate.
This idea behind the structuring of the FNPs and prophecies on Israel
in Amos 12 finds its explicit formulation elsewhere in the book, notably in the programmatic text of Amos 3:2, as well as in 6:2 and 9:7.
Amos 3:(1b)2 is likely an editorial text, while 6:2 and 9:7 are most
certainly such texts, as they reflect on the formation of the collection
of Amos-prophecies.50 Organising the seven FNPs according to the
idea that Israel has come to resemble other nations may have been
the work of the author(s) behind Amos 3:2; 6:2; 9:7, possibly linked to
the Deuteronomists.51
The present arrangement of the book was evident at least by 539 bc,
but its threefold organisation (Amos 12* / 36* / 79*) may have
already been known in the pre-exilic era,52 possibly not long after
721 bc, when following the deportation of Israel and the fall of Samaria it had become clear that Israel was nothing more than one nation
49
The enlargement of the FNPs to seven textual units (distorting the parallels with
Amos 79) could be the work of the same editors who inserted the Amos narrative
in Amos 7. The editorial conception governing the later texts of Amos 12 is often
attributed to the Deuteronomists (cf. Wolff, Amos, 13738, 18485; Gosse, Lhistoire
deutronomique, 2240), as is also the narrative of Am 7.
50
E.g., Wolf, Amos, 21213; Jeremias, Amos, 85, 89; S.M. Paul, Amos (Hermeneia),
Minneapolis, MN 1991, 1001. For the literary connections between Amos 12 and
3:2, see Barton, Oracles, 36.
51
Cf. Jeremias, Amos, 32 n. 10.
52
The question is whether Amos Israel is a historical reference to the Northern
Kingdom after 721 or whether it has a theological meaning (i.e. it also includes Judah),
as it does in exilic and later literature. The name of Judah appears only sparingly (cf.
Amos 1:1; 2:45; 7:12).
49
among many, occupying no more than one single line of cuneiform

text on a victory stele of Sargon II.
(c) As for Amos 1:22:5 in relation to other FNPs, one may note several common concepts, such as the symbolic use of the number seven,
the geographical ordering of the nations neighbouring Israel and the
literary growth of the collection of FNPs. Likewise, the prophecies in
Amos have close formal similarities, which can also be recognised to
a lesser extent in the FNPs in Jer. and Ezek. At the same time, it is a
unique feature of this collection that the FNPs of Amos appear as an
introduction to the prophecies addressed to Israel. Both the relation
to the Amosian prophecies against Israel and the resemblances with
the visions reported by Amos underline the fact that these FNPs are
book specific, i.e. intended to be read and heard in the context of the
entire book of Amos.
2.4.2 Foreign Nation Prophecies in the Book of Jeremiah
It is commonly believed that the threefold structures of Isaiah, the
Greek edition of Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and Zephaniah all follow a socalled eschatological editorial scheme with texts-blocks containing
prophecies against Israel, prophecies against other nations and prophecies of salvation for Israel.53 However, persistent application of this
hypothesis often requires such radical concessions that its ultimate
usefulness must be questioned.54
In Jeremiah, the problems related to the edition of the book and the
place of the FNPs in it are complicated by the two different textual traditions of the LXX and MT.55 The divergence between MT and LXX is
53
E.g., K.-F. Pohlmann, Das Buch des Propheten Hesekiel (Ezekiel) (ATD, 22/1),
Gttingen 1996, 19, 33; J. Blenkinsopp, Ezekiel (Interpretation), Louisville, TN 1990,
107; Idem, A History of Prophecy in Israel, Louisville, TN 21992, 168; O. Kaiser, Der
Gott des Alten Testaments: Theologie des Alten Testaments. Teil 3: Jahwes Gerechtigkeit,
Gttingen 2003, 82.
54
Cf. O. Eissfeldt, Einleitung in das Alte Testament, Tbingen 31964, 410; Bogaert,
Lorganisation, 14753.
55
On Jer. 4651, cf. B. Huwyler, Jeremia; G. Fischer, Jer. 25 und die Fremdvlkersprche: Unterschiede zwischen hebrischem und griechischem Text, Bib. 72 (1991),
47499; J.D.W. Watts, Text and Redaction in Jeremiahs Oracles against the Nations,
CBQ 54 (1992), 43247; B. Gosse, La place primitive de recueil dOracles contre les
Nations dans le livre de Jrmie, BN 74 (1994), 2830; C.J. Sharp, Take Another
Scroll and Write: A Study of the LXX and the MT of Jeremiahs Oracles against
Egypt and Babylon, VT 47 (1997), 487509; H.G.L. Peels, Drinken zlt gij! Plaats
en betekenis van de volkenprofetien in Jeremia 4651, ThRef 44 (2001), 20520;
50
chapter two
considerable at every level. First, the MT contains passages in the FNP

section that are absent from LXX, a discrepancy that is also noticeable
in other parts of the book of Jeremiah. Second, the order of the nations
in the collection of FNPs differs considerably in the two editions. This
is a typical feature of the Jeremianic FNPs, not attested elsewhere in
this book. Third, the FNPs in the Greek version of Jeremiah are placed
in the middle of the book (following Jer. 25:13), while MT has them
in final position, closing the book of Jeremiah.
(a) Similarly to Amos, the collection of FNPs in Jeremiah appears
to be the product of literary growth. This is not only evidenced by
verses that are present in the MT and absent from the LXX (e.g. Jer.
48:4547), but also by more general considerations.56 In most prophecies (Jer. 4649), the rod in Yhwhs hand raised in judgment against
the nations is Babylon (Jer. 27). But most scholars maintain that the
anti-Babylonian prophecies in Jer. 5051 reflect another perspective on
history which is commonly assumed to derive from a different source.57
Beside Jer. 5051, the authenticity of the Elam prophecy (Jer. 49:3439)
has also been questioned, but with less success.58 Jer. 46:149:35 also
contains material ascribed to various post-Jeremianic editorial traditions, but in most of these scholars have found an authentic core.59
In analysing the literary formation of the collection Jer. 4651, it
is helpful to look at the system of superscriptions for the prophecies,
noting the differences and similarities between the LXX and the MT.
As the table below illustrates, Jer. 4651 contains basically three
types of superscriptions: (1) the shortest type is the -type heading,
supplied with historical data in Jer. 46:2. The -type heading is attested
elsewhere in Jer. 23:9 (concerning the false prophets). (2) The second type of heading, appearing three times in this collection, is the
-type (recurring only in Jer. 1:2 and 14:1). (3) The
-type is attested twice in the MT of Jer. 4651
M. Haran, The Place of the Prophecies against the Nations in the Book of Jeremiah,
in: S.M. Paul, E. Ben-David (eds), Emanuel: Studies in Hebrew Bible, Septuagint, and
Dead Sea Scrolls in Honor of E. Tov, Leiden 2003, 699706.
56
K. Seybold, Der Prophet Jeremia: Leben und Werk, Stuttgart 1992, 12028.
57
E.g., R.P. Carroll, Jeremiah, London 1986, 81516; Seybold, Jeremia, 121.
58
Cf. H.G.L. Peels, Gods Throne in Elam: The Historical Background and Literary Context of Jeremiah 49:3439, in: J.C. de Moor, H.F. van Rooij (eds), Past,
Present, Future: The Deuteronomistic History and the Prophets (OTS, 44), Leiden 2000,
21629.
59
See, for instance, Seybold, Jeremia, 12728; Huwyler, Jeremia, 267.

Text (Jer)
46:1 MT
26:1 LXX
46:2 MT
26:2 LXX
46:13 MT
26:13 LXX
47:1 MT
29:1 LXX
48:1 MT
31:1 LXX
49:1 MT
30:17 LXX
49:7 MT
30:1 LXX
49:23 MT
30:29 LXX
49:28 MT
30:23 LXX
49:34 MT
25:14 (20) LXX
50:1 MT
27:1 LXX
51
Heading

-60
+ h(istorical) d(ata)
+ hd
+ hd
+ hd
+ hd

+ hd
[ ] (+ hd)

(this superscription appears only in this pericope in the Bible). The

type (1) heading occurs consistently in the LXX version of Jeremiah.
The Greek form of type (2) differs in all three cases, even in passages
outside Jer. 4651. Type (3) may be the same in both MT and LXX
renditions of Jer. 46:13, but they differ again in Jer. 50:1. These correspondences and divergences between the LXX and the MT may suggest that the most frequent -type heading belongs to an earlier stage
of the book of Jeremiah, while the other two are likely later, especially
superscription type (2).
In addition to conclusions drawn from differences in superscriptions and headings, the development of Jer. 4651 is evidenced by
other texts as well. Jer. 25:13 refers to a scroll containing prophecies
( cf. Jer. 46:2), and 36:2 mentions a book ()
dated to the same year, i.e. the fourth year of Jehoiachim (605 bc),
60
Due to the different order of prophecies, LXX lacks this heading.
52
chapter two
and having similar content () .61

This scroll contains warnings to Israel, Judah, and other nations but
does not include prophecies against Babylon and Elam, which have
superscription indicating that they derive from a different date.62 The
epilogue in Jer. 51:5964 regards the Babylonian prophecies as a distinctive book (). If Babylon and Elam are removed from this 605
bc edition of , we are left with a collection of seven
prophecies. With the exception of the cumbersome introductory line
of the Philistine oracle, this collection is composed of prophecies with
the -type heading, as shown in the table above.
As it often is the case in the Bible, the number seven represents
totality. The idea behind this symbolic number might be disclosed in
Jer. 25:11, a verse considered to be strongly related to the FNPs: this
entire earth ( ; cf. 25:29)63 will become desolate and
ruined, and the nations will serve Babylon for seventy (another symbolic number!) years. In Jer. 25, the nations from the north (referring
to the Babylonian army) appear as the representatives of Yhwh. Israel
amidst the neighbouring nations ( ; Jer. 25:9) will
not be treated differently from them. Through Nebuchadnezzar and his
army, Yhwh will extend and exert his dominion among all nations, in
all directions. This collection of seven prophecies was expanded later
with an utterance against Elam positioning the seat of Yhwh amidst a
nation on the far eastern horizon (49:38).
The internal organization of the prophecies in LXX and MT is different. Most scholars view the two versions as alternative readings,
one more original than the other.64 Watts, however, maintained that
LXX and MT need not be contrasted as competitive readings, but each
one must be evaluated in its own right.65 To investigate the differences
in the internal ordering of the prophecies in MT and LXX, we need to
61
This date coincides with the first year of Nebuchadnezzars reign (Jer. 25:1). This
is not insignificant, as he will become the protagonist of Jer. 4649.
62
Jer. 36:2 and 45 connects the prophecies against Israel, Judah and the nations
to the person of Baruch, while Jer. 5051 are related to Seraiah (51:59). For Seraiah
as a second Baruch (his brother?), see Carroll, Jeremiah, 749; Seybold, Jeremia, 35.
In LXX, Babylon does not appear on the list of the nations to drink from the cup of
wrath (MT Jer. 25:1826; LXX 32:412).
63
may have a double meaning in 25:11: country and world.
64
Carroll, Jeremiah, 759; W.L. Holladay, Jeremiah, vol. 2, Philadelphia, PA 1989,
313; Haran, Place, 702.
65
Watts, Text, 43247.
53
look again at the superscriptions. In the headings of the FNP collections, we find four different historical dates:66
Country
MT
LXX
Date
Elam
Egypt
Babylon
Philistia
49:34
46:2
51:60
47:1
25:20
26:2
28:60
29:1
598 bc
605 bc
594 bc
before the pharaoh smote Gaza (605 bc?)67
It is striking that these four dated prophecies appear at the beginning

of the FNPs in LXX. As noted above, these superscriptions diverge
from other headings, and the MT and LXX differ from each other
exactly with regard to these discrepant superscriptions. The order of
the prophecies in LXX is not chronological, but it is probably based
on formal criteria: prophecies with dating superscriptions come first,
followed by texts with a -type heading. The order of the prophecies
in MT more closely follows the list of the nations in Jer. 25:1826.
The organisation of the prophecies in the MT is apparently based on
chronological criteria. In accordance with Jer. 25:1 and 36:2, it may
be assumed that the undated prophecies were all delivered in the
same year as the Egypt-prophecy (605 bc).68 The order of the undated
prophecies also differs in the two versions, but the theological significance of this latter difference remains uncertain.69
66
Jer. 49:28 (LXX 30:23) contains no dating formula.

The prophecy was dated variously to 609, 605, 601. For adopting 605 as the most
likely date, see H.J. Katzenstein, Before the pharaoh conquered Gaza (Jeremiah
xlvii 1), VT 33 (1983), 24951; Holladay, Jeremiah 2, 314. The historical reference to
the Pharaoh is lacking in LXX.
68
Peels argued that some prophecies correspond to events predating those mentioned in 46:2 (Volkenprofetien, 207 n. 7). However, chronological ordering does
not necessarily mean a chronology based on the actual historical background of the
prophecies (unlike e.g., Seybold, Jeremia, 122 believes), but a chronology assumed
by the editors to fit the background of the oracles. And this assumed chronology
is explicitly mentioned in Jer. 25:1; 36:2 and 46:1, all of which are editorial texts.
Given this conception of the redactors, the texts may be considered chronologically
organised. Also note that the editorial conclusion in 51:59 dates the anti-Babylonian
prophecy to 594, while some verses refer to the destruction of the temple of Jerusalem
(50:28; 51:11).
69
MT order: Moab, Ammon, Edom, Damascus, Kedar; LXX order: Edom, Ammon,
Kedar, Damascus, Moab. The Moab oracle, the final text in the LXX order, is followed
in MT by an editorial verse (absent in LXX): ( Jer. 48:47; cf. also
67
54
chapter two
(b) The different order in which the nations are mentioned and the
place of the FNPs in the book as a whole have led some to believe that
Jer. 4651 was only added to the rest of the book of Jeremiah at a late
stage, circulating previously as an independent anonymous collection.70
Watts is probably right when he suggests that the different organisation of the prophecies does attest to a once independent collection of
FNPs that happened to find its way into both textual traditions. The
divergences reflect differing views belonging to two separate editorial
traditions (MT/LXX). Nevertheless, it is remarkable that Jer. 25:1 and
36:2 mention prophecies addressed to Israel and Judah in the same
collection with the prophecies aimed at other nations. Moreover and
as previously mentioned, the system of superscriptions in the FNPs is
well suited to the book of Jeremiah, reinforcing the view that the FNP
collection never circulated as an independent book detached from the
other prophecies of Jeremiah.
What theological concerns do the two textual traditions serve in
placing the collection of FNPs at different locations in the book? The
key evidence in this regard is provided by Jer. 25:29 (LXX 32:29): if
Jerusalem, Yhwhs own city, is about to be brought down by a disaster, how could the nations go unpunished? Indeed, they will not, for
a sword will devour all the other nations as well. In other words, the
prophecies regarding the punishment of other nations are extensions
of those addressed to Judah. Jeremiah does not have a three level
structure (judgment of Israel, judgment of other nations, salvation of
Israel), but a two level structure: judgment of Israel and judgement
of other nations. These two levels are evident in the form attested by
MT; Jer. 145 describes the judgment passed on Judah, its execution
encompassing the entire 40 year period in which Jeremiah was active,
from 627 (Jer. 1:1) to 587 bc, the fall of Jerusalem. This book is connected to the person of Baruch (Jer. 36; 45). The book on Judah ends
with a vision on the fall of Egypt (Jer. 44:2930), the nation that appears
in Jer. 46 as the first among the foreign nations to be denounced in
Jer. 4651.
Jer. 51:64, also missing from LXX). If this can be regarded as the end of a collection of
prophecies there is some support for making the Moab text the final one in the collection as it is in LXX. However, this phrase only denotes the end of the Moab prophecy
and not an entire collection.
70
See the discussion in Holladay, Jeremiah, 313; Watts, Text, 43234.
55
I believe that it is not the location of the collection of FNPs in the

two traditions of the book of Jeremiah which poses the real problem. The FNPs have always belonged to the book, and their different locations in MT and LXX do not represent any counter evidence
to this view. Their different locations do alter, however, the extent to
which the judgment prophecies apply to Judah and especially the role
of chapters 2645 in this respect. While MT makes both Jer. 22471
and 2645 part of the judgment prophecies that Jeremiah pronounces
against Judah (supposedly written down by Baruch),72 LXX follows a
different lead. It is striking that many chapters in Jer. 2645 appear
with a heading which dates them according to a particular year of the
king. I have argued above that the differences in dating indicated by
the superscriptions of the FNPs in Jer. 4651 may explain the present
organisation of the two text blocks in the Greek version of the FNPs:
one block with dated headings and another one without such superscriptions. Is it possible that the location of Jer. 2645 in LXX might
also be explained by a similarly formal concept? It is noteworthy that
Jer. 2645 mainly contains narratives concerning the prophet Jeremiah,
i.e. texts formally different from the prophetic utterances of Jer. 224.73
In making editorial decisions, the Greek authors were seemingly more
reliant on literary factors (form and genre) than content. The concern
of MT, on the other hand, is rather thematic and gives comparatively
less attention to literary matters and formal similarities.
(c) The primary collection of the FNPs in Jeremiah (dated to 605
bc) is similar to Amos 12 in some respects.74 It contains prophecies
against the nations neighbouring Israel. It enumerates seven nations,
71
Jer. 1, in which the prophet is concerned with both Judah and other nations,
should probably be seen as the introduction to the entire book, including the FNPs
(cf. Seybold, Jeremia, 121).
72
The scroll with many similar words ( ) added to the book
burned by Jehoiakim (Jer. 36:32) may indirectly allude to such a concept. For the
significance of Jer. 36 in the history of Jeremiah, see Y. Hoffman, Aetiology, Redaction and Historicity in Jeremiah xxxvi, VT 46 (1996), 18589; Sharp, Another Scroll,
5078. Sharps view that Jer. 36 indirectly supports the authoritativeness of the shorter
tradition in LXX is doubtful (cf. Jer. 36:23!).
73
Jer. 2645 is treated as a distinctive unit in Jeremiah research (cf. Duhms biography source and Mowinckels source B in Seybold, Jeremia, 2021).
74
Jer. 49:16 and Amos 1:1415 indirectly allude to the relationship between Amos
and Jeremiah. Jer. 25:3038, the epilogue of the FNPs in the LXX, is also particularly
close to Amos 1:2, the starting point of the FNPs of Amos.
56
chapter two
regarding them as the totality of all people, and suggests that the entire
encircling world will become subservient to Nebuchadnezzar, the servant of Yhwh. A further expansion adds the idea of Yhwhs world
dominion (Jer. 49:38). The theology of the MT version of Jeremiah
places the judgment on Babylon in the final position and is not without
parallels. The same idea frames Isa. 112 and 2833, both proclaiming
judgment on Judah and Israel by way of a foreign nation ultimately
subdued by Yhwh. The superscriptions are, however, rather book specific, and the same holds true for many particular expressions in the
individual prophecies. The motivation for the judgment on nations in
Jer. 25:29 is also particular to this book.
2.4.3
Foreign Nation Prophecies in the Book of Ezekiel
In its present form Ezek. 2532 contains prophecies on seven foreign

nations: Ammon, Moab, Edom, Philistia, Tyre, Sidon, and Egypt. In
this final version, the prophecies against Tyre and Egypt are considerably longer than the others. According to the editorial headings, the
two are composed of seven editorial subunits each, and the two reflect
a similar literary structure.75
(a) The nations can be divided into two groups: neighbouring small
countries (Ezek. 2528: Ammon, Moab, Edom, Philistia, Tyre, Sidon)
and Egypt (Ezek. 2932). This differentiation is underlined in the
theological construction of the collection: the small nations appear as
rejoicing at the fall of Judah (Ammon, Moab, Tyre), or even actively
taking part in its destruction (Edom, Philistia). But Egypt is the unreliable supporter of Judah. The prophecies on the neighbouring nations
are organised following a geographical concept (from east turning
southwards).
In spite of some variations, the degree of uniformity in the title
lines of the prophecies of Ezek. 2532 is impressive. Using the formulas, and to introduce
75
On the FNPs of Ezekiel, see H. van Dijk, Ezekiels Prophecy on Tyre (Ez. 26,1
28,19): A New Approach (BiOr, 20), Rome 1968; L. Boadt, Ezekiels Oracles against
Egypt: A Literary and Philological Study of Ezekiel 2932 (BiOr, 37), Rome 1980; Fechter, Bewltigung; M. Alonso Corral, Ezekiels Oracles against Tyre: Historical Reality and Motivations (BiOr, 46), Rome 2002; V. Premstaller, Fremdvlkersprche des
Ezechielbuches (FzB, 104), Wrzburg 2005.

Text
Nation
25:1
25:3
25:8
25:12
25:15
26:1
26:7
26:15
26:19
27:1
28:1
28:11
28:20
29:1
29:17
30:1
30:20
31:1
32:1
32:17
Main heading
Ammon
Moab
Edom
Philistia
Tyre
Tyre
Tyre
Tyre
Tyre
Tyre
Tyre
Sidon
Egypt
Egypt
Egypt
Egypt
Egypt
Egypt
Egypt
57
Heading

+ date +

+ date +
+ date +

+ date +
+ date +
+ date +
+ date +
prophecies is relatively rare outside Ezekiel, but very frequent in this

book.76
The four prophecies in Ezek. 25 have a more or less homogeneous
literary structure,77 suggesting that they are part of the same subunit.
A similar structure has been attributed to 26:27 and 28:2023, the
76
For as the beginning of a prophecy, see Isa. 49:22; Obad. 1
(not in opening position in Isa. 7:7; 28:16; 30:16; 52:4; 65:13; Jer. 7:20). The formula appears also elsewhere in the Tyre-prophecy (Ezek. 2628), but it does not
always function as a text-delimiter (e.g., 27:3; 28:2, 6, 12, 22). In 28:25, introduces a new section, but one that is not part of the Tyre-collection (see below). In
the Egypt prophecies (Ezek. 2932), is used in a variety of ways.
may belong to the text (cf. 29:3, 8, 19; 30:2; 31:10, 15?; 32:3, 11), or apparently function as an ending, like the -formula (cf. 30:6, 10, 13). Once or twice,
may introduce a new expansion (29:13; 31:15?), but in both cases the text is related
and subordinated to the previous passages, so that it is hard to consider them individual prophecies similar to those headed by + date + .
The formula appears as an opening text outside Ezekiel in
Jer. 1:4, 11; 2:1; 16:1; 24:4; Zech. 6:9. As a formula inside a prophecy, see Jer. 13:3, 8;
18:5; Zech. 4:8.
77
+ mentioning a sinful deed against Israel + + recognition formula.
58
chapter two
Tyre- and Sidon-prophecies.78 This view is possible for the Tyre-text,

but debatable for 28:2023.79 It is often overlooked though that the
prophecy against the Egyptians in 29:6b9a and, to a lesser extent,
29:9b12 also contains a similar structure.80 One may assume that the
editors of Ezek. 2532 reworked an earlier list containing more or less
uniformly structured prophecies regarding Ammon, Moab, Edom,
Philistia, Tyre (?), and Egypt.
The two major parts of the FNP collection in Ezekiel addressing
neighbouring nations and Egypt are each delimited by a specific introduction and a specific ending. The introduction
... appears ahead of significant units in the book of
Ezekiel. In the present case, the most important are 25:2, introducing
a collection of FNPs, 28:21 beginning the prophecy against Sidon (and
underlining its secondary origin) and 29:2, delimiting the Egyptian
material.81
The specific ending for the two great blocks of Ezek. 2532 appears
at 28:24(2526) and 29:16(21). The section on the neighbours is concluded by
( 28:24). Following
rather uniform imagery, the nations appear here as pricking briers and
piercing thorns. This conclusion is followed by a salvation prophecy on
Israel promising it safety and security, whounlike the foreigners
will recognise Yhwh through his merciful dealing with them. A similar verse appears in the second text block on Egypt at 29:16 concluding
that
, followed in 29:21 by a related salvation proph-
78
M. Dijkstra, Ezechil II (T&T), Kampen 1989, 24, 27.

The Sidon oracle is different from the rest and may have been added to include
seven nations in the collection (cf. Blenkinsopp, Ezekiel, 125). The Tyre prophecy
is similar to 25:26, but it also presents differences such as the absence of the usual
introductory , the use of instead of . If it was part of
an earlier collection (Ezek. 25)which is theoretically possibleit was reworked to
fit its present position. Cf. below.
80
The fact that 29:6b9a was originally distinct from the previous prophecy is
beyond question (see Blenkinsopp, Ezekiel, 128; M. Dijkstra, Ezechil II, 7071). The
closing recognition formula appears in 29:9a. Of the Tyre and Egypt prophecies, only
these two short prophecies denounce the nations because of their attitude towards
Israel.
81
This phrase appears only in the book of Ezekiel in the heading of the prophecies
against false prophets, Jerusalem, the Edom unit, and the Gog unit (see Ezek. 6:2;
13:17; 21:2, 7; 35:2; 38:2).
79
59
ecy promising glory for Israel in contrast to Egypt.82 Egypt, Judahs ally
in the face of the Babylonian threat (29:6), would become an insignificant state (29:14), while Yhwh will cause a horn to grow to Israel, i.e.
its strength and glory will surpass that of Egypt.
Now, the problem with Ezek. 29:16, 21 is that it does not appear
at the end of the Egypt section but somewhere in the middle. This
placement of Ezek. 29:16, 21 is not accidental. Formal and thematic
considerations played an important part in the shifting editorial concepts of the book. Ezek. 29:1316, 21 is, at any rate, later than the
previous 29:6b12 to which it has been attached.83 Since it envisages
a different future for Egypt than the following prophecies do (Ezek.
3032), it is probably later than those as well. One may assume therefore, that Ezek. 29:1316, 21 was placed in its present location due to
thematic considerations, and the direct relationship with the prophecy
that it follows. From a literary-chronological point of view, however,
and following the concept of its author, Ezek. 29:16, 21 is indeed a
conclusion similar to 28:2426.
The prophecies against Tyre and Egypt are disproportionately
long in comparison with the utterances against other nations. Both
of them form small collections of seven pericopes, containing, on
the one hand, utterances against a nation (Tyre: 26:16, 714; Egypt:
29:6b16, 21; 29:1720; 30:119), supplemented by elegies on its fall
(Tyre: 26:1621; 27:136; Egypt: 32:1732). On the other hand, both
collections include prophecies against the king (Tyre: 28:110; Egypt:
29:16a; 30:2026; 31:118), and elegies on the fall of the king (Tyre:
28:1219; Egypt: 32:116). The organisation of the prophecies against
Tyre appears to be thematic in the first instance (first the city, then
the king) and formal in the second (first prophecies, then elegies). In
the case of Egypt, formal criteria seemingly played an important role,
but the chronological headings must have surely imposed some limitations. The Tyre series contains one single date only, while the organisation of the prophecies in the Egypt unit is based on chronological
considerations.84
82
Ezek. 29:21 probably belongs to 29:1316, the salvation prophecy with which it
has more common points than the preceding 29:1720.
83
Ezek. 30:23, 26 also mentions the dispersion of the Egyptians, so that 29:1316,
21 probably derives from a still later date than 30:2026. Ezek. 29:1316, 21 reflect on
29:6b12 (note the motif of 40 years of captivity and Egypt as supporter of Judah).
84
An unsurprising exception is the prophecy in Ezek. 29:1720.
60
chapter two
(b) Given that the book of Ezekiel contains several explicit references to the nations surrounding Judah, the organisation of the FNPs
according to geographical principles (Ezek. 28:24, 26) fits the theological framework of the book (cf. 5:5, 6, 7, 14, 15; 36:3, 4, 7, 36).
The structure reinforces the close connection between the FNPs and
the prophecies on Israel in Ezek. 124. Like the MT version of Jeremiah, the two textual units are probably connected based on chronological considerations. The prophecies in the first section of the book
are dated between the 5th9th years of king Jehoiachins captivity
(Ezek. 1:2; 24:1).85 The dated prophecies concerning the nations are
placed between the 10th12th years of the same kings reign (32:17).
The conclusion is that the prophecies concerning Judah and the foreign nations stretch together over a period of 7 years, a number having
symbolic value.86
Besides the two textual blocks with prophecies addressed to Judah
and the FNPs, it is believed that Ezek. 3348 forms a collection of
salvation prophecies. The view is somewhat complicated, however, by
the fact that Ezek. 33 does not fit the scheme of a salvation prophecy.87 Moreover, Ezek. 35 again contains a prophecy against Edom,
85
On the chronological problems, cf. W. Zimmerli, Ezechiel (BK, 13/12), Neukirchen-Vluyn 1969, 4045, 562; M. Dijkstra, Ezechil I (T&T), Kampen 1986, 21, 32;
Idem, Ezechil II, 15.
86
The symbolic sense of the number 7 is well illustrated by Ezek. 3:1516. According to this text, after sitting dumb for seven days among the exiles, Gods word was
revealed to him. The motif of dumbness appears at different key locations in the book
(3:15, 26; 24:27; 29:21; 33:22). Its interpretation has been a source of many difficulties
(cf. R.R. Wilson, An interpretation of Ezekiels dumbness, VT 22 [1972], 91104).
Since the key chapter, Ezek. 33, is strongly connected with Ezek. 3, and since Ezek.
4:6 is familiar with a 1 day = 1 year symbolism, it is tempting to relate the seven day
dumbness in 3:15 with the seven year dumbness in 33:22, as well as the seven year
period of the prophecies in Ezek. 424; 2532. It is also noteworthy that the activity
of Jeremiah, presented as the second Moses in Jer. 1, is similarly dated to a symbolic
period of forty years, from the 13th year of Josiah in Jer. 1:1, i.e. 627 to the fall of
Jerusalem in 587 (cf. Blenkinsopp, Prophecy, 135).
87
Ezek. 33, which closes the judgment speeches against Judah and the nations, is
a very significant chapter in the book from a compositional viewpoint. Contrary to
assumptions that Ezek. 33:2133 would have originally belonged to Ezek. 124 (Dijkstra, Ezechil I, 21; Idem, Ezechil II, 21, 95), this entire chapter can be adequately
explained in its present context. Ezek. 33 is the conclusion to the previous set of
prophecies rather than the introduction of a new section. It reflects on important
passages from the book, especially Ezek. 3; 18 and 24. The function of Ezek. 33 is
threefold. First, in view of the judgment accomplished with the fall of Judah and the
nations, it concludes the entire activity of Ezekiel in the light of Ezek. 3:1621. Ezekiel
is not to blame for the doom that has come upon Judah, for he fulfilled his task of
a watchman. The prophet has saved his life (3:21; 33:9). Second, neither is Yhwh to
61
and other FNPs appear in Ezek. 3839. Therefore we lack a coherent

section of salvation prophecies concerning Israel in this book.
It is also striking that we find no prophecy explicitly addressing
Babylon in this collection. Babylon appears in the latest dated section
of the book (Ezek. 29:17) as a tool used by Yhwh to punish nations.
However, it is highly probable that Ezek. 21:3337, a prophecy now
addressed to Ammon, should be seen as an oracle originally addressed
to the sword of Yhwh, i.e. Babylon.88
Outside the collection of FNPs, we also find a prophecy against
Edom in 35:115, similar to 25:1214.89 Ezek. 35:115 begins as a new
section, but it forms a diptych with the following prophecy of salvation
addressed to Israel (36:115). Further prophecy against foreign nations
appears in Ezek. 3839 where Gog and his army (the Mediterranean
islands; cf. 39:6) are addressed in seven prophecies introduced with the
well-known formula of the book of Ezekiel, .90
(c) As in other FNPs, geographical factors, chronology and the use of
the number seven are important for Ezek. 2532. Its structure appears
to be the result of a longer development. We have good reasons to
believe that, like Amos 12 and Jer. 4651, the individual prophecies
of Ezek. 2532 were not only expanded (Tyre and Egypt) but also their
number was increased (Sidon). At the same time, the vocabulary, the
expressions, the superscriptions, the motifs and the chronology suggest that Ezek. 2532 was intended to be part of the book of Ezekiel
from the very beginning and be read in relation to the prophecies on
Israel (cf. Amos 12; Jer. 4651). Ezekiels collection is also unique
in distinguishing between neighbouring nations and Egypt. Furthermore, the prophecies against Tyre and Egypt are enlarged to form
disproportionately long micro collections by themselves. The prophecy on Edom in Ezek. 35, which is outside the collection but connected
blame for what happened to his people (18:25, 29; 33:17). Third, only Israel alone is to
be held responsible for the course of the events, as it was not only unfaithful to Yhwh
(33:2526) but also failed to heed any warning (33:3033).
88
Cf. Dijkstra, Ezechil I, 22223; M. Greenberg, Ezekiel 2137 (AncB, 22A), New
York, NY 1997, 434, 436.
89
Its form is also similar, since it also makes use of the / sequence (35:56,
1011) and the recognition formula (35:9, 15).
90
Whether the basic narrative can still be assigned to the prophet Ezekiel (so Zimmerli, Ezekiel, 946; Blenkinsopp, Ezekiel, 18081) is a question that reaches beyond
the interest of this chapter. It is clear, nevertheless, that Ezek. 3839 was also written
for this book, as it adopts the books characteristic phraseology.
62
chapter two
with a prophecy on Israel in Ezek. 36, reminds the reader of the similar
organisation of the anti-Edom prophecy in Isa. 34 and 35.
2.4.4
Foreign Nation Prophecies in the Book of Zephaniah
(a) Although the book of Zephaniah is relatively small, it contains a

distinctive collection of FNPs addressing Philistia, Moab and Ammon,
Kush, and Assyria. These prophecies have no distinctive headings, nor
are they composed of uniform utterances in the manner of Amos 12.
These FNPs are mainly short texts, some hardly longer than one single
phrase.
(b) Exegetes differ regarding the extent of the collection of FNPs.
In his dissertation devoted to the FNPs of Zephaniah, Ryou argued
that the book follows a tripartite structure: Zeph. 1 contains judgment
speeches against Judah and Jerusalem, Zeph. 2:13:8 describes the
implications of Yhwhs judgment day for foreign nations, and Zeph.
3:920 describes the salvation offered by Yhwh.91 Perlitt demarcated
the three sections as 1:12:3 (judgment on Israel); 2:415 (FNPs) and
3 (salvation oracle).92 Sweeney maintained that Zeph. 1:218 proclaim the arrival of the day of Yhwh, but the second major block,
2:13:20, was, in his view, a document supporting the reform program
of King Josiah.93
In clarifying the formation of the book of Zephaniah, it is important
to reveal the role of Zeph. 2:13; 2:4 and 3:18. Zeph. 1 presents the
day of Yhwh as an event in the near future. Zeph. 2:13, on the other
hand, looks back to this previous proclamation of judgment arguing that repentance still is a way to avert punishment. Ryou correctly
assumes that the particle in 2:4 motivates the exhortation in 2:13.94
The syntactic role of leads us to question the function that the FNPs
could have in this book.
91
D.H. Ryou, Zephaniahs Oracles against the Nations: A Synchronic and Diachronic
Study of Zephaniah 2:13:8 (BIS, 13), Leiden 1995; cf. also J. Vermeylen, Lunit du
livre dIsae, in: BoI, 32. P.-M. Bogaert, Lorganisation des grands recueils prophtiques, in: BoI, 148, disputes the legitimacy of comparing Zephaniah with the Major
Prophets but his short note does not raise any convincing objections.
92
L. Perlitt, Die Propheten Nahum, Habakuk, Zephaniah (ATD, 25/1), Gttingen
2004, 98.
93
M.A. Sweeney, The Twelve Prophets, vol. 2, Collegeville, MN 2000, 494; cf.
J. Vlaardingerbroek, Sefanja (COT), Kampen 1993, 135.
94
Ryou, Zephaniahs Oracles, 135.
63
One editorial concept underlying the organisation of the FNPs is

articulated in the retrospective text, Zeph. 3:67. According to this
passage, the destruction of the foreign nations (in the past), and the
literary formulation of these destructions in the text of the FNPs,
intended to serve as a warning to Judah before it was subjected to a
similar fate.95 Zeph. 3 also concludes that these pedagogical measures
of Yhwh did not lead to the expected results: Judah failed to return
to God.
However, this intention ascribed by Zeph. 3:67 to the collection of
2:415 does not seem to correspond to the message of particular passages in the FNPs, like 2:7, 9b. The implicit promises of salvation for
Judah in these verses presuppose a different authorial intention.96 This
may suggest that Zeph. 2:7 and 9b were inserted with concerns different from Zeph. 3:67. The rest of Zeph. 2 probably also passed through
stages of textual formation. The cry in 2:5 usually appears at the
beginning of oracles. One may presuppose therefore that Zeph. 2:5
was originally the introductory line of an oracle. Zeph. 2:57 could
have been imported from elsewhere and inserted into its present location after 2:4 based on a thematic relationship with the latter.97 The
extent of the prophecy against Moab and Ammon and the originality
of its present location also remains a problem. Zeph. 2:11 referring
to the isles of the nations ( ) has little to do with Moab and
Ammon and it should rather be related to the Philistines of 2:4, both
containing short utterances on various nations.98 It is possible that
Zeph. 2:11 was detached from 2:4, because the prophecies on Philistia
and Moab-Ammon (2:510) had already been connected before being
inserted between 2:4 + 1115.99
95
Contra Perlitt, who believed that the FNP-cycle of Zephaniah was an expression
of the universal rule of Yhwh (Perlitt, Zephaniah, 123).
96
Zeph. 2:7 refers to the return from exile. But it is exactly this exile that repentance
was supposed to prevent (cf. 2:13).
97
Cf. Ezek. 25:1517 and see Ryou, Zephaniahs Oracles, 29499.
98
On the connection between Zeph. 2:11 and the oracle on the Philistines, see
Sweeney, Twelve Prophets, 517.
99
Note the above-mentioned similarities between 2:7 and 9b. Zeph. 2:9b fits well
into its immediate context, Zeph. 2:810 (as 2:7 also fits 2:56), but the message of this
entire prophecy differs from the reading imposed by Zeph. 3:67 (warning for Judah).
Moreover, it is difficult to read the Moab-Ammon prophecy as a description of the
past, as Zeph. 3:67 presupposes. That is understandable if 2:810 was not originally
written for its present position.
64
chapter two
If the secondary prophecies in Zeph. 2:57, 810 are temporarily

disregarded, then we are left with a small collection of short utterances against Philistia, the Mediterranaean isles, Kush, and Assyria.
What is interesting in this primary list of nations is that it can be
viewed as an account of Yhwhs judgment in the past (as presupposed
by Zeph. 3:67). Furthermore, the list is formed by representatives of
all inhabitants of the earth, descendants of the sons of Noah: Japhet
(the Isles and Philistia; Gen. 10:25), Ham (Kush; Gen. 10:6, 14) and
Shem (Assur; Gen. 10:22). The devastation of the foreign countries
by Yhwh on his day (Zeph. 1:14) was intended to serve as a warning
for those questioning his interventions in recent history of the world
(Zeph. 1:12). The status granted by the special genealogical origin of
Judah will provide no safety against the raging anger of Yhwh. As
an alternative interpretation, these nations may represent the entire
earth subordinated to Yhwh, from the Upper Sea (Mediterranaean
and Philistia) to the Lower Sea (Assur) and the far ends of the earth
(Kush). This perspective is also reflected in the description of the
world-wide dominion of the king of Ps. 72:811.
At a later stage, the small collection of prophecies was expanded
with the addition of Zeph. 2:510, which gave it a new shape. The
nations subsequently appear to be arranged in geographical order:
Philistia on the west, Moab and Ammon on the east, Kush on the
south, and Assyria on the north.100 In whatever direction the Judaeans look, they have the opportunity to see Yhwh at work and hear
his steps quickly approaching towards their homeland, and draw the
necessary conclusions from it.
Judah failed to look at the history through the eyes of the author of
Zeph. 3:67, it neither heard nor trusted the message (cf. 2:13 with
3:2). This attitude meant that the nation of Yhwh would be counted
among the foreign nations and destroyed as one of them. Judah, like
Israel in Amos, has become just one of the nations of the earth. The
purpose of Zeph. 3:17 is different from Amos 2:616 in that it is a
100
The text enumerates a list of nations both in proximity and far away, comparable
to the perspective of the book (cf. Zeph. 1:8 with 3:8). The thesis of a geographical
organising principle is more convincing than Berlins suggestion, who believed that
the text is modelled on and reflects the cultural antagonism of nomadic Semites and
urbanised societies. Cf. A. Berlin, Zephaniahs Oracles against the Nations and an
Israelite Cultural Myth, in: A.B. Beck et al. (eds), Fortunate the Eyes That See: Essays
in Honor of David Noel Freedman in Celebration of His Seventieth Birthday, Grand
Rapids, MI 1995, 17584.
65
reflection on the past rather than a proclamation of the future. Future

pronouncement begins in 3:8 but has a very different tone, as if looking back on the history of Judah from a post-587 perspective. We find
an interesting parallel to the redaction critical function of Zeph. 3:17
in Isa. 2427. Isa. 2427, also following the FNPs in Isa. 1323, looks
back to the the city (Jerusalem) in ruins (Isa. 24:12; 26:5; 27:10) with
a similar lament.
The nations reappear after Zeph. 3:8. Zeph. 3:8 refers back to 1:18
and 2:1, announcing judgment not just on Judah but also on the entire
earth. The tone changes radically from Zeph. 3:9. Instead of doom, this
pericope speaks of a future when all the nations, even those beyond
the rivers of Kush,101 will serve Yhwh with purified lips.102
(c) In its present form, Zephaniah expresses the universal nature of
judgment using similar geographical principles as those found in other
collections, but this collection is closest in its theology to the FNPs of
Isaiah. The relation between Zeph. 3:18 and Isa. 2427 was already
mentioned. This collection of FNPs is intended to reveal how God is
present in the entire world, a problem that bothers the audience of
both the book of Zephaniah (Zeph. 1:12) and Isaiah (Isa. 5:19). Further, textual affinities between Isaiah and Zephaniah may suggest that
the possibility of a more direct influence of Isaiah upon Zephaniah
should not be excluded.103 Perhaps the most remarkable resemblance
between the two collections is the setting of the FNPs against the background of Yhwhs judgement, which shall be passed on both Judah
and other nations, along with the use of the Upper Sea / Lower Sea
motifs. I shall return to this literary motif in Chapter 3.
101
The expression is most certainly a gloss (cf. Perlitt, Zephaniah, 140),
reinterpreting the verse originally referring to foreign nations (cf. Isa. 18:1, 7) as a
promise regarding the Jews in the diaspora.
102
A further possible reference to the future fate of foreign nations appears in a
subsequent extension of the book at Zeph. 3:18, a verse famous for its problems. The
text is usually taken to refer to Judaeans, but that hardly makes any sense in the
context of the present verse. It seems more convincing to interpret 3:18 as an allusion to the reactions of foreigners grieving ( )about the feasting of the Judaeans.
In Zeph. 1, the verb appears as a terminus technicus for judgment; its sense is
probably the same in this location. In 2:8, describes the attitude of Moab and
Ammon toward Judaeans. It is possible that 3:18 again refers to the of the same
community of foreigners, arguing that their former insults will be turned as a burden
on themselves (the emendation of to is supported by the Targum). This
verse is similar to Zeph. 2:9b.
103
Cf. Zeph. 3:9 | Isa. 19:18; Zeph. 3:10 | Isa. 18:1, 7; Zeph. 3:12 | Isa. 14:32.
66
chapter two
2.5
Conclusion
Prophecies concerned with foreign nations represent an important

tradition in biblical prophecy. Although it is difficult to consider these
texts as a distinctive genre inside prophetic literature, they can be recognised by a typical concern for the fate of foreigners, often either
directly or indirectly related to the life and future of the prophets own
community. FNPs are not specific to the Bible, since similar texts also
appear elsewhere in the ancient Near Eastern archives where prophetic
texts have been found. Previous research on FNPs was characterised
primarily by a phenomenological focus which tended to generalise the
phenomenon and intention of FNPs and to overshadow important
details of these prophecies as literary compositions, as well as their
book-specific character. Yet, because of the large amount of prophetic
texts concerned with foreign nations, they are also especially relevant
in discussing the composition of specific prophetic books.
The FNPs in the books of Amos, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and Zephaniah
appear mostly in collections. Other prophetic books which do not
have a distinctive collection of FNPs are either formed for the most
part of prophecies concerning one particular foreign nation (Obad.,
Nah., Hab.) or contain a limited number of oracles against one (Mic.,
Mal.) or more (Joel, Hag., Zech.) nations.
Collections of FNPs did not form by chance, nor were they piled
up carelessly. Instead, they were the results of a well-planned, sophisticated, multi-faceted editorial activity based on a theology rich in
religious symbolism and artistic sense. Geographical concepts, temporal criteria, symbolic numbers are key factors used in grouping these
prophecies together.
The editorial concepts that redactors used to form collections may
enrich the original meaning and intention of the individual oracles.
The primary historical background provides one context against which
the FNPs can be interpreted. Transforming them to literary compositions and making them part of secondary literary contexts often caused
new meanings to surface. The points of view of the authors and of later
editors did not always coincide. This phenomenon partially explains
the complexities in the literary form of these books.
A comparison of the MT and LXX versions of Jeremiah reveals
that the FNPs were not a static corpus, but one that could have been
enhanced, reorganised according to different editorial concepts.
Such evidence does not indicate a late collection of these texts but a
reorganisation and expansion of early collections. Subsequent addi-
67
tions may have altered the concept of earlier editors. The dynamic process of rereading and reformulating editorial concepts was influenced
by changing audiences and hermeneutical situations.
Examination of these four prophetic books does not suggest that the
books of Ezekiel, Zephaniah, or the LXX of Jeremiah were ordered following an eschatological scheme. It is nevertheless significant that the
FNPs always form dyptichs with prophecies addressed to Israel. The
prophecies against Yhwhs own people are usually followed by judgements pronounced on other nations (Jer., Ezek., Zeph.), but in the case of
Amos, the prophecies concerning these nations precede those addressed
to Israel. The foreign nations are important only in relation to Israel, the
people of Yhwh. This also underlines the fact that the collections were
composed from the perspective of the authors own community.
The theological emphasis of the collections may differ. In Amos the
prophecy on foreign nations functions as a prelude to the prophecies
on Israel, and to a certain extent the same holds true for Zeph. 2:415.
The announcement of judgment on other nations in the latter text
serves as a warning for Israel. In Jeremiah, the motivation for the
judgment of other nations is the previous punishment meted out to
Judah. In Ezekiel, the judgment of nations is induced by their attitude
towards Judah.
In some cases, however, we may presuppose that the editors were
acquainted with collections of FNPs in other books. We find concepts
overarching various compositions (chronological, geographical organization of prophecies, use of the symbolic number seven, the theme
of the day of Yhwh), and these features may reveal the interconnectedness of groups working on different books, even though it would go
too far to ascribe all editorial activity to one particular group.
Despite all these general observations, the collections of FNPs are
strikingly book-specific. They are well integrated inside their respective books, so that authors and editors use superscriptions, headings
and other stereotypical phrases appearing elsewhere in the same book.104
The uniformity is most noticeable in Amos, Jeremiah and Ezekiel. The
book-specific character of the prophecies suggests that the collections
of FNPs were not supposed to be read as independent compositions
but were always meant to be connected to the books in which they
now stand.
104
This is indeed striking, in contrast to opinions maintaining that this redaction of
the prophetic books was the work of the same editors (Vermeylen, Lunit, 32).
CHAPTER THREE
RECONSTRUCTING THE BROKEN STELE OF YHWH:

THE FOREIGN NATION PROPHECIES OF ISAIAH 1323
AS CONTEXT FOR ISAIAH 1820
After examining the broader biblical context of collections of FNPs in

the Old Testament, this chapter will consider Isa. 1323 from literary,
theological and historical viewpoints, both as a larger literary unit and
as a composition of smaller pericopes and individual prophecies (13
17; 2123). The closing section gives a preliminary vision concerning
the formation and intention of Isa. 1323.
3.1
The Superscriptions and the Structure of Isaiah 1323
In antiquity, the beginning and/or the end of a literary text was

often marked by colophons. The colophons as superscriptions and
subscriptions contained various information about the published text
(addressee, author, scribe, subject, chronological information, etc.).
Colophons were especially important for the archiving of texts in royal
or cultic libraries, but some were explicitly written to be read aloud
as part of the message. In spite of this Near Eastern scribal practice,
there is today a rather general feel of scepticism among Old Testament scholars regarding the reliability of the biblical superscriptions.
This disbelief is motivated, on the one hand, by the fact that later editors of biblical books often composed such superscriptions themselves.
On the other hand, the special literary history of the biblical texts,
which distinguishes them from ancient writing preserved on papyrus
and clay tablets, also gives rise to such scepticism. However, unbiased
treatment of biblical texts requires all options to be left open. Dismissing superscriptions by presuming that they are always secondary1
is no less unjustified than uncritically accepting them at face value.
1
In case of Isa. 1323, cf., e.g., Wildberger, 1562; A.A. Fischer, Der Edom-Spruch
in Jesaja 21: Sein literaturgeschichtlicher und sein zeitgeschichtlicher Kontext,
in: M. Witte (ed.), Gott und Mensch im Dialog: Festschrift fr Otto Kaiser zum 80.
Geburtstag, Bd. 1 (BZAW, 345), Berlin 2004, 477.
70
chapter three
-Type Superscription
Isa.
13:1
14:28
15:1
17:1
19:1
21:1
21:11
21:13
22:1
23:1
Although there are discernible recurring patterns in the headings of

biblical books preserving collections of FNPs, 2.3 has demonstrated
that a uniform superscription system did not exist. This lack of uniformity is also visible in Isa. 1323, where we find ten headings, each
containing the word .
A closer look at these superscriptions reveals three types of headings.
(a) Most headings are of the type + GN, introducing prophecies
on Babylon, Moab, Damascus, Egypt, and Tyre. The phrase
at 13:1 should probably be understood as referring to
the entire collection of 1323, as it is, in this way, comparable to Isa.
1:1 and 2:1 (cf. Jer. 25:12; 46:1). In the five remaining cases, the headings of the prophecies are of different composition. (b) In Isa. 14:28,
is not connected to a GN. This heading also contains historical
information similar to Isa. 6:1 and 20:1. (c) A further group of four
superscriptions occur in 21:1, 11, 13; 22:1. In these cases, is not
followed by a GN but by cryptic references to addressees.2
The meaning of the terms attached to in (c)-type superscriptions is
debated. The prophecy headed by ( 21:110) is in its present form concerned with the fall of Babylon. Various theories emerged
2
Some have argued that (c)-type headings are formed with the help of keywords derived from the prophecy (Procksch, 277; Kaiser, 5, 97 n. 1; A.A. Macintosh,
Isaiah XXI: A Palimpsest, Cambridge 1980, 4; cf. Wildberger, 764). This idea may
be true of 21:13 () , but in two other cases one would expect
( cf. 21:1b) instead of , and ( cf. 22:5) instead
of . ( 21:11) does not appear anywhere in the related prophecy.
the foreign nation prophecies of isaiah 1323
71
to interpret , which I will not attempt to summarise here.3 One

of the frequent suggestions is that is related to the Akkadian
mt tmti, the Sea Land, designating Lower Mesopotamia.4 The fact
that the Hebrew has instead is not a strong argument
against this view.5 In this highly enigmatic prophecy, may in fact
allude to the outcome of the prediction: the Land of the Sea will be
turned into a Desert of the Sea.6 A similar concern seems to appear in
Isa. 21:11 as well.7
The second superscription, , demarcating Isa. 21:1112, is
usually read as a prophecy concerning Edom (cf. in v. 11). ,
which does not reappear in the text, is understood as wordplay on
(cf. LXX). The cryptic content of the prophecy gives further support
for considering a symbol rather than a place name.8
derives
from , to be silent.9 The superscription would mean the silence
oracle. Whether this silence refers literally to the silence of the night
(note ),10 figuratively to the lack of revelation from Seir, or both, is
3
Cf. Wildberger, 76364; B. Uffenheimer, The Desert of the Sea Pronouncement (Isaiah 21:110), in: D.P. Wright et al. (eds), Pomegranates and Golden Bells:
Studies in Biblical, Jewish, and Near Eastern Ritual, Law, and Literature in Honor of
Jacob Milgrom, Winona Lake, IN 1995, 67779.
4
. Dhorme, Le dsert de la mer (Isae, xxi), in: Idem, Recueil douard Dhorme:
tudes bibliques et orientales, Paris 1951, 3014; Uffenheimer, Pronouncement, 678
79; Sweeney, 28081. mt tmt is referred to in the Erra and Ishum Epic (iv 130) as
tmtu.
5
Contra Macintosh, Palimpsest, 6; S. Erlandsson, The Burden of Babylon: A Study
of Isaiah 13:214:23 (CB.OT, 4), Lund 1970, 82; D.S. Vanderhooft, The Neo-Babylonian
Empire and Babylon in the Latter Prophets (HSM, 59), Atlanta, GA 1999, 131.
6
Cf. Jer. 25:12; 51:3637. See Ibn Ezra and Qimchi apud Seitz, 167; Uffenheimer,
Pronouncement, 67879; W.R. Gallagher, Sennacheribs Campaign to Judah: New
Studies (SHCANE, 18), Leiden 1999, 39.
7
can be compared with Jer. 50:21, which refers to Babylon as
. This name may also include a symbolic (cf. , stubborn, rebellious) and a
geographical significance (cf. nr marrtu, designating the area where the Tigris meets
the Euphrates). The same ambiguity appears possibly in )!( in the same verse
line. Cf. W. Rudolph, Jeremia (HAT, 12), Tbingen 1968, 303.
8
Since is also the name of a city in the Arabian Desert (Gen. 25:14; 1 Chron.
1:30), Isa. 21:1112 is sometimes connected with this Arabian region. Cf. K. Galling,
Jesaja 21 im Lichte der neuen Nabonidtexte, in: E. Wrthwein, O. Kaiser (eds), Tradition und Situation: Studien zur alttestamentlichen Prophetie. Arthur Weiser zum
70. Geburtstag, Gttingen 1963, 59; Oswalt, 397 n. 1; Sweeney, 285; Fischer, EdomSpruch, 47677. However, the city of Seir mentioned in Isa. 21:11 reminds one of
Edom rather than an Arabian settlement that is otherwise insignificant for Biblical
literature.
9
Cf. , quiet, silence (Isa. 47:5; Hab. 2:19 [ in 1QpHab]; Lam. 3:26) and
, silence (Ps. 22:3; 39:3; 62:2). See further )<( calm (1 Kgs 19:12;
Ps. 107:29; Job 4:16) and ( Ezek. 27:32). In connection with foreign nations, note
especially Isa. 47:5 (Babylon) and Ezek. 27:32 (Tyre).
10
For and , see Isa. 47:5, for and , see Ps. 22:3.
72
chapter three
difficult to tell. Other homonymous verbal forms should also be considered, like I, to resemble, III, to destroy.
The preposition is unique in of 21:13. It seems, nevertheless, that is syntactically unrelated to . I.e., v. 13 introduces
a entitled . As in the previous case, the meaning of is
ambiguous.11 ) ( may refer to the evening (cf. LXX and Vulg.)
or the Arabian population ( ; 1 Kgs 10:15; Jer. 25:24; Ezek. 27:21).
Viewed through Isa. 21:16, the prophecy is concerned with the inhabitants of the Syrian Desert, the Kederites, sons of Kedem (Jer. 49:28).
As we may conclude from the pericope, , the heading in
Isa. 22:1, appears to be a figurative designation for Jerusalem (cf. 22:5).12
The symbolic language of the superscriptions is a common feature of

these four oracles.13 In three cases (21:1, 11, 13; cf. 30:6) the metaphors
in the headings are an integral part of the message and not only loosely
connected to the body of the text. This suggests that these headings
were recorded simultaneously with the prophecy. Isa. 22:1 also refers
to the addressees in a symbolic way.
Beside the similarities in the titles, one should note the highly symbolic language of Isa. 21, tying together the three utterances. A further
common feature of 2122 is the visionary experience of the prophet
and the frequent use of 1st person formulas.14 The oracles in 2122
refer to the seer receiving his revelation from Yhwh.15 Both Isa. 21
and 22 refer to Elam (21:2; 22:6); both portray the emotional implications of the revelation (21:3; 22:4); in both texts eating and drinking
precedes the danger (21:5; 22:13); both texts mention refugees from
11
This superscription is absent in LXX, but it is supported by all other versions and
manuscripts. Given the nature of the LXX of Isaiah, caution must be exercised when
relying solely on this textual witness (contra Gallagher, Campaign, 57). Isa. 21:1317
should be thematically distinguished from the previous prophecy, so that a new superscription should occur at this location.
12
Another symbolic -superscription appears in Isa. 30:6. In the phrase
, the term itself is ambiguous: may mean pronouncement
against those going to Egypt, as well as burden, i.e. the treasures people transported
on the beasts in order to obtain support from Egypt.
13
Delitzsch, 245, and Young, 2.86, speak of a tetralogy. Sweeney argues that Isa. 21
is an original unit (Sweeney, 277, 281, 284; cf. also Fischer, Edom-Spruch, 478).
Yet, this argument is strange in view of his assumption that the oracles in 1323 are
delimited by the superscriptions + X (Sweeney, 221, 254). His identification
of 21:11, 13 as demarcations of textual subunits (277) is confusing (he also regards
21:14; 21:510; 21:1315; 21:1617 as subunits). Unlike Sweeney (278) assumes, 21:10
concludes an individual oracle.
14
Cf. 21:2, 3, 4, 6, 10, 11, 16; 22:4, 14. Isa. 21:16 may be secondary (see below).
15
21:2, 6, 10, 11, 16; 22:14. The of 14:2832 also refers to an inquiry.
73
war ( ;21:14, 15; 22:3); and both texts give a detailed description
of the enemy.
These common characteristics may suggest that Isa. 2122 contains
a distinctive sub-collection inside the prophecies on the nations of
Isa. 1323.16 Isa. 2122 probably existed as a collection prior to being
inserted into its present location. This editorial process may answer
several important questions on the composition of Isa. 1323, such as
those concerning the two Babylonian prophecies, the appearance of a
prophecy on Jerusalem and one addressed to a palace official alongside
other texts on foreign nations, the present position of Isa. 23, and the
differences in the superscriptions in Isa. 1323.
As noted above in 1.2, scholars usually relate the two anti-Babylonian
prophecies in Isa. 13:114:27 and 21:110 to two successive stages in
the redaction of the book of Isaiah.17 However, this interpretation is
challenged by other texts which were similarly connected to different
stages of redaction but were included among the thematically related
prophecies. In these cases, the prophecies concerning one particular
nation were collected under one heading in Isaiah (cf. 1314; 1516;
1920), as well as in Jeremiah (Jer. 48; 5051) and Ezekiel (Ezek. 2628;
2932). It is more convincing therefore to argue that Isa. 2122 were
not from the beginning supposed to form part of a collection of FNPs.
Moreover, they were related to each other even before they came to be
part of Isa. 1323.
An earlier grouping of Isa. 2122 may also explain the present location of Isa. 22, the unusual prophecy addressing Jerusalem in a collection of FNPs. Similar collections in Jeremiah, Ezekiel or Zephaniah
do not include prophecies on Jerusalem. A prophecy against Israel
appears in Amos 2:616, but there it forms a bridge to the second
part of the book, Amos 36. Isa. 22 in its present position does not
share the same function as Amos 2:616, especially since Isa. 22 is
followed by another prophecy concerning a foreign nation, Tyre, in
Isa. 23. Furthermore, Isa. 22:1525, the prophecy addressed specifically to a Judaean palace official, is unusual with regard to any collection of FNPs.
The assumption that Isa. 2122 was inserted among an already
existing -collection also provides an explanation for the present
16
17
Duhm, 12, also takes 10:2820:6 and 2122 + 30:67 as two collections.
For instance, Vermeylen and Jenkins.
74
chapter three
placement of the prophecy concerning Tyre (Isa. 23). In my view, the

Tyre prophecy originally followed the prophecy on Egypt (Isa. 19[
20]), as the two nations are also connected in Ezek. 2632, reflecting
the close political and economic ties between them (cf. 5.3.1).
Similarly to other collections of FNPs, Isa. 1323 contains headings and superscriptions that are not of the main ( )type (Isa.
14:24; 16:14; 17:12; 18:1; 20:1; 22:15). These headings are important
witnesses to the growth of the collection, but the relationship between
these and the -type headings, whether subordinating or coordinating, requires a more detailed examination of the smaller collections
in Isa. 1323.
3.2 The Subdivisions in Isaiah 1323

The space allotted to this chapter and the specific focus of the present study limit our examination of Isa. 1323 to issues related to specific problems in Isa. 1820. In accordance with a general approach in
recent Old Testament scholarship, the final form of the text is taken as
the starting point for our discussion. Nevertheless, even if the reconstruction of the diachronic development of biblical texts is to a large
extent dependent on subjective considerations and exegetical insights,
the question whether the final form corresponds to the original form
must be considered seriously in each individual case. Pursuing this
trajectory, I shall aim to answer the following literary, theological and
historical questions:
a. Literary questions. As we have seen above, Isa. 1323 contains headings which delimit further text blocks inside 1323. What can we
say about the literary integrity of these delimited subsections? How
far can these sections be read holistically and to what extent do we
need to consider other originally unconnected individual prophecies? Taking into account the possibility that the final form of these
subdivisions was reached through several stages of textual development, what kind of possible editorial principles and strategies can
we discern with regard to the subsections?
b. Theological questions. What are the theological concerns of individual prophecies? Has recontextualisation caused any shift in
the meaning of the text? How do the different editorial concerns
75
interact with one another? What kind of intertextual connections

appear among the prophecies in Isa. 1323?
c. Historical questions. What can we say concerning the authorship,
date and historical setting of the prophecies and collections?
3.2.1 The Composition of Isaiah 13:114:27
The superscription in Isa. 13:1 delimits the following section as a prophecy concerning Babylon. In its present form, the pericope deals with Babylon and Assyria.18 The prophecy on Assyria in
14:2427 contains no individual superscription, which most likely
means that it is subjected to the heading in 13:1. Evidently, the unity
of 13:114:27 is secondary and not original.19 The thematic dissimilarity between the prophecies against Babylon and Assyria suggest that
14:2427 was originally independent. In general, scholars distinguish
the following distinctive pericopes: 13:122; 14:14a; 14:4b21; 14:22
23; 14:2427.
The literary unity of 13:122 is often presupposed,20 yet the arguments supporting this position hardly involve anything more than
recognition of une grande unit de style et de contenu (Vermeylen).
Other scholars distinguish an earlier (anti-Babylon) prophecy from its
18
Some exegetes delimit 13:114:23 as the first division, excluding the prophecy
on Assyria in 14:2427 (Kaiser, 5). Others regard 13:114:32 as one unit (Sweeney,
22122; Childs, 124). According to Sweeney the superscription in Isa. 14:28 does not
correspond to the standard form of the title in chs. 1323. It should instead be treated
like 20:1, as an appendix (Sweeney, 221). However, the superscriptions of Isa. 2122
also deviate from the standard forms, bringing further pluriformity of -type
headings in the range of possibilities. Isa. 20:1 is different from 14:28, because it is
concerned with the same theme as the previous Isa. 19. No such thematic connection
appears between 13:114:27 and 14:2832. Along with other scholars, I consider 13:1
14:27 to be the first -unit. Cf. K. Jeppesen, The ma bbel in Isaiah 1314,
PIBA 9 (1985), 6380; J.A. Goldstein, The Metamorphosis of Isaiah 13:214:27, in:
R.A. Argall et al. (eds), For a Later Generation: The Transformation of Tradition in
Israel, Early Judaism and Early Christianity, Harrisburg, PA 2000, 7888.
19
Contra Goldstein, Metamorphosis, 7888. For the original unity of 13:114:23,
see Erlandsson, Burden; B. Gosse, Isae 13,114,23 dans la tradition littraire du livre
dIsae et dans la tradition des oracles contre les nations (OBO, 78), Freiburg 1988, 276;
Watts, 195. Hayes & Irvine, 226, treat 14:127 as a unit.
20
Duhm, 112; Kissane, 154; Wildberger, 507; Vermeylen, 1.28687; Sweeney, 231;
Kilian, 95 (but cf. 100); Blenkinsopp, 27677.
76
chapter three
later expansions,21 or assume that 13:222 is a collection of several

originally independent prophecies.22
The particles and at vv. 9 and 17 indicate two shifts in
the text. When used independently in the Latter Prophets, often
occurs at the beginning of a new prophecy.23 When this is not the
case, signifies a logical step inside a textual unit.24 In our case it
is difficult to regard 13:9 as an integral part of the previous prophecy
for at least two reasons. First, no significant shift appears here, since
the previously-commenced description of the day of Yhwh continues
after 13:9. Second, v. 9 presents the arrival of the day of Yhwh as if it
were new information to the reader, which it is not (cf. 13:56). Similarly, in 13:17 also signals a text of a different origin than 13:28.25
It appears therefore that 13:9 is the beginning of a prophecy that was
originally independent from 13:28. In conclusion, we can provisionally divide Isa. 13 into two subsections: vv. 28 and vv. 922.
Isaiah 13:28
The first unit of the begins with a summons ().
Another imperative appears later in v. 6 (), although this is aimed
at other addressees.26 As vv. 28 describe the preparations for the day
21
Zapff identifies an older anti-Babylon oracle 13:1a+1722a from 13:1b+2
16+22b, with universalistic tendencies and with Babylon as the personification of evil.
Cf. B.M. Zapff, Schriftgelehrte ProphetieJes 13 und die Komposition des Jesajabuches: Ein Beitrag zur Erforschung der Redaktionsgeschichte des Jesajabuches (FzB, 74),
Wrzburg 1995, 219, 22739. Bosshard-Nepustil regards 13:28+1416 as the primary
layer (after 587), expanded by 13:1+1722 (around 539), and later by 13:913. Cf.
E. Bosshard-Nepustil, Rezeptionen von Jesaia 139 im Zwlfprophetenbuch (OBO,
154), Freiburg 1997, 91. Fischer distinguishes 13:25+78+1416 (after 587), from two
subsequent expansions 13:1a+17+18b+1922 (after 539) and 13:6+913 (date?). Cf. C.
Fischer, Die Fremdvlkersprche bei Amos und Jesaja (BBB, 136), Berlin 2002, 7599.
22
Clements, 13238, discerns vv. 23 (Babylonian revolt against Assyria, late 8th
century), vv. 45 (Babylon against the world, end 7th century), vv. 68 (Babylon
against Jerusalem, after 587), vv. 916 (eschatological reinterpretation of , 4th
century), vv. 1516 (after 587), vv. 1722 (ca. 545538).
23
Isa. 17:1; 19:1; 24:1; 30:27; Jer. 6:22; 47:2; Amos 8:11; 9:13; Nah. 2:1.
24
Isa. 28:2, 16; 34:5; 35:4; 39:6; Jer. 2:35; 5:14; Joel 4:7; Hab. 2:4; etc.
25
For as the beginning of a new prophecy, see, e.g., Jer. 46:25; 49:35; 51:1; as
the beginning of a new section, cf. Jer. 49:5; 50:18.
26
Isa. 13:6 may form a new beginning in the poem (cf. Isa. 23:1), but it is not
likely that 13:68 was independent from 13:25 (contra Clements, 13435). Kaiser,
11 noted that 13:25 is written in qina-meter which obviously differs from v. 6. This
may mean that the summons to wail in v. 6 refers to the lament in 13:25. Jer. 4:58
serves with a further example for the relation between the summons to wail and the
coming destruction of the enemy.
77
of Yhwh, the verses furthermore refer to an unnamed enemy introduced as the consecrated ones (), warriors ( )and weapons
of Yhwhs wrath () , commanded ( / )to execute his
anger (13:3). They arrive from a distant land () , from the
ends of the sky () . These warriors are often assumed to
be divine beings, and the evoked scene involves universal eschatological judgment.27 It is more likely, however, that this army is formed by
divinely commissioned humans. The expression ( 13:4) is
unsuitable for divine beings. The imagery of this conglomerate force
coming from very far away complies with other descriptions of a historical, human foe.28
The opponents to this army acting as the weapon of Yhwhs anger
are not explicitly identified. There are two rather general allusions in
13:5 and 7. in v. 5 may be rendered either the entire world
or the entire country, and does not therefore add any helpful information. The same holds true for the impersonal formulations in vv.
78. Another reference to those subject to judgment is probably hidden in 13:2. is often assumed to be the name of a gate
of a certain city. If this was the case, it would further corroborate the
view that the judgment is to be performed on one city rather than the
entire world. However, the plural form of makes it unlikely that
one specific city gate is intended. It is also improbable that several
gates of a city would be called gates of the nobles. As an alternative
reading, it is possible to read instead of , and to take
as the subject of the verb .29 , which is just another name for
the warriors (cf. Num. 21:18), corresponds to the picture of the consecrated soldiers of Yhwh in this text.
But which gate is referred to here? One entering Babylon or
belonging to some other nation? Some scholars have argued that
13:28 was formerly an anti-Judaean prophecy, in which Babylon (or
Assyria) appeared as the nation from the ends of the earth that is subject to judgment in the second part of the prophecy (13:916). The
text would have then been later reinterpreted as an anti-Babylonian
27
Zapff, Prophetie, 237; Hffken, 128.

Cf. Deut. 28:49; Isa. 5:26; Jer. 6:22 ( ;)cf. Deut. 30:4; Neh. 1:9.
29
LXX seems to support reading , by vocalising as an imperative,
(). Following this consonantal text but vocalising , would give a clearer
reading, viz. so that the nobles may enter his gate.
28
78
chapter three
speech.30 Ifand this is significantthe superscription in 13:1 is later

than 13:28, the view that this passage refers to Judah is also a possibility.31 Undoubtedly, the description of the enemy fits the Babylonian army, but there is still some question concerning the extent to
which 13:28 complies with other anti-Judaean prophecies portraying
Babylon as an enemy. The practice of borrowing and reapplication
of motifs should warn us against easily assigning meanings to parallel traditions,32 or ascribing such meaning to the various passages in
which such motifs reappear (cf. 1.1.23). It is one thing to argue
that, if decontextualised, 13:28 may appear as a prophecy against
Judah in which Babylon acts as the instrument of judgment. It is quite
another thing to prove that 13:28 is actually such a prophecy.
There are three arguments that may help us to advance this hypothesis a few steps closer towards confirmation. First, it is unusual in a
prophecy concerning a foreign nation to address the audience without
any direct reference to the nations name. If the -heading in 13:1
is secondary, the only reference to the victims is in v. 5 and
the impersonal allusions of vv. 78. This failure to identify the subject
of prophecy is, however, more common in the speeches addressed to
Judah. Second, the expression in Isa. 13:6 may be interpreted as a wordplay alluding to the , Chaldaeans, who are then
seen to be acting as the instruments of God (Jer. 51:2023).33 Third, the
description of the enemy as comprising many nationalities complies
historically with the late Persian army, but much less with the pre539 Persians. These considerations might suggest that Isa. 13:28 was
originally an anti-Judaean prophecy. in v. 6 may once have
stood for Judah itself (cf. Zeph. 1:18). In the new context, this term is
transformed into a reference to the Babylonian Empire.
But how could a prophecy proclaiming doom on Judah by the Babylonians become an anti-Babylonian speech? This phenomenon is not
30
Kissane, 15455; Goldstein, Metamorphosis, 7888. C.T. Begg noted the loose
sitting of Babylon in Isa. 1314 and argued for the later babylonisation of these
prophecies (Babylon in the Book of Isaiah, in: BoI, 122).
31
In a prophecy against Judah, Jer. 1:15 (cf. 25:9) speaks about a great multitude
of the north ( ) summoned ( )by God to come and set up
a throne before the ports of Jerusalem () .
32
Goldstein, Metamorphosis, 8485, argues that the similarity between Isa. 13:20
and Zeph. 2:1315 would mean that Isa. 13:20 also refers to Nineveh.
33
Similar word play occurs in Isa. 21:14 and 22:56 (cf. Bosshard-Nepustil, Rezeptionen, 47 n. 5).
79
unique to Isa. 13. The idea behind this recontextualisation corresponds

to the so-called theology of retribution: the Medes will destroy Babylon in the manner that they destroyed Jerusalem (Jer. 4; Zeph. 1). Allusions to this idea are also found in Isa. 33:1 and 4 (cf. also Jer. 50:15,
29; Hab. 2:8), but, even more significantly, it reappears in the
in Isa. 14:2. This latter verse is commonly attributed to the redactors of Isa. 1314. Similar editorial processes are observable in Isa.
10:1619 and 10:2834. Relocated from their original anti-Israelite or
anti-Judaean contexts, these prophecies now sound as anti-Assyrian
texts.34 Another prophecy addressing primarily Judah or Israel that
was later reapplied to the Babylonian enemy is Isa. 29:1524.35 Similar
recontextualisation also occurs outside the book of Isaiah. Jer. 50:41
43, a prophecy against Babylon, is almost literally the same as the antiJudaean Jer. 6:2224. The foe of Babylon will resemble the Chaldaeans,
the enemies of Judah.
Isaiah 13:916, 1722
When arguing that Isa. 13:916 was originally independent from
13:28, I disagree with those who view 13:913(1416) as a literary
expansion of the previous -theme.36 The connection between
13:28 and 13:916 is established through the well-known catchword
principle of the editors, according to which two originally distinct
prophecies are seen as related by a common expression which appears
in both. In this case, the catchword is in vv. 6 and 9, which in
this form is attested only here in Isaiah.37
The theological concern of 13:916 is to proclaim punishment for sinners (), the wicked (), the arrogant ( ) and tyrants
() . These motifs may be contrasted with 13:3, according to
34
On the redaction-critical problems of Isa. 10:534, cf. O. Eissfeldt, Einleitung in

das Alte Testament, Tbingen 31964, 41314; Mowinckel, Komposition, 284; G.C.I.
Wong, Deliverance or Destruction? Isaiah x 3334 in the Final Form of Isaiah xxi,
VT 53 (2003), 54452.
35
See C. Balogh, Blind People, Blind God: The Composition of Isaiah 29,1524,
ZAW 121 (2009), 4869.
36
Clements, 135; Bosshard-Nepustil, Rezeptionen, 71; Fischer, Fremdvlkersprche,
9199. The (often insignificant) lexical similarities between 13:916 and its context
referred to in Bosshard-Nepustil, Rezeptionen, 71 n. 1, need not imply the direct influence of one text on the other. These similarities can be more convincingly explained
by the common theme of the two texts.
37
For connections with in Isa. 2:12, see 3.4 below.
80
chapter three
which the agents of judgment are rejoicing in the greatness of Yhwh

() . As in Isa. 10:5, hubris is the cause of Babylons fall.
No addressee is named directly in 13:916. Nevertheless, the earth
(13:9), its wicked and tyrannical inhabitants (13:11) and the imagery
of nations fleeing home (13:14) allude to an empire which has taken
others into exile, so that Assyria38 or Babylon39 are the likely candidates.
Isa. 13:916 is often argued to lack concrete historical references,
for which reason several scholars believe that this text focusing on
the destruction of the wicked in the world is an eschatological universalist reinterpretation of 13:28.40 Notwithstanding that the motifs of
, the fading stars, constellations and heavenly bodies (13:911)
allude to a judgment with universal consequences,41 this poetic picture corresponds to the tradition in which it was common
to issue particular, nation-specific, historical messages of doom.42 The
metaphorical significance of the cosmic elements basically distinguishes this text from apocalyptic literature, where the cosmic cataclysm is treated in a historical (and not poetical) frame. One may even
wonder whether the cosmic aspect of the judgment in 13:10 is not
somehow related to the famous astrological knowledge of the nation
addressed (cf. Isa. 47:1114). Furthermore, 13:1722 as well as the
concrete names in the heading of v. 1a create a historicising context
that makes it difficult to read vv. 916 as an ahistorical eschatological text. In this case, distinguishing between a historical (13:28) and
38
H. Grimme, Ein bersehenes Orakel gegen Assur (Isaias 13), ThQ 85 (1903),
111; Kissane, 154; Goldstein, Metamorphosis, 7888.
39
For instance, Gray, 241. Cf. Isa. 48:20; Jer. 50:8, 16; 51:6, 45; Zech. 2:10, 11.
Procksch, 189, Clements, 136, and Zapff, Prophetie, 156, understand 13:14 in the sense
that even flight would not bring escape from Yhwhs wrath. However, this interpretation contradicts 13:15, according to which death will come only upon those who are in
the city and not those in flight. Moreover, Jer. 50:1617 makes clear that the earliest
witness to this Isaianic text (note the imagery of the scattered sheep, the devouring
sword; cf. also ) understood Isa. 13:14 as referring
to the flight of foreigners from Babylon.
40
For example, Kaiser, Clements, Zapff, Kilian, Bosshard-Nepustil.
41
Cf. Vermeylen, 1.28889; Ohmann, 63; Kilian, 98; Blenkinsopp, 27879.
42
Jer. 4:2325, 28; Ezek. 32:78; Joel 2:2, 10; Amos 5:1820; 8:910; Zeph. 1:1416.
Cf. the nearness of the day of Yhwh in Joel 2:1 | Zeph. 1:7, 14 | Isa. 13:6, the consecrated warriors in Zeph. 1:7, 14 | Isa. 13:3, the summons to howl in Zeph. 1:11 |
Isa. 13:6, wrath in Zeph. 1:15 | Isa. 13:3, 5, fear in Joel 2:6 | Isa. 13:78, the wealth
which cannot save in Zeph. 1:18 | Isa. 13:17. Cf. also Isa. 28:2; 29:6; 30:30 (cosmic
theophany); Judg. 5:45, 20; Josh. 10:1113.
81
a cosmologic, eschatological (13:913) judgment is for these reasons

unconvincing in my opinion.
The view that the motif of wicked and sinful in Isa. 13 would be part
of an ahistorical eschatology should also be questioned. The prophecy
of Habakkuk suggests that Babylon can take on the role of the evil par
excellence, just as Assyria can become the prototype of arrogance. Both
images, the wicked and the proud, are rooted in wisdom literature
where the arrogant figure typifies the enemy, the opponent to Yhwh
(compare Prov. 23:11 with Jer. 50:34). In prophetic representations,
the general motifs of the wicked and arrogant enemy and the righteous
humble sufferer receive concrete historical and political contours (cf.
Hab. 2).
in Isa. 13:17 denotes the beginning of a new section in the
prophecy. It is significant that 13:1718 repeats ideas attested before
in 13:1516.43 But unlike 13:916, vv. 1722 cannot be treated as an
independent prophecy. in 13:17 can only be understood in a
context in which the references are identified. Isa. 13:1722 must be
considered an expansion of either vv. 28 or vv. 916.
The references to Babylon and the Medians have long provided reason to question the Isaianic authorship of Isa. 13. By reinterpreting Isa.
13 either partially or entirely as a prophecy concerned with Assyria
rather than Babylon in the first place, or by arguing that the agents of
destruction were the Assyrians, scholars attempted to save Isa. 13 from
an ever growing list of non-Isaianic prophecies. The possibility of Isaianic authorship can be taken into consideration only for 13:28, if this
text is presumed to have originally described an Assyrian invasion of
Judah. However, as noted above, it is more likely that the Babylonians
threatening Jerusalem underlie vv. 28, implying a date somewhere
in the late 7th century. If 13:916 focuses on the fall of Assyria, an
earlier date in the 7th century date can be proposed. Yet it is more
likely that 13:916 anticipates the collapse of Babylon, implying a date
after the first campaign against Jerusalem. Vv. 1722 may derive from
a time when the face of an enemy capable of defeating Babylon began
to emerge from the shadow.44 It is commonly agreed that the events
connected to the fall of Babylon in 13:916 and 1722 do not comply
See in 13:16 and 18, and cf. Kaiser, 11.

In prophetic texts, Persia is never mentioned as an enemy of Babylon, but only
Elam and Media (Isa. 21:2), or Media alone (Jer. 51:11, 28).
43
44
82
chapter three
with the peaceful Perso-Median occupation of Babylon in 539. The

question is whether this incongruence presupposes a date before 539
or after it, e.g. the time of the defeat of rebellious Babylon by Darius I
in 521520 or Xerxes in 482.45 It is well-known that eager expectations
concerning the fall of Babylon were widespread during the early postexilic period (cf. Jer. 50:28; Hag. 2:67; Zech. 12). It is, however, also
possible that vv. 1722 recall the idea of turning a former friend into
an enemy, a frequent theme in prophecies (Jer. 4:30; Ezek. 16:3141;
23:9, 2224). If this concept is being referred to in this passage, Isa.
13:17 can be dated to a period when Media and Babylon were still
allies, i.e. before 539. At any rate, 13:22 assumes that the fall of Babylon still lies in the future.46
To conclude this discussion, (a) Isa. 13 is composed of three pericopes. Vv. 28 and 916 form two originally independent prophecies
connected by the theme, while 13:1722 is the Fortschreibung
of either 13:28 or 13:916. The original anti-Judaean prophecy in
13:28 was most likely transformed into an anti-Babylonian text by,
at least in part, its move to the present context. Isa. 13:916 does not
predict an eschatological cosmic cataclysm but the collapse of the historical Babylonian Empire (cf. 13:9 with Isa. 10:14).
(b) Isa. 13 contains important themes reappearing intermittently in
the rest of Isa. 1323: the utter destruction (13:5, 9, 1922) of the whole
earth (), former tribute bearer nations of Babylon (13:14), on
the ; haughtiness (, , , , )and wickedness (, , ( )13:11, 19); history as governed by Yhwh, who
himself commands (, 13:3) and leads (, 13:4) his army; the call
to howl and wail (, 13:6); the motif of taking refuge (13:1415); the
temporal aspect in the fulfilment of the prophecy (13:22).
(c) The dates of the three passages are uncertain. Isa. 13:28 may
derive from the late 7th or early 6th century. In case of 13:916 and
13:1722 this period may be extended to the exilic era (before 14:14a).
45
Gosse, Isae, 272 (Darius I); Vermeylen, 1.28990 (Xerxes).

For Isa. 13 as a pre-eventum prophecy, cf. Clements, 13637; Begg, Babylon,
12425; Sweeney, 231; H.G.M. Williamson, The Book Called Isaiah: Deutero-Isaiahs
Role in Composition and Redaction, Oxford 1994, 158; Vanderhooft, Babylon, 125;
Blenkinsopp, 277.
46
83
Isaiah 14:14a, 4b21, 2223

The introductory particle suggests that Isa. 14:14a is a text composed for its present location to connect Isa. 13 with 14:4b23. Read
through the looking glass of 14:12, the judgment of Babylon in 13:122
was a sign of Yhwhs compassion towards Israel. The poetic imagery
in 14:12 reminds one of various sections from Isaiah and Zechariah,47
which may belong to the same theological tradition of the late exilic
or early post-exilic period.48 The previous message announcing total
destruction of Babylon in Isa. 13 is shifted to presenting Babylon as a
vassal in 14:2 (cf. Isa. 60:14).
Vv. 34a are written in prose. The introductory might
suggest that they are a later addition, although that is by no means
certain.49 The coherence of Isa. 14:14a is reinforced by adopting
the vocabulary of Israels pre-settlement-experience: Israels election
( ;14:1), the heavy slavery ( ; 14:3), the foreigners
that shall join Israel (cf. Exod. 12:38), the return to the homeland, the
rest ( ;14:1) in the land of Yhwh ( ; 14:2), the servants
of Gods nation (14:2; cf. Jos. 9:21). The king of the song in 14:4b21,
who refused to set his prisoners free (v. 17), reminds the reader of the
stubborn Egyptian pharaoh.
Isa. 14:14a functions like a bridge between the prophecies in Isa. 13
and the song in 14:4b21. Having described the defeat of the despot,
Babylon (Isa. 13), the victory is celebrated in song, as in days of old on
the Asian side of the Red Sea (14:4b21). The sequence act of salvation
followed by a song also appears elsewhere in Isaiah (cf. Isa. 12; 2527*;
38:920). The most prominent example is 11:1116 (new exodus) and
12 (a new song of Moses; cf. Exod. 1415).
Because 14:4b21 can also be read independently of its context, it is
often believed that this passage was relocated from a different place.50
According to v. 4a, the song is a , a paradigm, applicable to any
person fitting the model it creates.51 While the unity of 14:4b21 is
47
Cf. Isa. 11:1116; 45:14; 49:2223; 56:3, 6; 60:1016; 61:56; Zech. 2:1316. Note
( Zech. 2:16) and ( Isa. 14:2), ( Zech. 2:16)

and ( Isa. 14:1).
48
Sweeney, 232 (post-exilic); Williamson, Book, 16567, 17175 (exilic).

For the unity of 14:14a, cf. Zapff, Prophetie, 26566.
50
Wildberger, 506; M.A. Sweeney, King Josiah of Judah: The Lost Messiah of Israel,
Oxford 2001, 244.
51
For as paradigm, cf. R.M. Shipp, Of Dead Kings and Dirges: Myth and
Meaning in Isaiah 14:4b21, Atlanta, GA 2002, 3443.
49
84
chapter three
generally accepted,52 its Isaianic authorship is less widely shared. The

mythological imagery in 14:1213 and the allusions to deportation in
14:17 suggests that the addressee comes from Mesopotamia.53 Nevertheless, from Tiglath-pileser III to Alexander the Great all major players in history have been named as potential protagonists.
The most frequently mentioned figure in connection with Isa. 14:19, is
Sargon II, who died on the battlefield in 705 bc. His corpse was not
found and could not have been properly buried.54 This identification is
problematic, however, for 14:20, mentioning a king who destroyed his
land and killed his people, could hardly refer to Sargon.55 Furthermore,
in 14:19, often rendered as you were cast away from your
grave, or you were cast away without having your grave, should better be translated as you were cast out from your grave,56 which dissolves the tensions with 14:911, 15, where the king is already said to
have descended into the grave. This song emphasises that the king is not
only thrown out of heaven because of his cruelty and wickedness (14:12)
but also from the underworld. The author does not describe the specific
52
Jeppesen, Isaiah 1314, 78 n. 30, allow the possibility that Isa. 14:4b21 was
composed of the independent units 14:4b8, 911, 1217, 1821. Blenkinsopp, 285,
distinguishes two poems, 14:4b11 and 14:1221, but gives no details. It is, however,
doubtful that these passages could have formed independent prophecies. Some also
argued that 14:5 and 20b21 are later glosses. Cf. Fohrer, 1.174; Wildberger, 541; Kaiser, 29; H. Barth, Die Jesaja-Worte in der Josiazeit: Israel und Assur als Thema einer
produktiven Neuinterpretation der Jesajaberlieferung (WMANT, 48), NeukirchenVluyn 1977, 128; Clements 141; Zapff, Prophetie, 26667; Blenkinsopp, 285; Fischer,
Fremdvlkersprche, 12526. This assumption is based on the conviction that v. 5
implies the direct action of Yhwh, unexpected in such a song. Note however, that
Yhwh is actively present in the similar dirges of Ezekiel concerning the fall of Tyre
(Ezek. 28) and Egypt (Ezek. 3132). Moreover, v. 6 could hardly be the continuation
of v. 4b. connects v. 6 to / in v. 5 (cf. Isa. 10:24; 14:29; 30:31), and not
in v. 4b (contra Zapff, Prophetie, 26667). For Isa. 14:21, cf. also Ezek. 32:3132.
53
Although Canaanite mythological elements may appear here (cf. Shipp, Dead
Kings, 124, 6779), it is more likely that the text presents primarily Mesopotamian
views, filtered through the interpretation of a Canaanite poet.
54
E.g., Sweeney, 23233; Gallagher, Campaign, 8889; Shipp, Dead Kings, 172. In
Assyrian texts Sargon is called akin Ellil, the governor of Ellil. Gallagher assumes
that the similarities between Ellil and in 14:12, justify identification of the king
as Sargon (Campaign, 8889). Accepting, for the sake of argument, the philological
connections between and Ellil, it still remains problematic that Sargon is called
governor of Ellil. Isa. 14:12 points not only to a close association of Sargon with this
particular god (so Gallagher, Campaign, 89), but it identifies with the king and
associates him with .
55
We know that Esarhaddon killed some of the high officials, and so did Sennacherib and Sargon II, too, with other throne contenders. But this was rather common and far from destroying ones land and killing the people.
56
Blenkinsopp, 284; S. Olyan, Was the King of Babylon Buried Before His Corpse
Was Exposed? Some Thoughts on Isa 14,19, ZAW 118 (2006), 425.
85
circumstances under which Sargon II died (many details of which are

still unknown today), but he pictures the king as a malicious ruler who
would find no rest even in death. Being thrown down from heaven is
paralleled by being thrown out by Sheol. As the first imagery is artistic,
the second one must be likewise. Another unburied Assyrian or Egyptian king appears in Ezek. 31:1213; 32:46 (cf. Ezek. 29:5). Like the texts
of Ezekiel, Isa. 10:515, 2427 or 37:2229, Isa. 14 uses stereotypical
language in describing Assyrian monarchs.57 The sons punished for the
sins of the fathers (pl!) according to Isa. 14:21, those not supposed to
fill the earth with cities, are not only royal descendants, but the inhabitants of the land.58
Attempts to identify the ruler with a specific king from Mesopotamia

lead us on a false track. Therefore, the literary-mythological character
of Isa. 14 must be taken seriously. The stereotypical imagery (haughtiness, descent to the underworld) makes this poem perfectly suited to
a .59
But even if the identity of the king(s) remains undisclosed, can
one identify the nation behind the song with greater accuracy? AntiBabylonian feelings were clearly formulated from the turn of 7th6th
centuries (cf. the in Hab. 2:612), but the motif of haughtiness
appears in descriptions of both Assyria (Isa. 10:515; Ezek. 31) and
Babylon (Isa. 13:11, 19; Hab. 2:4), as do the themes of plundering and
injustice. Some scholars assume that the expression in Isa.
14:19 contains a wordplay on the name of )(.60 However,
one can also find the variant spelling ( cf. Akkadian Nabkudurr-usur) for this name in the Bible, so that this identification is
uncertain.
57
Cf. Zapff, Prophetie, 271; Blenkinsopp, 287; Kaiser, 28; Goldingay, 102. For the
motifs of ascent, descent, Sheol, see Shipp, Dead Kings, 81127.
58
The plurals , ( 14:5) and ( 14:20) are not to be seen as redactional expansions universalising an earlier song (contra Barth, Jesaja-Worte, 12728;
Clements, 144; Zapff, Prophetie, 26768). It is characteristic to the genre that its
language is impersonal, expressed here by the plural.
59
In contrast to Wildberger, 542; Vermeylen, 1.294; Kaiser, 28, and Zapff, Prophetie, 271, I do not regard anonymity as the sign of a late date, but a common feature of -literature. Note that in Ezek. 28:210, 1119; 31; 32:110, 1730 are also
without proper names.
60
Ehrlich, 56; Gosse, Isae, 239; W.A.M. Beuken, A Song of Gratitude and a
Song of Malicious Delight: Is Their Consonance Unseemly, in: F.-L. Hossfeld,
L. Schwienhorst-Schnberger (eds), Das Manna fllt auch heute noch: Beitrge zur
Geschichte und Theologie des Alten, Ersten Testaments. Festschrift fr Erich Zenger
(HBS, 44), Freiburg im Breisgau 2004, 102.
86
chapter three
The case for the Assyrian background of the song is stronger. First,
14:21 referring to the building of cities reminds one of Nimrod in
Gen. 10:812, and beyond that of Mic. 5:5, where Assyria is called the
land of Nimrod. Second, a probable reference to the myth of Ishtars
descent to the netherworld in 14:12 may also be evidence of an Assyrian origin of the protagonist king. Ishtar played an important role as
the mother of the Assyrian king.61 Third, it has been noted that there
are close connections between 14:4b21 and Ezek. 31, the lamentation
over the king of Egypt. These connections reach beyond formal similarities, and Isa. 14 may have influenced Ezek. 31 in a more direct way.
Yet Ezek. 31 suggests that Ezekiel read Isa. 14:4b21 as an Assyriarelated text.62
But what role is an anti-Assyrian prophecy playing in this part of
the book of Isaiah? Is it possible to determine its original position with
any degree of certainty? It appears that Isa. 14:4b21 was part of an
anti-Assyrian collection in an earlier form of the book. I argued above
that the pre-monarchic experience of Israel, especially its Egypt-related
past, provided an important analogy for the editors of Isa. 1314 when
they described the return from Babylon. It is striking to observe this
pre-monarchic, mainly Egypt-related past used as an analogy in the
anti-Assyrian utterances of Isa. 911.
Three of these texts are especially important: Isa. 10:2023; 10:2427 and
11:1112:6. Although appearing in an anti-Assyrian prophecy, 10:2023
is in fact dealing with Jacob and Israel (cf. 14:1). It asserts that in the
future, Israel will no longer rely on the one who had struck them.
is often identified with Assyria.63 However, since in its present location
10:2023 is a secondary interpolation, the connection of this text with
Assyria is dubious. If Jacob and Israel refer to the Northern Kingdom,
cannot be Assyria, for Israel was never supported by Assyria. If
Jacob and Israel allude to Judah, identifying with Assyria would
also be problematic, for Judah never sought support from Assyria, who
61
For Ishtar as the deity of dawn (), cf. Shipp, Dead Kings, 76. It is common
in Assyrian prophecies to refer to the king as raised up by his mother, Ishtar. For
the Assyrian hubris motif, cf. M. Kszeghy, Hybris und Prophetie: Erwgungen zum
Hintergrund von Jesaja xiv 1215, VT 44 (1994), 54954.
62
Zapff also argues that Ezek. 31 depends on Isa. 14:4b21, but he dated the Isaianic text to the early post-exilic period (Prophetie, 27172). Yet Ezekiels description
of the fall of Egypt caused by Babylon is not likely post-exilic.
63
Cf. Delitzsch, 176; Knig, 150; Procksch, 171; Clements, 115; Young, 1.369;
Oswalt, 270. Watts, 153, assumed this verse referred to the Aramaean support to
Pekah, or the Assyrian support to Hoshea.
87
has smitten it. When Ahaz became an ally of Assyria, Judah had not yet
been smitten by it; later Assyria appears as an enemy and not a friend
of Judah. It is more likely that the reference is to Egypt, which was supporting Israel after previously having smitten it (Isa. 31:1).
This early Egypt-related tradition is also the imagery recalled in the
following verses (10:2426), which refer to Israels servitude in Egypt.
The Assyrian yoke resembles Egyptian slavery, but Assur will also be
humiliated similarly to the Egyptian pharaoh.
The third text alluding to Egypt and the exodus is Isa. 11:1112:6.
These verses promise the restoration of the glorious nation of the past
with Ephraim and Judah living in peace and the surrounding nations
subjugated as vassals. With boundaries reaching from Egypt to Assyria,
this is the restored Davidic kingdom. Its inhabitants will be brought
home by Yhwh, who will divide the sea of Egypt and the river Euphrates. The new parting of the waters will be followed by a new song
of Moses (Isa. 12), related in its vocabulary to Exod. 15. The exodus
event and song of gratitude are connected in Isa. 1112, as they are in
Exod. 1415.
Close connections exist between the editorial ideas piecing together

Isa. 1314 (14:14a) and Isa. 1012. It would require little imagination
to read 14:4b21 in relation to the boasting speech of the Assyrian
king in 10:515. Isa. 14:4 can be considered an answer to the haughty
speech of the Assyrian king in 10:515 (cf. also 37:2235), as well as a
secondary continuation of either 10:27, the verse originally closing the
anti-Assyrian speech, 10:515, or 11:10.64
The closing verses, Isa. 14:2223, form an oracular statement. It is
commonly accepted that these short utterances do not belong to the
previous poem, but they were added in view of the present context of
the anti-Assyrian prophecy. They are usually assigned to the author of
14:(12)34a.65 However, the views of 14:2 and 14:22 are different with
respect to what happens to the remnants of Babylon. Furthermore,
Isa. 14:21 deviates from the genre of the song and comes close to a
64
There are close connections between 14:4b21 and the anti-Assyrian texts in Isa.
911. in 14:4b reminds of in 9:3. and in 14:5 appear
in 9:3; 10:5, 15, 24, 26 (cf. 28:27; 30:32), in which Assyria is presented as and
in the hand of Yhwh (10:5, 15), or as holding the and in its hands
(10:24). The expression , abhorrent branch (14:19), may be the reversed
image of the glorious and ( cf. Ezek. 15:35; 31:12). At any rate, the new
monarch who shall take on the former role of Assyria is portrayed as the new sprout
( ;11:1), the new ruler of the earth (11:4, 9), justly holding the staff ( ;11:4) of
righteousness. Note also 14:8 showing similarities with another anti-Assyrian speech,
likewise related to Isa. 911, now located at Isa. 37:24 (37:2235).
65
Fohrer, 1.181; Zapff, Prophetie, 269.
88
chapter three
prayer-like imprecation that seeks confirmation. As a divine answer to

the summons in 14:21, the oracular utterance in 14:2223 may contain
exactly this expected confirmation, added in view of the whole antiBabylonian prophecy in 13:114:21.
To conclude, (a) Isa. 14:14a represents an editorial text looking back
to Isa. 13 and forward to 14:4b21. This editor may be responsible for
the present organisation of 13:114:23. The return of Israel from Babylon is compared to a new exodus. Like in the original version of Exod.
1415, the anticipated event (Isa. 13) is extended by a related song of
deliverance (14:4b21). Prominent in this passage is the concept of the
reversal of fortunes. Beyond its final form and meaning, Isa. 14:4b21
formerly belonged to the anti-Assyrian prophecies, probably following
11:10 in the late 7th century edition of Isaiah. With the composition
of Isa. 11:1112:6 and 13:114:23, this prophecy was removed from
its original context and made part of the anti-Babylonian collection.
At this stage the first section of the book culminated in the defeat of
Assyria and the return of a remnant population from the four corners
of the world, followed by the new exodus song, while the prophecy
against Babylon was placed ahead of a second section, the judgment of
the world. The editors responsible for the rearrangement and to some
extent the composition of 13:114:23 may have been the authors of
11:1112:6.66 It is important to note that Jer. 5051 apparently already
reads Isa. 14:4b21 as an anti-Babylonian prophecy, i.e. in its present
context.67
(b) From a theological point of view, 14:4b21 is a song about the
fall of the wicked and arrogant despot. This theme determines the
basic tone of the entire poem. Not only Israel, but the entire earth
( ;14:78) appears here as rejoicing and resting peacefully, in
contrast to the destruction, fear and howling in Isa. 13. Unlike other
nations, Babylon will have no remnants (14:2022). The original concern of 14:4b21 was possibly the fall of Assyria. The punishment of
Cf. the heading in 12:1 followed by a song as in 14:4a.

Cf. Jer. 50:23 | Isa. 14:4; Jer. 50:26 | Isa. 14:22; Jer. 50:29, 31 | Isa. 14:1114;
Jer. 50:33 | Isa. 14:17; Jer. 50:34 | Isa. 14:7. Note also that Jer. 50:1718 explicitly
alludes to the analogy between Assyria and Babylon. For other citations of Isa. 1314
in Jer. 5051, cf. S. Erlandsson, The Burden of Babylon: A Study of Isaiah 13:214:23
(CB.OT, 4), Lund 1970, 15459; Goldstein, Metamorphosis, 86 n. 29; Cs. Balogh,
Oude en nieuwe profetie: De rol van de profetische traditie in de volkenprofetien,
in: G. Kwakkel (ed.), Wonderlijk gewoon: Profeten en profetie in het Oude Testament,
Barneveld 2003, 13033.
66
67
89
the sons for the sins of the fathers (14:21) suggests some distance from
those who committed the sins. But clearly, it required no substantial imagination to argue that the sons were actually the Babylonians,
heirs to the Sargonid Empire and descendants of Nebuchadnezzar.
This explains the placement of 14:4b21 in its present position (cf.
Jer. 50:1718).
(c) The prophecy in 14:4b21, related to the anti-Assyrian prophecies of the other parts of the book, probably derives from the 7th century. The additions in Isa. 14:2223 and 14:14a may be dated to the
exilic and post-exilic periods respectively.
Isaiah 14:2427
It strikes the reader of the book that, after being denounced in Isa. 10,
Assyria is mentioned again in 14:2427. Isa. 14:2425 contains a brief
oracular statement introduced by . The passage presents the succession of historical events, the humiliation of
Assyria and the end of Israels servitude as the fulfilment of Yhwhs
plans concerning the world. Some expressions that appear here are
common with other parts of Isaiah, most notably 10:515, 2427. Isa.
10 highlights the divergence between the thoughts ( )and purposes ( )of Assyria and Yhwh. Probably as a replica to the boasting speech of Assyria, Yhwh swears in 14:27 that as he himself has
designed ( )so will it stand, as he purposed ( )so will it be fulfilled (). The removal of the yoke and the burden from the shoulders of Judah (14:25) closely parallels 10:2427.68 The plan concerning
the earth ( ) is probably a direct allusion to
10:23 (cf. also 28:22). The hand stretched out ( ) appears in
the refrains of 5:25; 9:11, 16, 20; 10:4. These interconnections have led
scholars to conclude that 14:2427 is the closing section of the antiAssyrian prophecy in Isa. 10:515.69 It is more likely, however, that
Isa. 10:515 is concluded in 10:2427. The opening
introduces a new and independent prophecy in Isa. 14:24 which
was not an integral part of an earlier prophetic speech. Nevertheless,
68
For , see Isa. 9:3; 10:27; for , see Isa. 9:3, 5; 10:27; for , see 9:3, 5; 10:27;
for , cf. 10:27.
69
Procksch, 181; Vermeylen, 1.25255, 29697; Kaiser, 42; F. Huber, Jahwe, Juda
und die anderen Vlker beim Propheten Jesaja (BZAW, 137), Berlin 1976, 4748, 59;
Gosse, Isae, 88; R.E. Clements, Isaiah 14,2227: A Central Passage Reconsidered,
in: BoI, 256; Zapff, Prophetie, 29091; U. Becker, Jesajavon der Botschaft zum Buch
(FRLANT, 178), Gttingen 1997, 272.
90
chapter three
the common vocabulary does indeed suggest a close connection

between 14:2427 and Isa. 911.
It is often assumed that 14:(25b)2627 is the expansion of an earlier
oracle, 14:2425(a).70 Although this possibility cannot be excluded, the
evidence in this regard is not sufficiently clear.71 There is obviously a
change in perspectives in 14:26, but that should not necessarily lead
to the conclusion that vv. 2627 are further expansions of v. 25. As
noted, the entire passage shares an evenly distributed vocabulary with
constant allusions to other passages. Therefore, 14:2427 may be one
literary unit.
In order to clarify the present position of the text, we need to look
at two significant motifs in 14:2427: the counsel purposed by Yhwh
( ) and the hand stretched ( ) over the earth
(). Both motifs derive from Judah- and Israel-related texts
(5:19; 29:15; 30:1). Particularly important is 28:22 and its citation in
10:23, in which an announcement is made concerning a determined
( )plan of Yhwh against the entire country ( cf. 7:24).
It is possible that in these earlier passages was reinterpreted
in 14:26 as referring not to Israel or Judah alone, but the entire world
under Assyrian control (cf. 10:14, 23).72 Isa. 14:26 is close to the salvation prophecies in Isa. 7:5, 7, which denounce the plans ( )of
Damascus and Samaria ( ; cf. 14:24).
The motif of the extended hand ( ) derives similarly from
texts concerned with Israel and Judah (5:25; 9:11, 16, 20; cf. 31:3).
But 14:2427 is the culmination of the judgment on Israel. While the
earlier texts indicate that the hand of Yhwh is raised but still (),
Isa. 14:26 holds no more surprises for the future. It appears as if the
destruction of Assyria was the ultimate fulfilment of in the antiIsraelite passages. This theology is concealed in the Assyria-related
10:12: When Yhwh has finished all his work on Mount Zion and on
Jerusalem, he will punish the arrogant boasting of the king of Assyria
and his haughty pride. From 14:2427, it becomes clear that the ultimate purpose of Yhwh was not the punishment of his people (;
5:25), but it had much wider implications ( ;14:26). The
hand extended against Israel in 9:20 is followed by the hand reaching
70
Duhm, 123; Wildberger, 566; Zapff, Prophetie, 293; Becker, Botschaft, 272.
Clements and Zapff mention the universalistic character of vv. 2627. However
in 14:26 is not more universalistic than 10:14, 23.
72
For a similar reinterpretation of , cf. Zeph. 1:18 and 3:8.
71
91
out against Assyria in 10:515, 2427 and, beyond that, against all
nations in Isa. 14:2427.
These interconnections suggest that 14:2427, which provides the
theological background for the anti-Assyrian reinterpretation of antiIsraelite texts,73 actually forms a bridge between Isa. 112 and 1323.
Isa. 14:2427 not only closes the Israel-related prophecies, but it also
opens the prophecies concerning the other nations. The fall of Assyria
with its universal implications ( / )explains
the salvation prophecies concerning some nations in Isa. 1523.74
When the anti-Babylonian prophecies in 13:122 and 14:14a were
inserted, 14:4b21 and 14:2427 came to be detached from their earlier Assyrian context. After Babylon had taken over the historical role
of Assyria and 14:4b21 became a part of this anti-Babylonian section
by the insertion of 13:114:4a, 2223, Isa. 14:2427 was also integrated
into this collection. Isa. 14:2427 may have followed 14:4b21 in the
earlier edition as well. The oath in 14:2427 can be read as the answer
to 14:21 (similarly to 14:2223, the Babylonian reinterpretation of
14:4b21). The editors recognised the function of 14:2427 as a bridgetext. In such a context, Assyria may have been regarded secondarily
either as just another literary name for the Babylonian Empire75 or as
a prototype for Babylon (cf. Jer. 50:1718).76
The secondary literary connections of 14:2427 with the Babyloniantexts should not be underestimated. From the viewpoint of the final
editors of the book, the terms ( 13:5; 14:7; 14:26), the motif
of the fall of the king and Assur on the mountain (13:2; 14:13; 14:25),
the plan of Yhwh and his command to his chosen ones (13:3; 14:24)
played an important role. Isa. 14:2 about the land of Yhwh, may have
also been inspired by 14:25.
Regarding its date, Isa. 14:2427 probably derives from before the
definitive fall of Assyria in 612/609 bc. A few scholars date it to the
days of Sennacherib, reading 14:25 in relation to the events of 701
73
Cf., e.g., 29:78; 30:2733; 31:45, 89.

The reference in Isa. 14:18 to may also be read in relation to an
early collection of FNPs, while 14:68 alludes to the positive effects of the destruction
of Assyria and may implicitly testify to the salvation prophecies in 1523.
75
Kaiser, 42; Kilian, 106. The name of Assyria refers to the Seleucids in the apocalyptic rereading of Isa. 10:2122 in Dan. 9:2627, but this hermeneutical practice may
be of earlier origin.
76
Jeppesen, Isaiah 1314, 74; Blenkinsopp, 289.
74
92
chapter three
retold in Isa. 3637.77 However, the Assyrian campaign of 701 was far
more complex than the later Isa. 3637 would suggest. The positive
effects of the Assyrian invasion could only have appeared so impressive decades after 701. For this reason, it is more likely that 14:2427
alludes to a future Assyrian defeat, possibly in the 7th century.78
In conclusion, (a) we have no substantial reasons to question the
unity of 14:2427 but not much support for any assertion of such
unity. Isa. 14:2427 appears as a key text in the existing collection as
well as in a possibly earlier (pre-Babylonian) edition of FNPs, which
these four verses may have introduced. Through its overarching motifs,
14:2427 serves as a bridge between the first part of Isaiah and the collection of FNPs.
(b) The key theological concepts in these verses are the plan of
Yhwh and the stretching out of his hand. Both motifs develop earlier
themes of Isaiah. The plan against Israel and Judah revealed in Isa.
9 is enlarged by 14:2427 with a purpose concerning Assyria and all
nations. Once Yhwh completes his task in Jerusalem, he will punish
Assyria, who claims to rule the whole earth (10:12, 14). This action will
mark the ultimate fulfilment of his earlier announced purpose (Isa. 9).
Inserting the Babylon-related prophecies in the FNPs assigned the two
Assyria-related prophecies, 14:2427 and 14:4b21, a new position and
meaning in this collection. The editors recognised not only the key
importance of 14:2427 for the FNPs section, but Babylon was also
regarded as the heir to the Assyrian empire and also to its judgment.
(c) Isa. 14:2427 may originate from the 7th century (before 609).
3.2.2
The Composition of Isaiah 14:2832
The second -heading in Isa. 1323 appears in 14:28, where it

introduces a speech against Philistia. The form of 14:28 is different
from the other headings, suggesting that 14:28 does not depend on
the other -type superscriptions from Isa. 1323 (in that case one
would expect ) .79 Isa. 14:2832 may have been regarded
as part of the collection of FNPs precisely because its superscription
77
Duhm, 13334; Fohrer, 1.18283; Gosse, Isae, 92. Sweeney, 233, dated this passage to an alleged campaign of Sargon II in 720, on the shaky grounds of the similarity
of vocabulary with 10:534, also dated by him to that period.
78
Cf. Clements, 146; Zapff, Prophetie, 293, and Berges, 51, on 14:2425(a).
79
Cf. Jeppesen, Isaiah 1314, 76 n. 9, in contrast to Blenkinsopp, 292.
93
already contained the word . Eventually, the other superscriptions

of 1323 borrowed the term from Isa. 14:28. The similarities
between Isa. 14:28, 6:1, and 20:1 are often noticed, although it is not
entirely clear how these similarities should be interpreted in relation to
the composition of the passages in which they appear.80 Even if 14:28
is a later editorial heading connected to the literary recording of an
oral prophecy in vv. 2932, it may have preserved valuable information (cf. 20:1). The fact that neither the text nor the context provides
any clues as to why 14:2932 should be read against the background
of the death of Ahaz strengthens the traditional dating of vv. 2832.
No Judaean anti-Philistine raids are known to have taken place during
the reign of Ahaz, so it is unlikely that the rod beating Philistia could
have referred to him.81 It is far more likely that this symbol alludes to
an Assyrian king (cf. 9:3; 10:5, 15, 25; 30:32), as does the smoke from
the north (v. 31). If the heading is considered reliable, there is only one
Assyrian king to whom the text could refer and whose death occurred
in the same year as the death of Ahaz (727 bc): Tiglath-pileser III.82
Isa. 14:2832 forms a literary unit,83 but one may distinguish here
two short oracular utterances, 14:2830 and 14:3132. in v. 31 is
intrinsically related to in v. 29, providing a rhetorical argument for the coherence of the pericope.84 However, vv. 30(a) and 32,
both referring to the poor, are often assumed to refer to the spiritual
poverty, a theme popular among the post-exilic writers.85
It cannot be excluded that Isa. 14:30a is a secondary interpolation
into its present context, and v. 30b may have once been connected
directly to v. 29. However, the expression does not
80
Williamson argues that, like Isa. 6:1, 14:28 was the heading of an earlier collection of FNPs (Book, 16364; cf. Bosshard-Nepustil, Rezeptionen, 11819). But the
limited reference of the demonstrative pronoun in calls into question the
idea that 14:28 would reach beyond the prophecy of 14:2832.
81
Contra Sweeney, 234; Becker, Botschaft, 273. Cf. 2 Chron. 28:18!
82
The date of the death of Ahaz and the ascension of Hezekiah is one of the
debated issues in Old Testament chronology. Contrary to the often adopted view that
Hezekiah would have ascended the throne as late as 715714, see, e.g., A.K. Jenkins,
Hezekiahs Fourteenth Year: A New Interpretation of 2 Kings xviii 13xix 37, VT 26
(1976), 28498; G. Galil, The Chronology of the Kings of Israel and Judah (SHCANE,
9), Leiden 1996, 99101.
83
Cf., e.g., Gosse, Isae, 93; Becker, Botschaft, 27274.
84
Isa. 22:114 similarly contrasts the present joy with future doom.
85
Gosse, Isae, 93; Becker, Botschaft, 272; U. Berges, Die Armen im Buch Jesaja:
Ein Beitrag zur Literaturgeschichte des AT, Bib. 80 (1999), 16062; Blenkinsopp, 293.
Cf. also Fohrer, 1.184; Barth, Jesaja-Worte, 1415.
94
chapter three
necessarily have a religious connotation in v. 30a. The imagery is used

in connection with deliverance from oppression during the Assyrian
and Babylonian era.86 Two significant texts may be mentioned in relation to 14:30a and its context. First, Isa. 11:19, with its motifs closely
paralleling 14:2931,87 describes a world in which snakes and vipers
no longer represent any danger to the security of the oppressed living under the authority of the king, the shoot of Jesse. Isa. 14:30a also
assures the audience that the root ( )of the snake and the seed
( )of the winged viper will not harm the seed (, first-born) of
the poor, even if it will destroy the root ( )of Philistia. The image
of the safe first-born ( )among the snakes in 14:30a is similar to
the in 11:6 or the and in 11:8. The message of doom
for Philistia is correlated with a message of salvation for Judah. Secondly, v. 30a can also be compared to Zeph. 2:67, 9, which assures
secure dwelling for the oppressed ones, formerly in conflict with the
Philistines.
Isa. 14:32 is, however, most likely original. This verse is an oracular
response to inquiries made through the prophet to Yhwh concerning how to answer the messengers of the (foreign) nation (cf. Isa.
21:10, 1112).88 The messenger of Yhwh urges the inquirers to place
their trust in God rather than Philistia. This message is well-suited to
an audience preparing for war after the death of Tiglath-pileser and
Ahaz, his Judaean ally. Philistia will be harmed by the snake, but the
86
See Isa. 10:515; 25:4; 29:1920; Hab. 3:14. Cf. Balogh, Blind People, 66. This
terminology is not exclusively biblical. The Zakkur Stele refers to the one oppressed
by foreign powers as nh (DNWSI, 874). Sargon calls himself der die Lastenbefreiung fr Sippar, Nippur und Babylon festsetzte, der Beschtzer ihrer schwachen
(entu), der ihnen der Schaden ersetzte (Tonzylinder 1:4; ISK). Sennacherib is a
prayerful shepherd, worshipper of the great gods, guardian of the right, lover of justice, who lends support, who comes to the aid of the needy, who turns (his thoughts)
to pious deeds (A1; D.D. Luckenbill, The Annals of Sennacherib, Chicago 1924, 48; cf.
also B1:12).
87
Note especially ( 14:29) and ( 11:8), and further ( 14:29; 11:1),
( 14:29, 30b; 11:1), ( 14:30; 11:7), ( 14:30; 11:6, 7), ( 14:30; 11:4),
(11:4; 14:32), and ( 14:30).
88
The text only makes sense if an implicit is inserted before . The
pl. cannot be the subject of the sg. verb. cannot refer to the Assyrian messengers in Isa. 37:910 (contra Berges, Armen, 162), not in a prophecy
addressed to Philistia. The messengers from Isa. 18:2 provide a better parallel. The
fact that appears in the sg. suggests that it refers to one foreign nation, probably
the Philistines.
95
, the needy of his people should trust Yhwh (cf. Isa. 7:9).89
( 14:32) and ( 14:30) are synonymous terms conveying an
idea familiar to the reader of Isaiah from 28:16.90
With regard to the present position of the prophecy in Isa. 14:28
32, it is interesting that v. 29 implies the breaking of the rod of Assyria,
which was the theme of 14:5, while vv. 2427 again refer to the breaking ( )of Assur. This close thematic resemblance between the pericopes justifies the present location of the concerning Philistia
after the prophecies against Assur. Clearly, however, the collapse of
Assyria in 14:29 is supposed to be only a temporary phenomenon,
unlike in the previous passages, which again points to the earlier origin of 14:2832 with respect to 14:5 or 14:2427.
To conclude, (a) Isa. 14:29, 30b32 forms a literary unit. V. 32 suggests that the prophecy was an answer to an oracular inquiry, intending to convince Judah not join the Philistines in rebellion. Isa. 14:30a,
however, appears to be a later reinterpretation.
(b) Key theological motifs of 14:2832 are the image of the vanished
oppressor, the imperative to wail ( ;14:31; cf. 14:29), the threat
posed to Philistia, which will not affect those who place their trust in
Zion, and the lack of surviving trace of the Philistines.
(c) This text is dated to the death of Ahaz (and the emergence of
King Hezekiah), which coincided with the death of Tiglath-pileser III.
The text of a prophecy containing a message close to the Immanuel-theology expressed in Isa. 78 is well-suited to this historical
background.
89
appears further in Isa. 10:2 ( ) and Ps. 72:4 (), in both
cases referring to a smaller group (cf. Isa. 3:15). In Isa. 14:32, may also allude
to a small audience. V. 30a with its reference to the synonymous may
have been influenced by this earlier v. 32.
90
On Isa. 28:16, see J. Dekker, Zions Rock-Solid Foundations: An Exegetical Study
of the Zion Text in Isaiah 28:16 (OTS, 54), Leiden 2007. This verse may help us to
understand why 14:32 is only concerned with the . In 28:16, the trust in Yhwh
is also contrasted to the arrogance, and pride of the leaders of the nation who know
nothing of and , i.e. exactly the group opposite to . The differentiation among the audience of Isaiah appears explicitly in Isa. 8:1118, also in the
context of conspiracy or rebellion.
Berges emphasises the connection between Isa. 14:32 and Zeph. 3:1213. He argues
that both texts reflect the same view and both were written in the post-exilic period
(mid-5th century) (Armen, 163, 174). However, further correspondences between
Zephaniah and Isaiah (Zeph. 2:8 | Isa. 16:6; Zeph. 3:10 | Isa. 18:1, 7) may suggest that
Isa. 14:2832 was known to the author of Zeph. 2 and 3, and Zeph. 3:12 may have
borrowed ideas from Isa. 14:32.
96
3.2.3
chapter three
The Composition of Isaiah 1516
There are several studies that regard the prophecies concerning Moab
in Isa. 1516 as one long poem.91 However, 16:1314, which contrasts a prophecy spoken long ago ( )with a new message, gives
explicit evidence of textual growth. As a large composition, Isa. 1516
can be divided into the following pericopes: 15:19; 16:15; 16:612;
16:1314. The internal relationship that binds these divisions will be
explained in what follows.
Isaiah 15:116:5
Isa. 15:19 describes a catastrophe in Moab. Some scholars have
argued that the main body of this text was formerly a lament concerning drought and famine.92 Only v. 9, with its allusions to blood
and the lion devouring the remnants of Moab, suggests a war scene.
This thematic change as well as the form of v. 9 as an utterance of
Yhwh, which is strange to the genre of lamentation, has led scholars
to conclude that v. 9 is a later addition.93 Others have argued that Isa.
15 is a mixed composition (cf. Isa. 14) expressing irony, dressed in the
garments of a lament.94
Although natural disaster may appear in descriptions of enemy invasions, destruction of natural resources being a frequently-implemented
military technique in the Near East,95 the drought-like disaster in vv.
67 does not have human causes. Nevertheless, the allusion to blood
filling the water(beds) of Moab in v. 9 builds on the previous motif of
drought. It is therefore possible that an earlier song of lament about
natural disaster was reapplied with prophetic purposes to predict
future destruction by an enemy in Moab. Yhwh is about to inflict
more ( )on Moab (i.e. in addition to drought). Isa. 15:9 was
91
W. Rudolph, Jesaja xvxvi, in: D.W. Thomas, W.D. McHardy (eds), Hebrew and
Semitic Studies Presented to Godfrey Rolles Driver, Oxford 1963, 141; T.G. Smothers,
Isaiah 1516, in: J.W. Watts, P.R. House (eds), Forming Prophetic Literature: Essays
on Isaiah and the Twelve in Honor of John D.W. Watts (JSOT.S, 235), Sheffield 1996,
8283; Sweeney, 24051; B. Jones, Howling over Moab: Irony and Rhetoric in Isaiah
1516 (SBL.DS, 157), Atlanta, GA 1996.
92
Jenkins, Development, 241; Blenkinsopp, 298. , the warriors of
Moab, paralleled by in 15:4, should perhaps be emended to , the
loins of Moab (cf. LXX; Rudolph, Jesaja xvxvi, 134).
93
Rudolph, Jesaja xvxvi, 141; Clements, 151; Kilian, 110.
94
Hayes & Irvine, 242; Jones, Howling, 107, 24971.
95
The invasion of a country by the enemy is sometimes linked to natural disasters
(cf. Isa. 32:912; 33:9; 37:30; Jer. 14; Joel 12; Hab. 3:17).
97
supposedly added to the text when the lament was first adapted for
the purposes of a prophecy.96
This second theme of a military assault against Moab is elaborated in
16:15 in a different tone. The mount Sela in v. 1, often connected with
Edom (but see Jer. 48:24), is one of the places to which the Moabites
fled to escape the attacker from the north. The lamb ( )belonging
to the ruler of the land ( )was often assumed to refer to a tribute that the Moabites should have sent to Jerusalem (cf. 2 Kgs 3:4).97
However, it is more likely that is a metaphor for the dispersed
Moabites, who are advised to take refuge in Judah (16:24).98 This
metaphor, which is inspired by the pastoral lifestyle of the Transjordanian tribes, also fits the previous picture of the destruction of herbage
and vegetation (15:67). The imagery of a ruler of Moab ()
unable to guard and feed his people reminds us of descriptions of Israel
as a (scattered) flock ( )and its leaders as rams ( )or shepherds
(). Lam. 1:6 writes: From daughter Zion all her majesty departed,
her leaders have become like rams99 that found no pasture, and walked
feebly before their pursuer.100 Neither the rock of Edom (), nor the
ruler of Moab ( )could offer secure shelter, but the daughters of Moab (16:2) can find safety on the mountain of the daughter
of Zion. The new leader in Judah who rules in the tent ( )of the
shepherd David (16:5) will grant them protection before destruction
( and in 16:4; cf. 15:1). Isa. 16:5 is especially close to 4:26;
9:56; 11:15, and 32:12.
96
Cf. G.R. Hamborg, Reasons for Judgment in the Oracles against the Nations of
the Prophet Isaiah, VT 31 (1981), 151. Cf. also Isa. 19:510 in its context (5.3.1) and
Isa. 23 discussed below.
97
Cf. Rudolph, Jesaja xvxvi, 140; Smothers, Isaiah 1516, 7677; Jones, Howling, 197202. The sg. form of makes this opinion highly unlikely.
98
Although Isa. 16:2 is dropped as a gloss (Kilian, 111) or relocated to the previous
poem (Fohrer, 1.188), it makes good sense in its present position. in 16:1 and
in 16:2 presuppose metaphorical language.
99
Reading , ram instead of , deer is more likely (cf. LXX and the note
below). The verb refers here to the deportation of the inhabitants of Jerusalem
and therefore reminds the reader of a flock driven before a shepherd, in which connection is often used. Note that these animals walk ( )before the pursuer
and not flee from him (in contrast to most translations).
100
Cf. Ps. 44:12; Isa. 13:14; Jer. 25:36; Ezek. 34:6; Zech. 11; etc. Cf. also , hegoat (Isa. 10:13; 14:9; Jer. 50:8; Zech. 10:3), or , ram (2 Kgs 24:15; Jer. 25:34 and
in Exod. 15:15) as symbols for leaders. Cf. Jer. 51:40; Ezek. 39:18. For
as leader of animals / nations, see Hab. 1:14.
98
chapter three
Although divergent from Isa. 15:19, the positive message concerning the Moabites in 16:15 is supposed to function as an elaboration
of the previous pericope (cf. 16:4 and 15:1). There are two coinciding
historical references in 16:15. V. 4 presupposes that the enemy has
departed from Canaans surroundings (cf. Isa. 4:4; 10:12; 14:4b27)
and v. 5 alludes to a ruler in Jerusalem in the tent of David.101 The
coincidence of these historical references suggests a late 7th-century
date for the present passage.102 Consequently, Isa. 15:(1)9 is inspired
by an earlier Assyrian campaign against Moab (e.g., in 644 bc), but the
exact date of the prophecy remains a riddle. The song of 15:(1)28, on
which 15:9 and 16:15 are based, is still earlier.
Isaiah 16:612, 1314
Even though some prefer to read Isa. 16:614 as forming an original
unit with 15:116:5, we find a clear break at Isa. 16:6, dividing 16:612
from 16:15.103 The content of the two prophecies is different. After
the positive message addressing refugees from Moab in 16:6, Moab is
again accused of maintaining an inappropriate attitude towards Gods
people, followed again by a proclamation of judgment that will be
executed by a foreign enemy.
Although Isa. 16:611 is often regarded as another lament, v. 6 is
obviously a text of a different genre. Furthermore, the 1st person form
in 16:10 implies that Yhwh is speaking, typical for a prophecy
rather than a lament song.104 As was the case in 15:19, it is possible
that an ancient song has been reworked here to fit the purposes of a
prophecy.105 The , the weeping of Jaezer (16:9), may have
been the title of a lament that has been adopted and expanded in a way
101
In contrast to JPS, NIV, NRSV, I assume that vv. 45 refer to the past.
The fact that the Judaean ruler is placed in a tent in v. 5, need not necessarily
allude to the post-monarchic origin of these verses (as Berges suggests, 164). The true
shepherd reminds us of David (contrast the bad shepherds of the house of David),
a tent is familiar in Moabite context, and the imagery parallels in Isa. 4:5.
most likely refers to an existing royal throne.
103
J. Hgenhaven, The Oracles against the Nations in the Book of Isaiah: Their
Possible Value for the Study of the History of Jordan, in: Studies in the History and
Archaeology of Jordan VII: Jordan by the Millennia, Amman 2001, 354; Kilian, 112. In
contrast to Jones, Howling, 26364, I doubt that rhetorical arguments can satisfactorily explain the radical transition in 16:6.
104
The translation as a passive construction in LXX suggests a niphal reading. However, the most ancient witness of this text, Jer. 48:33 also uses the hiphil 1st pers.
105
The parallel text in Jer. 48 contains even more prophetic elements.
102
99
which is typical of prophecy. The other framing verse, Isa. 16:12 with
its allusion to 15:2, connects 16:711 to the former Moab-prophecy.106
The forecasting of further judgment in 15:9 provides a theological base
for these further expansions.
The fact that 16:15 was attached to the first part of the prophecy
only, namely to 15:19, also makes it clear that 15:18 and 16:711
derive from different sources and do not form an original literary unit.
Moreover, it is noteworthy that 15:18 is concerned with calamities
affecting pastures and waters (15:67), while in 16:711 the emphasis
falls on the vineyards of Moab (16:810). Yet by the time Jer. 48 was
composed, Isa. 15:116:12 had already taken its present form.107
The final pericope, 16:1314, alludes to even further developments
in the text of these prophecies. An ancient (or earlier; ;cf. Ezek.
29:1721) prophecy is contrasted with a new revelation (). The
chronological indication in v. 14 is similar to Isa. 7:8 and 21:16.108 Unlike
16:612, vv. 1314 emphasise that judgment is to appear soon.
Owing to Moabs role in the destruction of Jerusalem (2 Kgs 24:1),
prophecies composed after the fall of Zion express strong anti-Moabite
feelings. The prophecy in 16:612 may date from this period, though
the lament underlying 16:711 may be older.109
To conclude, (a) Isa. 1516 form an editorial unit with 15:(1)28,
which was likely an old song, expanded by 15:(1)9. This prophecy was
first supplemented by the addition of 16:15 and its positive message
concerning Moabite refugees. Isa. 16:15 is supposed to have served as
an extension of the previous prophecy. Isa. 16:612 further transforms
106
Note both the similarities and contrasts in Isa. 15:2 and 16:12.
I.e. including Isa. 16:12 (cf. Jer. 48:28), 16:6 (cf. Jer. 48:2930), and 16:12 (cf.
Jer. 48:35). For the parallelism of 16:12 | Jer. 48:28, cf. Knig, 190; Gosse, Isae, 108;
Jones, Howling, 99101; Balogh, Oude en nieuwe, 12324. The absence of various
passages in 15:116:12 need not necessarily mean that the author of Jer. 48 was unacquainted with those (contra Gray, 27172; Wildberger, 606). The reason behind the
selective citation is rather that Jer. 48 is limited to sections describing judgment, an
element missing in Isa. 16:35. Cf. Jer. 48:5 | Isa. 15:5; 48:28 | 16:1, 2; 48:29, 30 | 16:6;
48:31 | 16:7; 48:32 | 16:8, 9; 48:32, 33 | 16:10; 48:34 | 15:4, 5, 6; 48:35 | 16:12 (15:2?);
48:36 | 16:11+15:7; 48:37 | 15:2, 3; 48:38 | 15:3. The view that Isa. 1516 was based on
Jer. 48 (Blenkinsopp, 29798) is not convincing, neither is it likely that Jeremiah was
influenced by a text different from Isa. 1516 (despite the claims of J. Bright, Jeremiah
[AncB, 21], New York 1965, 322).
108
This formula has little to do with apocalyptic vision (as suggested by Kaiser, 6;
Ch. Fischer, Die Fremdvlkersprche bei Amos und Jesaja [BBB, 136], Berlin 2002,
7599, 184), but it is typical of salvation prophecies.
109
Cf. Rudolph, Jesaja xvxvi, 14142; Smothers, Isaiah 1516, 83.
107
100
chapter three
the text into a prophecy of judgment. This passage may go back to an

ancient song (16:9), but in its present form it is prophetic-predictive.
Isa. 16:1314 further emphasises that the judgment of Moab will
appear very soon.
(b) Seven important themes link Isa. 1516 to other FNPs: first, the
theme of destruction ( ;)second, the motif of howling ( ;)third,
the vanished oppressor (16:4); fourth, the reference to a plan ()
and the counsel ( )that should be taken concerning the refugees
of Moab (16:3); fifth, Jerusalem with a ruler on its throne appears as a
place of refuge for the Moabite fugitives; sixth, the motif of pride and
haughtiness (, , , 16:6); seventh, the temporal aspect with
regard to the fulfilment of the prophecy (16:14).
(c) In terms of authorship and historical setting, one may argue that
Isa. 15:116:5 can be well-understood against a pre-exilic background.
The sound of hope in 16:15 may be connected to the departure of
Assyria from Canaan and the neighbouring territories (cf. 14:4b21,
2427). In Isa. 16:6, Moab appears again as an enemy which may reflect
the experience of Judah after the destruction of Jerusalem in 587 bc.
3.2.4
The Composition of Isaiah 17(18)
The fourth mentions only Damascus in its superscription, but a

greater part of this pericope is actually concerned with Israel (partially
including Judah as well) rather than Aram. Aram, referred to for the
last time in v. 3, is only important as the supporter of Israel, whose fate
is really at stake and to whom v. 3 alludes twice. Since Damascus plays
no further role in this prophecy beyond v. 3, it is possible that
was originally only the title of 17:13, which was subsequently
expanded by further verses concerning Israel.
The text is uneven at more than one point, suggesting that the present form of Isa. 1718 is the result of a very complex literary history
in which originally unrelated prophecies were added and existing texts
expanded. Isa. 17:111 can be substructured around several smaller
pericopes as follows: 17:13; 17:46; 17:78; 17:9; 17:1011. Isa. 17:12
14 and 18:17 are two independent prophecies.
Isa. 17:13 is a poetic passage110 delimited by a -formula. With
a few exceptions, the unity of 17:13 is generally assumed to be
110
Note the parallels and word play ( | 17:1), ( | 17:2).
101
original.111 The association of Damascus and Ephraim in v. 3 suggest that the events of 734732 play a role in the background of this
prophecy.112
Isa. 17:46 is introduced by and is separated from
the following passage by the -formula. The concern of this prophecy is the imposing threat on the Northern Kingdom, expected to have
devastating effects. Being most likely a predictive prophecy (cf.
), it is difficult to determine the date of this oracle. All we can say
is that it most likely predates 721 bc.113 In attaching what was likely an
individual oracle to the previous vv. 13, the editors may have been
guided by the catchword appearing in vv. 3 and 4. V. 3 proclaims
that the future of the rest of Aram will be similar to the fate of Israel.
Vv. 46 then describe the looming fate of Israel. Yet vv. 46 are not
subordinate to the previous passage, making it probable that 17:46
was not written for its present location but was relocated by the editors. The theme presented in 17:46 is echoed in 9:720, and especially
the originally anti-Israelite 10:1619 (which was also relocated in the
context of the anti-Assyrian prophecy, Isa. 10:515).114
Isa. 17:78 also begins with the -formula. The focus of the
author is the future of the survivors. After suffering judgment, one
( )will again be devoted to the Holy One rather than the idols. This
verse, a cohortative note of hope, reminds one of Isa. 10:2021(2223),
which is linked to 10:1619, the latter being strongly related to 17:46.115
It is likely therefore, that vv. 78 expand vv. 46.
111
Because Aroer also appears as a Moabite city, Wildberger (63940) and Clements (157) argue that Isa. 17:2 re-echos the preceding Moab oracle. However, Aroer
was a border city, once also possessed by Israel (Num. 32:34; Deut. 3:12; 4:48; Josh.
13:9, 16), annexed by Aram (2 Kgs 10:33), and later by Mesha (Moabite stone ln. 26).
On fluctuating borders in early states, cf. M. Steiner, I am Mesha, King of Moab, or:
Economic Organisation in the Iron Age II, in: Studies in the History and Archaeology
of Jordan VII: Jordan by the Millennia, Amman 2001, 328; G.L. Mattingly, Moabite,
in: A. Hoerth et al. (eds), Peoples of the Old Testament World, Grand Rapids, MI 2000,
319, 326.
112
Gosse, Isae, 95; Clements, 157. Based on Jer. 49:2327, Hffken has argued that a
post-Isaianic interest in Damascus should not be excluded (148). However, Damascus
is here presented as an ally (glory) of Israel, which suggests an 8th century date.
113
It is sometimes assumed that these verses refer to Tiglath-pileser IIIs earlier
campaign (2 Kgs 15:29). Cf. Gosse, Isae, 95; Clements, 157.
114
Cf. ( 10:16 | 17:4), ( | 10:16 | 17:4), ( 10:16 | 17:4), ( 10:18
| 17:4). Cf. the remnant-motif in 17:6 and 10:2022.
115
For Yhwh as the creator of Israel, see especially Deut. 32:15; Hos. 8:14.
102
chapter three
V. 9, which is also marked by , returns to the theme of

judgment. Isa. 17:9 is related to 17:2 by the verb and to 17:6 by the
rare noun .116 The deserted and abandoned cities and fortresses
invert the theme of the conquest of Canaan: the people of Yhwh forsake the cities to the onslaught of the enemy, as their enemies once
abandoned those cities to an advancing Israel (cf. Deut. 28; 2 Kgs 21:9).
Similarly to vv. 78, vv. 1011 are also later expansions of the theme
of v. 9, providing explanation for the preceding prediction: Israel has
forgotten its Saviour and Rock (cf. Deut. 32:18) and this neglect is
rendered concrete by the adoption of unacceptable religious practices.
The prophecy ends in a judgmental tone. The use of sg. 2 fem. forms in
vv. 1011 is notable. This form of address reappears in Isa. 139 only
in relation with Zion. From a historical point of view this means that
vv. (9)1011 refer to Judah, as the later heir of the Northern Kingdom
both in its blessings and in its judgments.117
In conclusion, (a) Isa. 17:111 is a complex unit composed of three
(fragmentary) prophecies connected by catchwords (, 17:3, 4;
, 17:6, 9; , 17:2, 9). Within this composition, vv. 46 may have
originally belonged to other contexts. Vv. 79 and 1011 are two later
elaborations of the preceding pericopes. The sequence in which judgment (17:16) is followed by hope (17:78) and then a second judgment (17:911) also appears in Isa. 1516.
(b) The concern for religious sins in 17:711 suggests that this part
of the prophecy does not focus on Israels alliance with Damascus,
which was at the centre of 17:13. It is rather a theological meditation on the causes of Israels shameful end. In comparison with the
previous texts, it is important to note the motif of remnant in 17:3, 6
116
The frequently proposed emendation of to , and to
(cf. Fischer, 134; Wildberger, 637) based on LXX becomes even less likely in view of
these intertextual connections.
117
The Judah-oriented interpretation of Isa. 17 is underlined by further texts such
as Isa. 24:1213 and 27:211. Isa. 24:12 alludes to the desolation of Jerusalem (
), the city of chaos (cf. 24:5, 10, 12), as does 17:9. Isa. 24:13 refers to 17:56. This
means that by the time 24:1213 was composed, 17:111 was known in its present
form, i.e. containing both 17:6 and 17:9.
The other text, Isa 27:211, is rich in intertextual allusions especially to Isa. 5 and
17:111. For the latter, see especially ( 17:8; 27:9), ( 17:8; 27:9;
only here in Isaiah), ( 17:2; 27:10), ( 17:2, 9; 27:10), ( 17:6; 27:10; appears
only here), ( branch, not harvest, 17:11; cf. JPS). The description of Yhwh as
Israels maker and creator ( ; 27:11) can be compared to 17:7. Isa. 27 also
presupposes the present form of 17:111.
103
and, to some extent, the motif of humiliation of the and of

Israel. An allusion to Yhwhs day of the judgment occurs as
in 17:11.
(c) The appearance of Damascus in 17:13 suggests a date between
734 and 732, while 17:46 can be dated to 734721. Uncertain is 17:7
8, especially because of its predictive character, but it is probably not
earlier than the 7th century, the era of cultic reforms. Isa. 17:9 and
1011 might be based on earlier criticism against the Northern Kingdom, but its present position probably implies exilic origin.
Although the literary and theological function of Isa. 17:1214 and
18:17 is strongly related to 17:111, the two former passages will be
discussed separately in 4.3.1.
3.2.5
I argued above in 3.1 that the specifically composed headings of

Isa. 2122 mark it out as a distinctive unit within the collection
of Isa. 1323. Nevertheless, the appearance of the term later
served as an editorial guideline when Isa. 2122 was included in the
book of Isaiah.
It can be inferred from v. 9 that Isa. 21:110 is directed against
Babylon. The language of this prophecy is difficult and its precise meaning is not always easy to grasp. Some scholars attribute the abrupt style
of this text to ecstatic prophetic experience.118 Others explain its complexity as the result of editorial supplements adding different levels
of meaning.119 Even others assume that Isa. 21:110 is composed of
different oracles.120
Editorial activity can indeed often be the cause of problems in reading ancient texts. Yet in this particular case, one should pay appropriate attention to the degree in which the prophecy is a ,
118
Galling, Jesaja 21, 56.

Macintosh, Palimpsest. Bosshard-Nepustil also distinguishes between a Grundschicht from 587 (21:1, 2ab, 35, 6, 89a) and an expansion from around 539
(21:2b, 7, 9b10; 2b: ; 2b: ( ) Rezeptionen,
2442). Like W.H. Cobb (apud Macintosh, Palimpsest, 69), Bosshard-Nepustil argues
that originally the prophecy had nothing to do with Babylon but proclaimed doom for
Jerusalem (Rezeptionen, 3336; cf. Kaiser, 6). He identifies with the southern desert of Judah and notes a relationship with the exodus tradition (Rezeptionen,
36). However, the author heaps up his premises in a manner that they are ultimately
unconvincing.
120
Hffken, 163, wonders whether Isa. 21 can be divided into 21:15+610.
119
104
chapter three
hard vision (21:2). The genre legitimises the use of heavily

metaphorical language, which is ultimately the cause of most interpretive problems. The fact that we have here a vision rich in symbolism
which was recorded subsequently as a report urges the exegete to exert
more caution in making conclusions regarding the literary integrity of
Isa. 21:110.
Therefore we need to distinguish between two levels in this text.
The first level invokes the real world of the prophet and his audience
in which the prophet reflects on an inquiry (or concern) formulated
by his community. The 2nd person in v. 10b implies that the
prophecy was uttered in front of a public troubled by what was going
on in its world.121 Beyond that, however we can discern another level,
the vision of the prophet in which six different roles are assigned to
various actors: the attacking nation (Elam and Media), the attacked
nation (Babylon), the oppressed nation (Judah), Yhwh, the seer, and
the lookout in 21:69.
What is the meaning of the vision? Isa. 21:1b reports the arrival of
a yet unnamed enemy from a terrible land, comparing this invader
to storm winds in the south.122 According to v. 2, the reason for this
enemys arrival is that the treacherous ( )deals treacherously and
the destroyer ( )destroys. Then Elam and Media are summoned
to lay siege, suggesting that these two nations are the unnamed agents
of v. 1b. But who is the treacherous one? Since and also
appear in Isa. 33:1 probably in relation to Assyria,123 some exegetes
connect these terms with Assyria in 21:2 as well.124 However, even if
Assyria is the treacherous destroyer of Isa. 33:1, this text should not
necessarily govern our reading of 21:2. The imagery of v. 2 also applies
121
Cf. Ezek. 12:2125; Hab. 2:13.

Scholars in general delimit the colas of v. 1b as / /
( cf. BHS). However, in this form the qal inf. does not make any
sense. + is not attested, but + is well-known (1 Sam. 10:3). I suggest the
following division: / / , like whirlwinds
in the south, about to pass on from the desert, (so) it comes from a fearful land. The
enemy is not assumed to have come from the south (contra, e.g., Macintosh, Palimpsest, 7; cf. Jer. 4:11), it is only compared to southern winds. For the imagery applied
here, cf. also Isa. 5:28; Jer. 4:13 ( ;)49:39; Hab. 1:11 ( ;for in connection
with , wind, see also Job 4:15). See also Isa. 25:4; 27:8; 28:2; 29:6.
123
See discussion in Cs. Balogh, He Filled Zion with Justice and Righteousness:
The Composition of Isaiah 33, Bib. 89 (2008), 49394.
124
Cf. Erlandsson, Burden, 274; J. Hgenhaven, Gott und Volk bei Jesaja: Eine
Untersuchung zur biblischen Theologie, Leiden 1988, 145; Ohmann, 7981; Gallagher,
Campaign, 40.
122
105
to Babylon.125 If and allude to Assyria, the name of Babylon would come as a surprise in v. 9. Instead, it is more likely that
this verse names the treacherous destroyer of v. 2, which is therefore
Babylon. The Elamites and Medians are summoned to put an end to
the suffering of Yhwhs nation caused by Babylon.126
Isa. 21:59 is also not free of troubling details,127 but the main lines
are reasonably clear. In v. 6, the prophet is told to go and post a lookout
( )and state what the lookout will see. Who is this lookout? Galling thought it was another ego of the prophet.128 I believe that
is a different actor, who appears only in the vision of the prophet.
In his vision, the prophet hears God telling him to install a lookout.
What the lookout tells the prophet is also part of the vision. We have
here a vision (of the lookout in 21:79) embedded in a vision (of the
prophet).129 The outcome of the vision is clear: Babylon is fallen. It
has become Yhwhs threshed one, the product of Yhwhs threshing
floor.130
125
Cf. Vanderhooft, Babylon, n. 37. See, e.g., Jer. 6:26; Hab. 1:13. Like the seer of
Isa. 21, Habakkuk also observed the lack of righteousness in his world (Hab. 1), and
he was depressed by his experience; he was sighing and groaning in front of Yhwh
imploring God to favour his oppressed people.
126
should probably be , her (Judahs) sighing (as suggested by
many Massoretic manuscripts, Vulg. and the Syr.; cf. HUB). Hayes & Irvine, 275,
argue that Isa. 21:2 refers to Babylons sighing under the Chaldaean oppression, as one
of Sargons text claims. However, the Assyrian text which they point to refers to Sargon acting in favour of Babylon, while Isa. 21 is concerned with the fall of the city.
The interpretation of 21:2 in the sense that the Elamites and Medians would be
Babylons allies rather than enemies (argued by Gallagher and Sweeney) is problematic. The imperative to Elam ( )can only be interpreted as to go up (against) in
offence and not in defence (cf. Jer. 46:9, 11; 50:21; Nah. 2:2; with Blenkinsopp, 326,
contra Macintosh, Palimpsest, 1416; Sweeney, 277, 281).
127
One of the notorious problems is the precise meaning of in v. 5.
Galling emended the phrase and put it in the mouth of the enemy preparing for battle
(Jesaja 21, 57). But it is more likely that v. 5 refers to the Babylonians rejoicing before
the fall of the city (cf. Isa. 22:13; Dan. 5).
128
Galling, Jesaja 21, 57.
129
This complex structure also appears in the vision reported by Micaiah ben Imlah,
who saw Israel scattered on the mountains and, in this vision, was told by Yhwh to
send the people home (1 Kgs 22:17).
130
refers to Babylon after the threshing (judgment) of Yhwh (as
suggested by Saadya, Ibn Ezra, Qimchi apud Macintosh, Palimpsest, 37; cf. Jer. 51:33)
and not to Judah (as claimed by Macintosh, Palimpsest, 38; Hayes & Irvine, 276; Gallagher, Campaign, 46).
106
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Isa. 21:110 is dated to between the 8th3rd centuries bc. Despite

several detailed attempts to connect 21:110 to the 8th century,131 significant problems remain with this proposal.132 Dating it as close to
the accomplishment of 1QIsaa as possible is equally unconvincing.133
The prophecy makes most sense in a context where Babylon is a really
threatening historical power, that is in the New Babylonian era.134
It has become usual to connect anti-Babylonian prophecies to the
actual fall of the city in 539. However, questions about the future of
Babylon intrigued the people of Canaan from the turn of the 7th century onwards. In Isa. 21:2, Elam appears as a significant military power,
a status it gradually loses after 596 bc. Media is mentioned as a foe of
Babylon in later texts only (Isa. 13:17; Jer. 51:11, 28), while Elam has
descended to the Sheol (Ezek. 32:24). The year 596 may serve therefore
as a terminus ante quem for the composition of Isa. 21:110. In the late
pre-exilic age, there are differences among the prophets concerning
Babylons role in Yhwhs plan. In the aftermath of the invasions of
the land of Hatti by Nabuchadnezzar in 605604, Jeremiah considers Babylon the tool in the hand of Yhwh, a view also shared by the
prophet Ezekiel (Ezek. 17). In addition to the famous clash between
131
Erlandsson, Burden, 92; Macintosh, Palimpsest, 1056; Hayes & Irvine, 27274;
Sweeney, 27983; Gallagher, Campaign, 2150.
132
The 8th-century dating was based mainly on the identification of /
with Assyria. But ifas arguedv. 1 refers to Babylon, its description as and
and as an enemy of Elam and Media would not apply to the 8th century bc.
Some have also argued that the feelings of the prophet would be inopportune if the
nation condemned was Babylon (cf. Macintosh, Palimpsest, 20; Sweeney, 27879;
Bosshard-Nepustil, Rezeptionen, 24, 25 n. 2; Gallagher, Campaign, 24). However, the
prophets feelings express neither sympathy nor empathy (cf. Isa. 16:11; Jer. 4:19?),
but they are the direct consequence of the harsh vision. A causative translation of
( because of hearing) and ( because of seeing)which I favour above
the privative so that I cannot hear, so that I cannot seestrengthens this assertion. According to v. 4, vision was unbearable to the prophet (cf. Hab. 3:16; Dan. 4:2;
7:15, 28; 8:27). The cruelty of the vision also proclaims a negative message concerning
Babylon.
133
Kaiser, 6, considers this an earlier poetry from before 539, but as he approaches
the end of his Isa. 21 commentary, he becomes increasingly sceptical of a real historical setting (Kaiser, 105). Kilian, 128, also favours a very late date, but his reasoning
is circular. Both scholars assume that Babylon could have functioned as a chiffre for
world empires, but they fail to prove that in Isa. 21 this actually was the case.
134
It is doubtful whether Isa. 21:110 could be related to the post-Cyrus era (Fischer, Edom-Spruch, 48081). Babylon would hardly appear then as and ,
causing the groaning of Gods people. It may be important that the name at the end
of the oracle, , appears once in 2 Sam. 7:27 (|1 Chron. 17:24);
Isa. 37:16; Zeph. 2:9, but 32 times (!) in Jer.
107
Jeremiah and Hananiah (Jer. 2728), we also find a nuanced view of

Babylon in the book of Habakkuk. Habakkuk does not question the
fact that Yhwh used Babylon to accomplish his plans (Hab. 1:211),
but he wonders whether this empire still plays the role that Yhwh
has assigned to it (Hab. 1:1217). In the chaotic era after 598 but still
before the decisive battle in 587 other prophets may have also thought
similarly to Habakkuk. Ezek. 12:2125 suggests that people were
expecting certain propheciesprobably addressed against Babylon
to be fulfilled. Strikingly, it is the late pre-exilic book of Habakkuk
that contains significant similarities with the prophecy in Isa. 21:110.135
As argued, refers to the oppressed Judah, a situation cognate
with Hab. 1:14. It is therefore most attractive to date Isa. 21:110 to
the late pre-exilic period, possibly after 598 and before the defeat of
Elam in 596.136
To conclude, (a) the difficulties in interpreting 21:110 are not
caused by the literary evolution of the text as often argued. Instead,
they derive from the complex nature of the prophecy that was a report
of a visionary experience pronounced before an audience.
(b) The lack of motifs common with the other prophecies of Isa.
1320.23 may be an additional argument for an origin of Isa. 21:110
that distinguishes it from the other prophecies (cf. 3.1).
(c) The imperialistic picture of Babylon in Isa. 21 (, ), presenting its former friends and allies, Elam and Media, as enemies, suggest that 21:110 may have been composed shortly before 596 bc.
3.2.6
The short prophecy in Isa. 21:1112 is written in an ambiguous style.

As argued earlier in 3.1, the concern of the prophecy is the kingdom
of Edom. Modern readers disagree on whether the prophet intends to
135
Both Hab. and Isa. 21 are -oracles and visions (Hab. 2:13; Isa. 21:2); cf. also
the description of Babylon in Hab. 1:2, 13 and Isa. 21:2, the reaction of the prophet
in Hab. 3:16 and Isa. 21:34, the watcher in Hab. 2:1 and Isa. 21:6. On Habakkuk and
Babylon, see Vanderhooft, Babylon, 15263.
136
Hffken, 163, noted that 21:110 is written from a Judaean perspective. For a
discussion of the political background (especially Elam and Media as adversaries of
Babylon), see Vanderhooft, Babylon, 13234. Elam was a supporter of Babylon against
Assyria prior to its fall but became Babylons enemy as soon as it began expanding
eastward (ABC 5:rev. 1620). Jer. 49:3439 provides an account of Elam in conflict
and losing the battle in a prophecy dated to 597/596.
108
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formulate a positive or a negative message concerning this land, or

simply intends to say that he has no message to communicate at all.
Isa. 21:1112 cites two questions that inquirers in Seir ask the ,
watcher (probably the prophet).137 The expression may
mean what (has remained) from the night, i.e., how long will night
continue?,138 but it may also be rendered as what from the night, i.e.,
what should we expect from the night?, or what do you, prophet, see
in your night visions? may eventually also function as a metaphor for distress (see Isa. 15:1; cf. also 17:14; 60:2). The second part of
the question is less clear. may duplicate the former question,
so that it could be considered a mere phonetic variation of the first
question. However, Rendsburg has argued that derives from
Aramaic , to speak, so that could be translated as what
did he (Yhwh) say?.139
The 3rd person formulation in 21:12 is in striking contrast to the
beginning of this text, which starts as a first person account. The sentence is an ambiguous prophetic answer. The verb
can perhaps refer to the future: the morning will come and so
will the night. But what does this utterance mean? Galling argues that
the prophet was not allowed to give a more precise answer, but Yhwh
would reveal his will at the right moment. That is why he urged the
inquirers to return.140 I rather believe that the ambiguous answer of the
prophet is a proper response to the ambiguous question from inquirers in Seir. The prophet seems to suggest that the formulation of the
question is either not right or not clear. The situation recalls a similar inquiry in Jer. 23:3340 in which Jeremiah also gives no answer
to the question . Though the exact reasons behind his
refusal of the term are unclear, it is nevertheless obvious that
Jeremiah wished the inquirers to formulate their questions in another
way (Jer. 23:3536). That may also be the prophets wish in Isa. 21:12.
The prophets reluctance to answer may also be related to the fact that
the inquirers send their message from Seir (v. 11) and do not appear
before him in person. It is difficult to discern the historical situation
Cf. in Ezek. 3:17, in Isa. 21:6 and in Isa. 62:6; Jer. 51:12.
For other temporal interpretations, see Gray, 357; Galling, Jesaja 21, 60.
139
G.A. Rendsburg, Linguistic Variation and the Foreign Factor in the Hebrew
Bible, IOS 15 (1995), 18182; cf. Gallagher, Campaign, 52. The two verbs appearing
here, ( cf. Obad. 6) and , may also be Aramaisms, which makes good sense
in a dialogue with foreigners.
140
Galling, Jesaja 21, 5960; cf. Sweeney, 285.
137
138
109
behind this prophecy. The Edomite messengers may have visited the
prophet or sent him letters. However, the entire scene might also be
visionary.141
If it is right to argue that the prophet does not provide any specific
response to the queries from Seir, Isa. 21:1112 should be considered
a peculiar case inside the FNPs containing general messages of doom
towards the nations, in some cases supplied with prophecies of salvation. This text does not seem to reflect the aftermath of any particular
Assyrian or Babylonian campaign, so that it would be difficult to suggest any specific date for this oracle. It is only because of the similarities with the content of the prophecy in 21:110 that I am predisposed
to date it to approximately the same era.142
3.2.7 The Composition of Isaiah 21:1317
introduces a prophecy concerning the inhabitants of the

southern Syrian Desert and the northern part of the Arabian Peninsula, the remote eastern neighbours of Judah. The message of the
prophecy is rather obvious, even though the text contains some problematic issues.
The expression is a play on words. Nevertheless, the
meaning of is unclear. The idea of sleeping in the forest was also
used in Ezek. 34:25, but , forest, is not appropriate when applied
to a desert region.143 may eventually be emended to . Later
in the prophecy, the nomads associated with Dedan, the Kederites are
said to live in the cities and villages of the desert.144 may also be
vocalised as , in the evening. The ambiguous meaning allows us
141
Medieval Jewish exegetes were seriously troubled by a prophet who provided

answers to inquirers from Edom (Macintosh, Palimpsest, 4142).
142
The lack of anti-Edomite feelings so characteristic of the post-exilic period may
additionally support this hypothesis (Macintosh, Palimpsest, 133), although Edom
may appear in a favourable light even after the exile (cf. in Isa. 42:11; cf.
Galling, Jesaja 21, 60).
143
It is sometimes assumed that refers to an oasis in the desert (cf. Jer. 46:23),
but is quite consistently used for forest. Eccl. 2:56 mentions in connection
with , both of which probably refer to royal forests rather than an oasis. For
, see also Neh. 2:8.
144
Cf. Isa. 42:11: . For + + place in Isa. 21:13, cf.
Gen. 19:2; 31:54; Josh. 4:3; 6:11; Judg. 19:11; Song 7:12.
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a secondary metaphorical interpretation.145 As a further option,

could be a geographical term (cf. + ;2 Sam. 17:16).
Dedan and Tema in north Arabia are not just addressed in 21:13
14 but also appear side by side in Jer. 25:23. Strikingly, however, the
related FNP in Jer. 49:2833 mentions only Kedar and Hazor. According to Isa. 21:13b, the inhabitants of Dedan lay down peacefully in
their cities in contrast to their northern brothers who flee the sword.
The inhabitants of Tema are summoned to bring water and bread to
these people in flight. This means that neither Dedan nor Tema are
affected by the judgment. The summons in 21:14 is possibly
a word play on , sons of the East, designating those living
north to Dedan and Tema. is a synonym of ( cf. Jer. 2:10;
49:28), attested here in 21:1617.
The unity of Isa. 21:1317 is debated. Based on similarities with the
closing verses of the Moab prophecy in 16:14, some scholars regard
Isa. 21:1617 as a secondary expansion.146 The wide ranging lexical
connections between the two texts may indicate a direct relationship,
yet the direction of influence is not so obvious. The phrase
occasionally introduces a secondary expansion of a prophecy.147 One may argue that the community undergoing judgment in
Isa. 21:1315 was originally the , while 21:1617 could have
been an update to the previous vision extending the judgment proclaimed earlier in 21:1315 to the whole of north-eastern Arabia, to
which the term Kedar may also refer.148 But it is also possible that ,
as a synonym to , was the original addressee of the prophecy.
In this case Isa. 21:1617 could be integral to the text and may have
influenced the formulation of Isa. 16:1314, an obviously later addition to its present context.
It is difficult to date Isa. 21:1317. The Arabians of the Syrian Desert
were intermittently involved in conflicts with Assyrians and Babylonians. Nebuchadnezzar campaigned against the Arabians in 599 (ABC
5:rev. 9). The Chaldaean king, Nabonid, lived about a decade in the
region of Tema. Because the prophecy in 21:1315 does not presup-
Cf. LXX, Vulg. For + , cf. Gen. 32:14, 22; Josh. 8:9 ().
It should also be noted that 21:1315 is poetry and 21:1617 prose (Galling,
Jesaja 21, 62; E.A. Knauf, Kedar, ABD 4.9; Blenkinsopp, 32930).
147
Isa. 8:11; 30:15; Ezek. 14:21; 16:59. Cf., however, Isa. 18:4; 21:6.
148
On Kedar, see I. Ephal, The Ancient Arabs: Nomads on the Borders of the Fertile
Crescent 9th5th Centuries bc, Jerusalem 1982, 22327; Knauf, Kedar, 9.
145
146
111
pose the fall of Tema and Dedan, at least these three verses should
perhaps be dated to the pre-Nabonid era. Nothing more precise can,
however, be deduced from the oracles.
3.2.8 The Composition of Isaiah 22
The book of Isaiah is unique not only in including a prophecy against
Jerusalem (Isa. 22:114) among those addressed to foreign nations but,
more significantly, a prophecy addressing Judaean officials (22:1525).
As suggested earlier, the presence of Isa. 22:114 in 1323 should be
attributed to the fact that it already formed a unit with Isa. 21 prior to
becoming part of Isa. 1323. On the other hand there are strong correlations between 22:114 and 1525, which explain the presence of
Isa. 22:1525 among the FNPs.149
Isaiah 22:114
While most scholars consider Isa. 22:114 a coherent passage, a few
exegetes argue that it bears signs of expansion. For metrical reasons,
Duhm regarded vv. 18a, 8b9a, 9b14 as distinctive texts.150 In the
footsteps of Marti, Kaiser considered vv. 1b4, 1214a to be the Isaianic layer, which was supplemented around 588 by vv. 911a and even
later by 22:56.151
Uncertainties arising from the temporality of the verbal forms
weigh heavily in discussions regarding the unity of 22:114. The question is whether the prophet refers to a recent past experience (such as
149
First, is a characteristic divine name in the book of Isaiah
(3:15; 10:23, 24; 28:22), also appearing in Isa 22 in vv. 5, 12, 14, 15 (cf. Ps. 69:7;
Jer. 2:19; 46:10; 49:5; 50:25, 31; mainly Jeremiahs FNPs!). Comparable is
, which is attested in Isa. 1:24; 3:1; 10:16, 33; 19:4. These names connect juxtaposed texts in 3:1, 15 and 10:16, 23, 24, 33. Obviously, neither Isa. 3 nor 10:534 are
original literary units. These divine names were one of the reasons why these texts
were positioned close to each other. The same is probably true in the case of Isa. 22.
It is furthermore significant that the two prophecies in Isa. 22 begin with the questions
and
respectively. Moreover, Isa. 22:23 envisages the capture of Judahs
leaders by the enemy. In the final form, vv. 1517 flesh out the prediction of 22:23 on
one particular leader. Finally, Isa. 22:114 ends with the prediction that the iniquity of
Judah will not be forgiven until its inhabitants all die. Strikingly, v. 15 begins with the
tomb cutting of Shebna. These literary and thematic considerations explain the linking
of Isa. vv. 114 to 1525, as well as the presence of Shebna in the FNPs.
150
Duhm, 157. Cf. also Procksch, 276.
151
Kaiser, 114, 11819; cf. also R.E. Clements, The Prophecies of Isaiah and the Fall
of Jerusalem in 587 bc, VT 30 (1980), 430.
112
chapter three
the aftermath of 701/598/587), or predicts the fall of the city (before

701/598/587). Both the future and past-related interpretations of the
prophetic word have their advocates in exegetical literature.152
As in the case of Isa. 21:110, a distinction needs to be made
between two different temporal dimensions in 22:114. On one level,
there is the prophets audience rejoicing, feasting, eating and drinking
(22:13). His message to these addressees is that Yhwh will not forgive
their present attitude and they will perish according to the revelation
he received. This stage is set in the present and looks out towards the
future. On another level, there is a different scene in which people are
climbing up onto roofs. War, victims, exile, and weeping is seen and
heard from this vantage point. These two scenes belong to different
temporal levels; the contrast between the two is explicitly signalled
in the text by , what happened to you now, and
in 22:13.153 Recognising these two temporal dimensions on which the
actions of 22:114 take place, answers most problems related to the
interpretation of this prophecy.
Given these observations, the verses referring to the present situation and the real world of the prophet can be seen to include vv. 4
and 1214. Vv. 13 and 5a(5b9a?) belong to a description of a future
event alluded to in v. 14.154 This second temporal dimension of a
dark future is a pre-eventum vision (not a historical reality) which
the prophet utters to his yet rejoicing audience.155 The vision of future
152
For an interpretation of vv. 114 as an account of past events, see NRSV, JPS,
Alexander, Dillmann, Knig, Kaiser, Wildberger (except for 22:14), Schoors, Watts,
etc. On interpreting vv. 114 as predictive prophecy, see NIV, Knobel, Duhm (22:1
8a), Procksch (22:18a), Young.
153
in v. 13 cannot refer here to the past (contra NRSV, JPS). V. 14 can only
be understood as a prediction still needing to be accomplished.
154
Those who make no distinction between vision (future) and the reporting of the
vision (present), assume that Judah was feasting after a partially lost battle (Kaiser,
113). However, Duhm, 157, rightly argues that a loss such as the one described in vv.
23 could have hardly been celebrated by the people.
155
The fact that we are here dealing with a vision complies well with the indication
in the title of this prophecy that it concerns the Valley of Vision. is perhaps
a symbolic name for Jerusalem (Delitzsch, 254; cf. Joel 4:2, 12, 14; for Jerusalem as the
inhabitant of the valley, see Jer. 21:13). As an ominous title, may appear in
deliberate contrast to the people who cannot see the approaching judgment (cf. 22:8a
below and Oswalt, 405). Jerusalem, usually called Mount Zion, is here referred to as a
valley. may also allude to the valley of the (current) vision to be soon filled
with soldiers (22:5; cf. in v. 7).
113
doom is addressed to people having no insight into what is going on

and who celebrate when they should be lamenting.
The prophet foresees the presently-rejoicing nation as wailing and
mourning over its captives. In contrast to the activities of a city usually full of joy ( ; v. 1b), the people of the vision climb
up onto rooftops.156 The sorrow of the seer prophet (v. 4; cf. 21:34)
corresponds to the approaching calamities. In a vision, he sees victims
fallen neither of the sword nor of death in battle, but who have been
captured without a bow, while trying to flee away. All those in the city
were captured without getting the chance to flee away.157
Following the description of the effects of Yhwhs judgment, the
prophet turns to provide explanation for 22:13, the events leading
to this sorrowful episode. He proclaims a day of terror for which his
audience is not preparing (22:5a).
The role of the following vv. 5b8a remains a question. If this
description of Shoa, Elam, Aram, and Kir attacking Jerusalem belongs
to the same vision as vv. 13, 5a, this would have significant consequences for dating our passage.158
156
Climbing up on the roofs (22:1) is not an expression of joy after the enemy
retired (in opposition to the views of Gray, 364; Procksch, 278; Fohrer, 1.249; Kaiser,
115), nor an attempt to hide oneself from the enemy (contra Beuken, 251), but it
alludes to weeping for the dead and captives (cf. Isa. 15:3; Jer. 48:38), i.e. it resonates with the negative prediction of 22:12. According to one of Sargon IIs conquest
accounts, the old men and women of Urartu were weeping on the roofs after the
Assyrians devastated their country (cited by Beuken, 251 n. 99).
157
Isa. 22:3 is a difficult sentence. Preferring to avoid emendations, I structure the
text as follows: / / /
, all your rulers have fled together, / (but) were captured without a bow, / all
those found inside were captured together, / without away fleeing (i.e. without getting the chance to flee away; + ) = . For the privative function of the
preposition , cf. JM 133e, 157; WO 11.2.11e. Some believe that Isa. 22:3 refers to
death caused by famine (Knobel, 15051; Alexander, 380). But the context mentions
only people in flight and taken captive, or others captured in the city. does not
imply death in itself, but may also be rendered as wounded, or perhaps even victim
(Job 24:12).
158
in v. 5 may have been chosen because of its multiple meanings. , shout
(cf. Ugaritic qr), , city[wall], and the geographical name, Kir, of Aramaean background (cf. 2 Kgs 16:9; Amos 1:5; 9:7; Gallagher, Campaign, 66 n. 180). may also
(cf. Job 30:24; 36:19), but it also appears as the name of a
mean cry if read as
people. Shoa and Peqod (Ezek. 23:23) were likewise Aramaic tribes (cf. Puqud in
Taylor Prism i 45 [BAL, 2.63]). In its present form, is senseless and it should
perhaps be emended to as in Zech. 9:1. cannot mean horsemen,
as often rendered, for that would require either ( ][2 Sam. 1:6), or
][, or simply . cannot substitute in such cases. It is unclear
whether is to be vocalised as ( cf. app. BHS; Aram spreads out with
114
chapter three
It is problematic to place these verses in an 8th century context.

Although we know that Aramaean tribes in Lower Mesopotamia were
defeated by the Assyrians (cf. 2 Kgs 16:9; Taylor Prism i 45), the Elamite
contingent in the Assyrian army does present a problem. The Elamites
were allies of Babylon, and they were constantly at war with Assyria
until about 596 bc. The description of an international force as in Isa.
22 corresponds better with the Babylonian army. The charioteers and
horse riders of Aram and other nations appear in Ezek. 23:2324:
[I shall stir up against you] the Babylonians and all the Chaldeans, Pekod,159
Shoa and Koa () , and all the Assyrians ()
with them, handsome young men, all of them governors and commanders, chariot officers and men of high rank, all mounted on horses. They
will come against you with weapons (?), chariots and wagons and with
a host of people. They will take up positions against you on every side
with large and small shields and with helmets. I shall turn you over
to them for punishment, and they will punish you according to their
standards.160
V. 7 may belong to either 22:5b6 or 5a.161 However, there is intense

discussion concerning the meaning and role of the somewhat
ambiguous v. 8a. How is the removal of Judahs covering to be understood? It is often assumed that this verse refers to laying Jerusalem
bare before the enemy.162 This interpretation of Isa. 22:8a fits the previous v. 7, mentioning the arrival of the enemy to whom Judah is
supposed to be exposed. However, can also be
interpreted as removing a blindfold (2 Sam. 17:19; cf. Isa. 25:7) from
the eyes of Jerusalem which prevented it from seeing the breaches in
the walls of the city of David.163 This second interpretation of 22:8a is
apparently presupposed by vv. 8b11. Yhwh removes the covering
chariots), but it is noteworthy that a few manuscripts have
. Isa. 22:56 can
be translated as follows: Kir cries out (or tears down, cf. Num. 24:17; or attacks,
from I, cf. Deut. 25:18) / and Shoa to the hill, / Elam takes up the quiver, /
Aram [comes] with chariots [and] horsemen (cf. Exod. 14:9), / and Kir uncovers the
shield.
159
appears in Jer. 50:21 as suffering judgement along with Babylon.
160
For Aramaeans and Elamites as Babylonian allies, cf. W. Pitard, Arameans, in:
A. Hoerth et al. (eds), Peoples of the Old Testament World, Grand Rapids, MI 2000,
22324.
161
The dangling wayyiqtol, , in v. 7 is unusual for poetry (cf. Duhm, 160; Kaiser,
117). 1QIsaa has here, which appears often (e.g., Isa. 8:8).
162
Cf. Isa. 47:23; Jer. 13:22, 26. Cf. Young, 2.97. Duhm emended , covering
to , fundament (cf. Mic. 1:6), but this change is unnecessary.
163
Knobel, 15253; Delitzsch, 257; Knig, 218; Procksch, 281.
115
from the face of Jerusalem so that it may detect its weaknesses. Yet
instead of recognising the events as the workings of Yhwh and turning to him (v. 11b), Judah takes the initiative of repairing the breaches
in the wall. This means that Yhwhs efforts went unheeded. Just like
Israel (Isa. 9:12; 17:10), Judah failed to recognise and return to Yhwh,
and was punished as a result (Ezek. 23:11, 31). In this respect, v. 11bc
is close to later texts of Isa.164
It is clear that all these events cannot be placed on the same temporal level. Isa. 22:8b11 sounds like a retrospective description of
the past and as a reproach addressed to Jerusalem. The perspective
of vv. 15a(5b7), 1214, which proclaim an imminent future judgment on the Valley of Vision, is obviously different.165 Consequently,
one should distinguish not only vv. 15a(78a) and 1214 from vv.
5b6(78a), which represents an early New Babylonian period expansion, but one may recognise a further exilic text looking back upon the
past of Judah and reproaching blindness as the cause of its destruction.
What we see here is that the motif of removing Judahs covering in v.
8a was originally understood as the exposure of Jerusalem before the
enemy but was reinterpreted by vv. 8b11 as the removal of a blindfold. This reinterpretation provides the background for the different
focus of 22:8b11.166
V. 12 connects well with v. 5a. On the day of devastation, Jerusalem will be summoned to lament and mourn. Vv. 1314 contrasts the
present tumult and sphere of joy with the lament required in view of
the coming judgment, performed here as an ominous sign by the seer
prophet (22:4).
164
Isa. 37:26 contains a close parallel to v. 11bc: / /
. Note the fem. suffixes in both texts. In Isa. 22:11, these suffixes can also
be related to the city, but in 37:26 they refer to the historical events. These verses are
also closely related to Isa. 46:10; 48:3, 5.
165
Driver noted that if 22:5b is read as an account of the past, the measures taken
in 22:9b would be incomprehensible. It is not likely that a city wall would be repaired
during the war, when the valley is full of soldiers, an interpretation required if 22:5b
is read as a past narrative. Nor would the acts described in 22:1011 comply with the
feasting of the community in 22:14. Emerton passed over this difficulty too easily. Cf.
J.A. Emerton, Notes on the Text and Translation of Isaiah xxii 811 and lxv 5, VT
30 (1980), 442.
166
A similar reinterpretation of the blindness theme appears in Isa. 29:1524. For
more on this topic, see Balogh, Blind People, 4869. The blindness of the people is
one of the favourite motifs of the book of Isaiah (see, e.g., Isa. 5:12; 6:9, 10; 9:1; 17:78;
28:7; 29:15, 18, 23; 30:10, 20; 32:3; 35:5; 42:1825; 50:10).
116
chapter three
In exegetical research Isa. 22:114 is often dated to after167 or immediately before168 the Assyrian campaign of 701 bc. Procksch and Oswalt
associate the prophecy with 711, when Ashdod was captured.169 Young
asserts that Isa. 22:114 predicted the conquest of Jerusalem by Babylon, but was written in the 8th century bc.170 Recently, it has become
common to view 22:114 as telescoping events from both 701 and
587.171 Clearly, the nature of 22:15a.(78a) as an anticipatory vision
addressing a rejoicing Judaean community before its collapse (vv. 4,
1214), makes it difficult to compare the events of the vision with
the historical facts. The most we can say is that the primary layer of
the prophecy is well-suited to the time of Isaiah. However, the Chaldaean contingents in the Aramaean and Elamite forces mentioned in
22:5b6(78a) (cf. 2 Kgs 24:2) suggest a pre-596 period. Judaean leaders were taken captive during the Babylonian assault on Jerusalem in
598. This situation could have been considered the fulfilment of the
earlier vision of 22:23 by the author of this secondary interpolation.
Vv. 22:8b11 in which Judah is reproached for not being vigilant in
spite of Gods warnings, reflect on the Babylonian invasion from a
post-event and exilic perspective.
In conclusion, (a) the present position of Isa. 22:114 in the context
of the FNPs is the result of editorial work. Regarding the integrity
of this pericope, we should distinguish between an earlier cluster, vv.
15a(78a), 1214, expanded by vv. 5b6(78a) and by vv. 8b11
respectively.
(b) The themes prominent elsewhere in Isa. 1323, like the plan of
Yhwh, the motif of hubris, the remnants, etc., do not appear in 22:1
14. Instead of security in Zion, Isa. 22:9a emphasises the insecurity of
the city of David. This lack of common subject is telling. In inserting
167
Kaiser, 116; Gray, 364; Fohrer, 1.249; Schoors, 130; Wildberger, 813; Clements,
Fall of Jerusalem, 429.
168
Dillmann, 19798; Watts, 281, 284; Gallagher, Campaign, 6672. Gallagher
assumes that 22:18a refers to Babylon (rather than Jerusalem), the city welcoming
Sennacherib in 704 after his defeat of Merodach-baladan II in the battle of Kish. His
conclusion are mostly based on the present position of Isa. 22 following a prophecy
on Babylon (Isa. 21). Gallaghers interpretation of 22:114 as a vision, yet also conforming to precise historical realities, remains one of the perplexing problems of his
approach (Campaign, 73 n. 207).
169
Procksch, 277; Oswalt, 408.
170
Young, 2.88.
171
This opinion, formulated already by Calvin and Vitringa, has been adopted by
Clements, Oswalt, Bosshard-Nepustil as well as others.
117
Isa. 22 into the present collection, the editors may have been guided by
the -title and the theme of the day of Yhwh in 22:5a.
(c) The primary prophecy, 22:15a(78a), 1214, goes back to the
8th century. The first expansion, 22:5b6(78a), probably derives from
shortly before 596. A second addition of 22:8b11, partially modifying
the topic of the prophecy, bears the signs of the Babylonian exile.
Isaiah 22:1525
Isa. 22:1525 is concerned with two individuals from Jerusalem: Shebna
and Eliakim ben Hilkiah. It was argued above that this prophecy was
connected with 22:114 before its inclusion into Isa. 1323.
Shebna is called and , the highest official of the royal
court, an office to be received by Eliakim, son of Hilkiah, after Shebna is
shamefully replaced and deported to a foreign land. As the name Shebna
also appears in Isa. 36:3, 11, 22; 37:2,172 scholars usually identify the
two figures. This identification is, however, problematic. In Isa. 3637,
Shebna is a , scribe, and Eliakim ben Hilkiah, is . The
idea that Shebna may have been degraded to a scribe,173 however widely
shared, is hardly more than speculation, given the lack of serious support. It is doubtful whether historically speaking a governor could ever
be demoted to a scribe. Unless we assume that is a wrong variant
for , it remains difficult to identify the two persons. As an alternative, it has also been suggested that following
was a later gloss in the prophecy.174 However, v. 15 has a
good parallel in this respect in Isa. 36:6. Even though the syntax of Isa
22:15 is rather unusual,175 the name of Shebna must have been related to
the prophecy from the beginning.176
The name Shebna appears on a seal in Louvre with the inscription
, Belonging to Shebnayaw, servant of Uzziyaw (COS
2.70R). Shebna is called an officer of (most likely) king Uzziah of Judah.177
is rendered consistently with in Isa, but appears twice with in 2 Kgs
18:18, 26. Its original form was probably ( cf. Wildberger, 83637).
173
Knobel, 156; J.T. Willis, Historical Issues in Isaiah 22,1525, Bib. 74 (1993),
6465; P.K. McCarter, The Royal Steward Inscription (COS 2.54).
174
Cf. Duhm, 163; Wildberger, 833; Clements, Fall of Jerusalem, 432.
175
is probably a misplaced introductory sentence for the prophecy in 22:16 (which is missing in the present form of the prophecy) and not the introduction to the commission of the prophet.
176
Fohrer suggested that the name of Shebna was filled in from Isa. 3637, den
man dort bereits zum bloen Schreiber degradiert sah (1.253). But how did these
editors know that Shebna in Isa. 3637 was an officer removed from the post of royal
overseer if 22:15 had nothing to do with him?
177
Regarding the Assyrian-styled imagery of this seal, see S. Dalley, Recent Evidence from Assyrian Sources for Judaean History from Uzziah to Manasseh, JSOT
28 (20032004), 389.
172
118
chapter three
Another text (KAI 1.191B; COS 2.54) is the well-known Silwan inscription, found on a grave hewn from a rock in the Kidron Valley. The
inscription reads: [ . . . ], This is [the tomb
of . . .]yahu, who is over the house. Kyle dated the inscription paleographically to between the end of the 8th and beginning of the 7th century bc (COS 2.54). Since Eliakim, the steward from Isa. 3637,178 does
not bear a Yahwistic name, the possessor of this grave may have been
his predecessor, Shebna also appearing in Isa. 22:15.179
The literary unity of 22:1525 is a matter of debate. Vv. 1519 are concerned with Shebnas fall and deportation, while vv. 2024 mark the
emergence of a new steward, Eliakim, son of Hilkiah. V. 25 then portrays the fall of Eliakim. The question whether these verses could all
have been pronounced on one occasion is often answered negatively
by exegetes, and not without reason. The least dispute concerns 22:25,
which is generally accepted not to be a foreseeable conclusion to the
pronouncement on the election of Eliakim. Those who argue for the
contrary must make some unwarrantedly daring and unconvincing
assumptions that do not appeal to even the least critical scholars.180
Some exegetes maintain that one can also distinguish 22:1519 from
22:2023, or 22:1518 from 22:1923.181 It should be noted that v. 19
contains a prophecy formulated in the 1st person in contrast to vv.
1518. Furthermore, the removal of Shebna from his office in 22:19
constitutes an anti-climax to vv. 1718, which mention his exile.182
178
For Eliakims family, one may mention the seal Belonging to Yehozarah, son of
Hilqiyahu, servant of Hizqiyahu (COS 2.70R).
179
The prophetic question whom do you have here in 22:16 (cf. Gen. 25:8, 17;
49:33) suggests that Shebna had no relatives in the necropolis of old Jerusalem. This
complies well with the second half of the Silwan-inscription, which mentions only a
maid servant buried in the same chamber. Isa. 22:16cd may cite a well-known proverb which was secondarily applied to the situation of the royal steward. But even if
Shebna of the inscriptions is different from the person mentioned in Isa. 22:15, one
may argue that the name Shebna was not so uncommon that it would require us
identifying Shebna in Isa. 22:15 with Shebna of Isa. 3637. Note also the inscription
lnr bn, belonging to Nera, (son of ) Shebna, on a private impression among the
lmlk stamps dating to a time before 701 (M. Lubetski, Beetlemania of Bygone Times,
JSOT 91 [2000], 24).
180
E.g., Knobel, 159, and Dillmann, 207 (following Rashi and Qimchi), assume that
the closing verse(s) refer(s) again to Shebna and not Eliakim. Knig, 22122, argued
that vv. 2425 should be interpreted as a conditional prediction: Should it be that . . ..
However, 22:24 and 25 appear as two syntactically unrelated sentences. Cf. also Willis,
Historical Issues, 67 n. 24.
181
For the first view, see Wildberger, 840, 844, although he also considered 22:19
secondary compared to 22:1518. For the second view, see Duhm, 163.
182
Duhm, 164; Wildberger, 840, 844.
119
The interchange of the 1st and 3rd person forms should not, however, lead to the conclusion that 22:1518 is earlier than the rest of the
prophecy. In v. 19, both the 1st and 3rd person forms appear in two
parallel verse lines. One argument that would point towards a possible
unity of the passage is related to the genre of vv. 1523 as a destitution oracle. These types of texts not only deal with the removal of an
unfaithful official, but in some cases also clarify the identity (though
not the name) of the newly elected.183
Nevertheless, two problems regarding this interpretation cannot
be overlooked. First, even though v. 19 is not necessarily in logical
contradiction with vv. 1718, the text still sounds strange in its place,
suggesting that it is a secondary addition.184 Second, the foreseen fate
of Shebna is that he will be cast out and sent into exile. If this prophecy is read as a pre-eventum text (which I believe is most appropriate), the prediction would imply that, by the time Shebna is exiled to
Assyria, Eliakim is alive and well. However, it is likely that Shebnas
deportation should be related to the envisaged fate of the entire Judah
(cf. Amos 7:17). Assigning Eliakim the function of overseer of the palace might seem odd in a context where Judah is also exiled. This leads
us to conclude that 22:19 and following should be read separately from
the previous verses.
There are two possibilities to explain 22:1924. If the prophecy
is concerned with the person of Eliakim, son of Hilkiah, the text
may have functioned similarly to dynastic oracles. In the Near East
the installation of officers was more than a political endeavour, and
prophets and mantics usually joined other dignitaries in the process
of inauguration.
Another scenario is also possible, however. Isa. 22:1924 is not an
independent oracle addressed to Eliakim during the ceremony marking his promotion. These verses can only be understood in the context
of the earlier prophecy against Shebna. The motifs of 22:1924 are also
directly related to the previous verses.185 This implies that v. 24 belongs
183
Note, e.g., 1 Sam. 15:2829; 1 Kgs 11:31; 14:714; Isa. 3:15.

V. 19, which mentions the pushing away of Shebna and crushing or ruining
him ( )in his post, does not allow us to assume that he was simply assigned a
lower office of a scribe (contra Duhm, 164; Wildberger, 840). Being the scribe of a
king was still a very significant position at the royal court, incongruent with the fall
of Shebna proclaimed in Isa. 22.
185
Eliakim is clearly presented as the countertype to Shebna. Shebna is called
, disgrace of your masters house (v. 18), while Eliakim is
184
120
chapter three
to vv. 1923 and is not an independent addition. Isa. 22:24 does not
speak of nepotism in the dynasty of Eliakim, as often understood.186 It
assumes that all important and less important affairs of the royal house
will rest on the shoulders of Eliakim, as the previous verse ascribes
him authority over the palace.
Wildberger noted that the firm place ( ) assigned to this
ruler, reminds one of the dynastic promises addressed to David in
2 Sam. 7.187 The relationship between Shebna and Eliakim is similar
to the one between Saul and David, or Abiathar and Zadok. Just as in
those cases, Isa. 22:1924 may be concerned with more than just one
particular person in the monarchic administration of Judah. It may
attest to the divine establishment of and support for a dynasty of royal
overseers (servants?) in Judah after the 8th century bc.188 The status
of Eliakim, the new , is presented as very significant.
and in v. 23 are royal symbols (cf. Zech. 10:14). The idea
that Eliakim would become a throne may refer to a time when this
functionary had to fulfil the duty of a king. There were two periods
when the top palace official had such power: during the temporary
exile of King Manasseh in Assyria (2 Chron. 33:1113) and during
the rule of Gedaliah, the last overseer of Judah, whose family included
three generations of high officials in service of the Judaean royal house
(although not ; 2 Kgs 22:3, 12; 25:22).189
The final v. 25, which is introduced by a , was written in
response to the end of Eliakims dynasty, possibly in the early exilic
period. may allude ambiguously to the superscription in 22:1,
so that 22:25 considered 22:1524 the fulfilment of the speech concerning the deportation of the leaders mentioned in 22:3.
, throne of honour of his fathers house (v. 23). In contrast to the usual interpretation of this text, I believe does not refer to the ancestor father, nor the family
of Eliakim, but to the king (Gen. 45:8; 2 Kgs 5:13; Isa. 9:5; cf. also 1 Mac 11:32).
is in this sense a synonym of ( v. 18) and in which Eliakim
will become the overseer () .
186
Delitzsch, 263; Fohrer, 1.255; Schoors, 137; Willis, Historical Issues, 67.
Wildberger, 845.
188
For suggestions in this direction, see Wildberger, 846.
189
Cf. also the bulla from Lachish, Belonging to Gedalyahu, overseer of the royal
house (( ) COS 2.70D). With king Jehoiachin as the legitimate heir in
captivity, Gedaliah fulfilled the task of a king in Judah. We know from 2 Kgs 25:25
that at least the party of Elishama, of royal origin () , was not particularly
delighted with the decision of the Babylonians to appoint Gedaliah as governor. This
may explain the importance of the legitimising oracle in Isa. 22:1924.
187
121
To recapitulate the above, (a) as it was the case in Isa. 22:114, the
subsection 22:1525 is composed of an Isaianic text (vv. 1518) that
was subsequently supplemented by vv. 1924 and updated by v. 25.
(b) From a theological viewpoint, it is important to mention the
motif of in (vv. 18, 23, 24), as well as the theme of hubris (v. 16).
The day of judgment will be the day of humiliation for Jerusalem (vv.
114), including its most prominent figures (vv. 1518).
(c) From a historical point of view, Isa. 22:1518 goes back to the
8th century bc, but vv. 1924 derive from a later period. As has been
argued, these verses provide the legitimising background not only for
Eliakim but also for his descendants, so that vv. 1924 may be dated to
the 7th or early 6th centuries, at any rate before 587 bc. V. 25 comes
from the exilic era.
3.2.9
The Composition of Isaiah 23
Isa. 23, a prophecy concerning Tyre, is one of the most difficult passages in Isa. 1323 and presents a real challenge to the interpreter,
even in places where the reading is fairly clear. Although it is not necessary to take a position on every textual issue, some do have implications for understanding Isa. 1323.
The phrase in 23:1 can be rendered as for it is destroyed
so that no house is left, with having a privative sense.190
can only be translated as so that one may not enter from the
land of Kittim,191 but this translation leaves unexplained.
The same is true if is connected to the previous line.192 Therefore,
should be changed into , entrance, yielding
, the entrance/harbour from the land of Kittim. Approaching
from the sea, Tyre was the harbour city of Asia.193 does not
190
Cf. Isa. 7:8; 17:1; A. van der Kooij, The Oracle of Tyre: The Septuagint of Isaiah
XXIII as Version and Vision (VT.S, 71), Leiden 1998, 21, 195.
191
Cf. 1 Sam. 25:33; Isa. 24:10. The temporal translations when/as they came from
the land of Kittim (NRSV; cf. JPS; Procksch, 295; Kaiser, 130; Wildberger, 855) would
require the forms ( 1 Sam. 16:6; 18:6; 2 Chron. 20:10; Ezra 2:68; Ezek. 44:17, 21;
46:10) or ( 2 Kgs 6:20; Jer. 41:7).
192
Van der Kooij interprets in both cases as privative: it is laid waste, so that
there is no house to enter any more (Tyre, 21, 195). However, this would require
* . Isa. 24:10 has a different syntax (contra Van der Kooij).
193
In Ezek. 27:3 Tyres location is ( cf. Assurbanipals Prism A ii
4850). Note also that the gate of Jerusalem leading to the land of the tribe of Benjamin was called ( Jer. 37:13).
122
chapter three
refer to the revelation of news to Tyrean seafarers, as this passage is

usually explained.194 means to lay bare as in Mic. 1:6 or Ezek.
13:14. offers a good parallel to ( also pass. in sense).
does not refer to the enemy, seafarers or Tarshish ships, but to Tyre
itself: [ . . .] , the entrance / harbour [. . .] was laid bare
to them, i.e.: their harbour was laid bare.195 Isa. 23:1 is rendered as:
Wail is you, ships of Tarshish, for it was destroyed so that no house
is left; the entrance (harbour city) from the land of Kittim was laid
bare to them.
The phrase in v. 5 is also difficult. is usually followed by a verb, but Isa. 26:9 provides one
example where the verb is implicit. If this is also the case in 23:5, we
have two ways to interpret v. 5. (1) When the news (probably the
words of Tyre in v. 4) (comes) to Egypt, they will wail as Tyre (wailed)
on account of the news (cf. in v. 4). Egypt as an outsider, but in
close contact with Tyre (23:3), fulfils a role similar to the other witnesses.196 (2) A further possibility is to take as a genitival
construction, the news concerning Egypt. In this case the meaning of
v. 5 would be: As they were wailing ( )about the news concerning
Egypt, so (will they be wailing) about the news concerning Tyre. If we
presuppose that in vv. 4 and 5 is used in the same sense,197 then v. 5
may be interpreted as follows: as one (Egypt/Tyre) was wailing when
one heard the news of Egypts advancing destruction (cf. Isa. 19), so
would one (Tyre) be wailing about the news of Tyres approaching
calamity. This reading would fit v. 4 well, which describes Tyre as the
one who has never wailed.
194
Cf. Kaiser, 133; Young, 2.123; Wildberger, 870; R. Lessing, Interpreting Discontinuity: Isaiahs Tyre Oracle (Ph.D. diss.), Saint Louis 2001, 190.
195
The idea that Tyre is transformed into a bare rock also appears in the Tyrus
prophecy of Ezek. 26:4, 14 (cf. ) .
196
This may be compared to Assyrian inscriptions that express the fear felt by a
nation when learning about the destruction of others. Sargons Nimrud Prism (ln. 35)
relates the fear of the Cypriots when they heard of Sargons deeds against the Chaldaeans and Hittites by stating that their hearts palpitated, fright fell upon them.
197
In 23:4 Sidon (Phoenicia) is summoned to be ashamed of what Tyre ()
has to say: I have never laboured (), never given birth, never raised youths,
or reared maidens. The sentence can hardly refer to childlessness (contra Alexander,
395; Delitzsch, 265; Kaiser, 134; Oswalt, 431). Tyre is presented as a young woman,
a virgin (cf. , the virgin daughter of Sidon [i.e. Phoenicia] in 23:12)
who has not yet experienced the pain of giving birth (). The childbirth imagery
metaphorically represents a city in anguish before the enemy.
123
V. 13, crucial in placing Isa. 23 historically, is the most controversial passage of the entire pericope. its present form, 23:13 refers to the
destruction of Chaldea by the Assyrians. The reference to Chaldea is,
however, strange in this context. Several solutions have been proposed
to make sense of [ ]. One of the
frequent suggestions is that is a gloss which
corrected expectations that Assyria would destroy Tyre.198 However,
such a gloss that explicitly denies a previous interpretation in favour
of a new one would be unusual for the Old Testament. Furthermore,
while the syntax of the phrase can be interpreted as this is the people, it was not Assyria (cf. 2 Chron. 18:32),
the remaining would have no connections in this verse.
It is more likely that the phrase division should be located between
and .
Without emendations and glosses, the expression
can be interpreted in two different ways. (1) By rendering
as this (is the) people199 (that) is no more (i.e. ceased to
exist),200 the destruction of Chaldea is assumed to have been caused
by the Assyrians. They (the Assyrians) raised their (?) siege towers and demolished its palaces; it (Assyria) turned it into a desert.201
Why speak of the destruction of Chaldea in the context of a prophecy
against Tyre? LXX provides an attractive way to interpret the passage.
The Greek translators connected vv. 12 and 13, and understood
not as an interjection but a signifier of a conditional clause (which is
grammatically possible): If () you went to Kittim, there would be
no rest for you; if ( )to the land of Chaldea, even that is laid waste by
the Assyrians and there would be no rest for you (either), for its walls
are fallen. In 23:12b13, Tyre, the daughter of Sidon (see below), is
offered two alternatives to escape the disaster. Plan A: Flee to Kittim,
but you will not be safe there. Plan B: Behold, the land of Chaldea (as
a possible ally?); but Assyria has utterly destroyed it, too. The land of
198
Alexander, 399; Gray, 394; Berges, 158; Gallagher, Campaign, 74.

For , this people, cf. Rendsburg, Linguistic Variation, 185.
200
For this sense of , observe Isa. 15:6; Jer. 14:5 (cf. with
in 14:6; for = , see also Dan. 8:4, 7); Obad. 16 (?).
201
In this case, the verbs and suffixes referring to Assyria are masc. (sg. and pl.)
in contrast to the fem. suffixes referring to . Consequently, the subject of
and ( pl.) may be the Assyrians (cf. also Van der Kooij, Tyre, 31; Lessing,
Tyre, 185 n. 26). is assumed to refer to the siege-towers of the Assyrians rather
than the watchtowers of Chaldea.
199
124
chapter three
Kittim in the west and the land of Chaldea in the east (cf. Jer. 2:10)
offer no way to escape from the hand of Yhwh. The destruction of
Tyre is unavoidable.
(2) If is rendered as this (is the) people (that) was
not (before), we must assume that Isa. 23:13 refers to the destruction
of two different cities: Behold, the land of Chaldaeans!This people
that was not, Assyria had destined it (the land of Chaldea) to the desert
animals.(the Chaldeans) raised (or will raise) their (?) siege towers
and demolished (or will demolish) her (Tyres) palaces; they turned
(or will turn) her into a desert.
To reiterate, the destruction of Chaldea by the Assyrians mentioned
in Isa. 23:13 either exemplifies the future fate of Tyre or explains the
sudden emergence of Chaldea threatening the nations of Canaan lying
within the domain of its power.
The unity of Isa. 23 is almost universally recognised as secondary.
Vv. 114 discuss the collapse of Tyre; vv. 1518 relate its re-emergence.
The fact that these two texts were written with different concerns is
well-recognised. More than that, the coherence of vv. 114 has been
subject to debate as well. The reason for this is the assumed change
in the addressees of vv. 114. Some scholars have argued that, in its
earlier stage, Isa. 23 was a prophecy concerned with Sidon, but it was
later reinterpreted as a prophecy against Tyre, a rereading which left
its marks on the composition.202 Other scholars consider 23:114 to
be directed against the whole Phoenician coast.203 Clearly, the problem concerning the literary unity of 23:114 is closely linked with the
identity of the addressees. Two issues need to be discussed here: the
reference of the name Sidon and the identity of those addressed in
the 2nd and 3rd person forms.
As for the first question, Sidon may be used with two distinctive
meanings. It may refer to the city Sidon, or it may designate southern Phoenicia, as evidenced by other Israelite, Phoenician, and Greek
sources.204 In Isa. 23, Sidon is not the name of a city alone but of
202
Kaiser, 132; Vermeylen, 1.342.

Knobel 16364; Delitzsch, 265; Dillmann, 210; Wildberger, 860. Fohrer argued
that vv. 1b4 were directed against Sidon, vv. 69 against Tyre, and vv. 1014 against
Phoenicia (1.258). See, however, Isa. 23:5, 12.
204
The father of Jezebel, Ethbaal I, is called in 1 Kgs 16:31 the king of the Sidonians () , even though he was ruling in Tyre. The same can be observed
in the 8th century. Tiglath-pileser III refers to Hiram II (738730) as the king of
203
125
southern Phoenicia, including the cities of the Tyro-Sidonian kingdom

(23:2, 4, 12).
For a certain period Tyre was the centre of the Sidonian kingdom, which
included the territory between Dor in the south and Sidon in the north.
Tiglath-pileser III makes no mention of Sidon as an independent state.
Sargon IIs inscriptions only mention Shilta of Tyre, a loyal Assyrian
vassal.205 Sidon is referred to by Sennacherib as a city in the position formerly occupied by Tyre. The accounts of Sennacheribs third campaign
mention Lul ar uru Sidunni, Luli king of Sidon. uru Sidunni may be
used here as the name of southern Phoenicia.206 Lul may be identical
with mentioned by Ant. ix 28387, a king ruling in Tyre.207
In this case, the territory of Luli included the entire region ascribed to
Tyrean kings in other texts: Great and Small Sidon, Ushu (Old Tyre),
Akku, Zariptu (both given to Baal, king of Tyre by Esarhaddon), Mahalliba (the fortified city of Hiram during Tiglath-pileser III; COS 2.117F).
It is possible that the title king of Sidon was deliberately chosen by
the Assyrian scribes instead of the earlier king of Tyre, because Sennacherib failed to capture Tyre. Tubaalu, the vassal king he installed as
Lulis successor, is also called the king of Sidon (cf. BAL, 2.67). Bunnens assumes that it is this Assyrian policy which led to a split-up of the
former Tyro-Sidonian kingdom.208 Sidon becomes the centre of the proAssyrian government, while the island Tyre retains its independence. In
the early years of Esarhaddon, we meet a rebellious but later submissive
king of Tyre (Baalu) and another anti-Assyrian king of Sidon (Abdimilkutti), who will be decapitated. Abdi-milkuttis former territories are
entrusted to Tyre again.
As for the second question, a close reading of Isa. 23 reveals a distinction between those addressed in the 2nd person and those spoken
Tyre, while the same king is called king of the Sidonians (mlk sdnm) on a Phoenician
inscription (W.A. Ward, Tyre, OEANE 5.248).
205
Since lt may mean ruler, Shilta could be a title rather than a personal name
(cf. Piru of Egypt). N. Naaman, Sargon II and the Rebellion of the Cypriot Kings
against Shilta of Tyre, in: Ancient Israel and Its Neighbors: Interaction and Counteraction, Winona Lake, IN 2005, 11828.
206
The determinatives uru, city and kur, land may occasionally be interchanged.
uru Yah udu (Judah) is also attested in the Assyrian inscriptions.
207
This is corroborated by Sennacheribs Bull Inscription 4 (BAL, 2.69), according
to which Luli took flight ultu qereb uru surri, from inside the city Tyre. /
Luli may eventually be identical with Shilta (contra Naaman, Shilta, 125). If Tyre
was ruled by another pro-Assyrian Shilta, a contemporary of Luli, as Naaman suggested, the act of Sennacherib, nominating a new vassal king, and entrusting him the
entire mainland region of the former Tyrean kingdom, would be more difficult to
explain.
208
G. Bunnens, Lhistoire vnementielle partim Orient, in: V. Krings (ed.), La
civilisation phnicienne et punique: Manuel de recherche (HO, 1/20), Leiden 1995, 230.
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chapter three
of in the 3rd person.209 For the 2nd person (vocative) form, cf.
( 23:1), ( 23:2, 6), ( 23:2), ( 23:4), ( 23:7),
( 23:10). Tyre, whose fall is pictured in the prophecy, is
referred to quite consistently by 3rd person suffixes, prepositions and
verbs: ( 23:1), ( 23:1),210 ( 23:3), ( 23:3),211
(23:4), ( 23:7), ( 23:7), ( 23:8), ( 23:8).
The metaphors ( 23:1; emended text), ( | 23:2),212
( 23:4), ( 23:4),213 ( 23:7), ( 23:9),
(23:10), ( 23:11?, 14) all refer to Tyre. The city Tyre is destroyed
and deported to a far off land. But the direct addressees of the text are
not identical with those undergoing judgment. The 2nd person message is addressed to Tyres former friends and mates, summoned as
witnesses to moan, wail, be ashamed, cross over to or go through their
land.214 This distinction between Tyre and its friends (larger Phoenicia,
the Mediterranean region and Egypt) is essential to understand Isa. 23,
and it offers a fairly consistent pattern for reading this prophecy.
209
One exception appears in v. 12, where Tyre is addressed in the 2nd person.
This is a particular case, however, for here it is Yhwh (and not the prophet) speaking to Tyre, which means that it belongs to a different rhetorical level. In principle,
can refer to both Sidon and Sidons (= Phoenicias) daughter, i.e.
Tyre. With as the name of Phoenicia, v. 12 resembles constructions like
( Lam. 1:15), ( Isa. 47:1; cf. there ) . For the virgin
daughter of Sidon (Phoenicia), see later Phoenician coins referring to Sidon as msr,
the mother of Tyre.
210
The fact that the name of Tyre is avoided at the beginning does not pose any
problem if the prophecy originally contained a superscription. Note also that 23:114
is interpreted as a prophecy on Tyre in 23:1518.
211
This is a 3rd fem. sg., just like the suffix of the previous
. She (Tyre) has
become a profit for the nations. Merchant of the nations would require the vocalisation ( cf. Knobel, 164).
212
is a problematic term in 23:2. For the Massoretic , the
one who crosses over the sea has filled you (= 1QIsab; cf. Vulg., Syr., Tg. Isa.), 1QIsaa
has and 4QIsaa . 1QIsaa and 4QIsaa are textual corrections rather than representatives of a more reliable textual tradition. The reading
provided by MT does make sense in its present form (cf. Van der Kooij, Tyre, 21).
However, refers here to the Tyrean seafarers (like ) , while the sg. 2
suffix in refers to , the inhabitants of the coastland (Phoenicia / Sidon),
addressed in the second person. This structuring also means that goes
with 23:3 as follows: / / .
213
resonates with Uzu of EA 148:11, 30; 149:49 (cf. Uu in Assyrian and t in
Egyptian), the name of Old Tyre. Cf. also in Josh. 19:29; 2 Sam. 24:7. For
in 23:4, cf. in Isa. 19:7.
214
The emendation of into , till your land (cf. 1QIsaa, the
LXX) is unnecessary, for cannot substitute for ( Van der Kooij, Tyre, 197).
V. 6 also refers to crossing over to Tarshish, and v. 12 to Kittim. Wandering through
the homeland is an act of mourning (cf. Isa. 15).
127
While 23:17, 10, 14 calls Tyres friends to lament on the destruction of the city, vv. 89, 11, 12a, 13 give a theological explanation for
the course of events. With a vocabulary familiar from 14:24, 2627 and
19:12, 1617, these verses proclaim that it was Yhwhs plan that came
to be fulfilled: he, i.e. Yhwh (not Tyre!) stretched out his arm over
the sea, he made kingdoms quake, he gave command (cf. Isa. 13:3; 2
Sam. 17:14) concerning Canaan to destroy its fortresses. It might be
possible that Isa. 23:89, 11, 12a, 13 are later than the rest of vv. 114
and were written in view of the other FNPs, particularly 14:24, 2627,
as well as 19:12 and 1617.215 The term in 23:11 can have multiple meanings. In the context of the previous FNPs it may designate
the Mediterranean land strip from Phoenicia to Philistia.216 The fate of
Tyre is only a small section of a larger plan involving its neighbouring
countries. But in v. 8 the merchants of Tyre are called , so that
may refer to Tyre as Canaan par excellence.
The prosaic ending, Isa. 23:1518, is mostly considered a secondary
addition to the previous poem. Not only does v. 14 form a concluding inclusio with v. 1, but vv. 1518 are also demarcated by
, a syntactically independent phrase (cf. Isa. 22:20; Hos. 1:5). The
message of vv. 1518 is also different from vv. 114. Vv. 1518 maintain that after 70 years, according to the days (?) of a (?) king,217 the
fate of Tyre shall evolve in accordance with the song of a (the?) prostitute.218 Tyre shall return to her former life as a prostitute and ply her
job with the kingdoms of the earth. The motif of 70 years destruction
also appears in Jer. 25:11; 29:10 (cf. 2 Chron. 36:21; Dan. 9:2; Zech.
7:5), in relation to the captivity of Israel and the nations, as well as
the visitation ( )of Babylon. It is striking that the 70-year-motif
is also attested in the description of Esarhaddons reconciliation with
215
Vermeylen, 1.34243 treated vv. 9, 11, 13 (but not 8, 12) as expansions.

Cf. Jer. 47:4; Pss 83:8; 87:4 mentioning Phoenicia with Philistia. Sennacheribs
Taylor Prism ii 4855 refers to the destruction of Tyre in the context of tributes
brought by other Canaanite kingdoms, subjugated by Assyria.
217
Or in the days of a king (reading instead of ?)
218
Isa. 23:15 may refer to an actual song about a prostitute (for , cf.
in Isa. 5:1), so that the author compares the life of Tyre with the life of a
forgotten prostitute. This interpretation is supported by several parallel elements in
the prophecy: as Tyre is forgotten for 70 years (23:15), the prostitute is forgotten and
remembered (23:16); as the prostitute receives its reward (), so also the city
Tyre after it is remembered; as the prostitute will resume her job (), Tyre will also
resume its former trading activity.
216
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chapter three
Babylon, the principle city of Chaldea (also mentioned in 23:13) (cf.

IAKA 11 Episode 10).
Isa. 23:18 is a rather shocking ending: the prostitute Tyres income
( and )will be holy to Yhwh () , i.e. devoted to
those working in the cult centre (cf. Deut. 23:19). According to Fohrer,
this verse propagates a perverse Frmigkeit (1.263), caring only for
profit and being not really interested in the future fate of Tyre. However, Tyre is delivered ( )by Yhwh (v. 17), restored to its former
life, which is a fairly positive message. The fact that Tyres income is
brought to Yhwh and is accepted by him () , connects this
text with similar pronouncements elsewhere in the Old Testament, the
so-called tribute texts, such as Ps. 45:12; 72:10; Isa. 18:7; 19:1822;
60:6, 13; Hag. 2:7.
When attempting to date Isa. 23, the important question is whether
Isa. 23 is predictive or retrospective. Although vv. 114 are commonly
believed to recount past events,219 vv. 5 and 12b only make sense as
predictions. The summons to wail ( hiphil) also appears generally
in prophetic descriptions of future calamities.220 The predictive character of the text is also supported by negative evidence. No historical setting would fully comply with the details of this prophecy. Assyrians or
Babylonians never managed to destroy the isle Tyre, the stronghold of
the sea.221 This was only achieved much later by Alexander the Great.222
If in 23:13 is translated as this is the people that is
no more, the destruction of Chaldea by the Assyrians (23:13) may
be a historically illuminative though not a particularly specific detail
(although in this case the New Assyrian background would of course
be assured).223 However, if Chaldea is referred to in v. 13 as the empire
219
Fohrer, 1.257; Wildberger, 861; Clements, 192.

Cf. Isa. 13:6; 14:31; Jer. 4:8; 25:34; 48:20 (cf. 48:16); 48:39 (cf. 48:4042); 49:3 (cf.
49:12); 51:8; Ezek. 21:17; 30:2; Zeph. 1:11; Zech. 11:2. Ezek. 29:1820 on Tyre, though
set as a lamentation, is clearly predictive.
221
Sweeney and Lessings attempts to soften the meaning of in 23:1, 14 are
not convincing.
222
Duhm, 166; Fohrer, 1.258; Kaiser, 132, date Isa. 23 to Alexanders era. For the
problems with this view, see Wildberger, 864; Lessing, Tyre, 247 n. 82.
223
Neither Tiglath-pileser IIIs war with Chaldea and Tyre nor Sargon IIs peaceful Chaldaean and Tyrean relations give a suitable setting. Although Assurbanipal is
known to have punished Baal, king of Tyre around 662, his anti-Chaldaean campaigns are more than a decade later than his dealings with Tyre. There are two more
probable options. First, vv. 114 may have been written during the early days of Sennacherib, perhaps shortly before 701 (Sweeney, 3068; Lessing, Tyre, 251, 25456).
Before his campaign in Canaan, Sennacherib waged heavy wars with the Chaldaeans.
220
129
about to lead Tyre into captivity (see above) then at least vv. 89, 11,
12a, 13 must be dated to the early New Babylonian period.
To conclude, (a) Isa. 23 can be divided into two pericopes: 23:114
is a call to lament in view of an impending attack on Tyre. Despite
earlier assumptions, Isa. 23 is concerned with the fall of Tyre only.
The other addressees are summoned merely as witnesses. The theological-reflective character of vv. 89, 11, 12a, 13 might suggest that they
are later additions, although this remains uncertain. At any rate, Isa.
23:1518 is a later expansion compared to vv. 114.
(b) Common motifs shared with the other FNPs include the following: the summons to wail ( ;)the humiliation of the rich and
powerful kingdom; the fulfilment of the purposes and plans of Yhwh
(), stretching out his hands and even extending it beyond the earth
to include the sea; Tyre will be restored, but its glory and wealth will
be given to Yhwh in Zion.
(c) If 23:114 is considered one literary unit and if
in 23:13 is rendered as this is the people that is no more, 23:114
could be dated to 703671. If is translated as this
is the people that was not before, the date of the prophecy should
be advanced to the era of Nebuchadnezzar (cf. Ezek. 26). The literary
parallels of 23:1518 suggest that this expansion derives from the late
Assyrian or New Babylonian periods, depending also on the dating of
23:114.
His texts report massive destruction and deportations of the Chaldaean population
(BAL, 2.6566). His Chaldean campaign was followed by a march against the kingdom
of Tyre and Luli, its ruler (Taylor Prism ii 3464; BAL, 2.67). The mainland kingdom
fell, but the isle Tyre was saved. Luli found rest in Kittim. Of course, these details do
not present any problems if the prophecy is dated before 701. Alternatively, 23:114
can be dated to Esarhaddons era (Wildberger, 866). Sennacherib assigned the mainland territories of the Tyrean kingdom to Tubailu, whose successor, Abdi-milkutti,
rebelled against Esarhaddon (677). Though he fled to the sea (Kittim?), he was captured and decapitated. Sidon was transformed into an Assyrian province. Part of its
former territory was given to Baal I, king of Tyre, who may have also been among the
rebels but surrendered in time to Esarhaddon. We hear again of a rebellion of Baal in
connection with Esarhaddons later campaign to Egypt (674/671?). He appears as an
ally of Taharka, for which he is punished, but his life is ultimately spared. Esarhaddon
reports to have taken away the cities and possessions of Baal. Esarhaddon pursued
a Chaldea-friendly policy, but 23:13 could refer Sennacheribs anti-Babylonian campaigns in his later years.
130
chapter three
3.3
Preliminary Conclusions to Isaiah 1323
Isa. 1323 is built around ten -headings. This system of superscription provides a unifying editorial frame for the collection, which
bears clear signs of a long process of development (cf. 16:1314). One
can discern three different types of -superscriptions (cf. 13:1;
14:28; 21:1). The typical system of superscription in Isa. 2122 and the
internal thematic connections between these prophecies, as well as the
events of 598 and 587 serving as common historical background to
the (re)reading of these prophecies, suggest that Isa. 2122 had already
been associated before the two chapters came to be inserted among
the other prophecies of Isa. 1323 during the exilic era (cf. 21; 22:25).
The independent origin and later addition of Isa. 2122 explains the
unusual occurrence of two anti-Babylon prophecies in different locations in Isa. 1323 and the presence of prophecies concerning Jerusalem and two royal palace officials (Isa. 22) among the FNPs.
Not only Isa. 1323 as a whole but also the individual -collections
show various signs of editorial activity. As in other collections of FNPs
of the Old Testament (cf. 2.4), most -prophecies of Isaiah are
composed of more than one literary unit with a complicated redactional history occasionally predating their insertion in the FNP collections (e.g., 15:19; 16:15; 22:125). The connection between individual
prophecies of the -collection in this case is provided by thematic
resemblances, catchwords, or other theological editorial considerations.224 Some passages may derive from an originally anti-Judaean
context, subsequently reapplied against the enemies of Judah (cf. Isa.
13:28). The significant idea that Yhwh will interchange the fate of
Israel and its enemies also appears in the neighbouring redactional
passage, Isa. 14:14a.
The gradual development of Isa. 1323 described in this study challenges any suggestion that the prophecies of Isa. 1323 were collected
at a relatively late date. It seems that the book of Isaiah parallels other
books insofar as it contains an early collection of FNPs. Beyond the
differences and the regularities in the system of superscription of Isa.
1323, an important sign for the gradual development of the collection is the shifting editorial view regarding the fate of nations. One can
observe a move from judgment prophecies to prophecies of hope (cf.
224
E.g., the in Isa. 13, or the divine name in Isa. 22.
131
14:2832; 15:116:5; 17:18; 23). At a later stage, however, prophecies

of hope turn back to judgment again (16:614; 17:911).
The sections in which judgment shifts to hope seem to be related
to the Assyrian situation, and presuppose that the power and imperial
influence in Eber Nri is weakened if not ceased. Key to this hypothesis was the appearance of two originally Assyria-related prophecies
embedded in a passage against Babylon, 14:4b21 and 14:2427. Both
seem to have once been connected more closely with the anti-Assyrian speech in 10:515, 2427. In this former setting, the judgment of
Assyria not only brought an anthology of prophecies against Israel and
Judah to a close, but it probably also introduced an early collection
of FNPs (cf. 14:2427), forming a bridge between the two sections.
The overarching theme in this primary arrangement of the book was
the reiterated motif of the raised hand of Yhwh, first against his own
people (Isa. 9:720), then against Assyria (10:14). In this latter case,
the raising of the hand had implications for all nations under Assyrian
dominion (14:2427), a point reiterated at the end of the collection
in 23:11. This pre-exilic edition of FNPs may have included most of
Isa. 14:4b21, 2427, 2832; 15:116:5; 17:16(78?); 23.225 The judgment of Assyria, which once opened the collection of FNPs, explains
the allusions to the vanished oppressor in a period when the Judaean
monarchy is still supposed to exist (16:4; cf. 14:29).
In a prophecy of central importance comprising Isa. 10:515, the
Assyrian king appears as a world ruler, boasting about his defeat of
various nations. From an editorial point of view, these foreign nations
can be identified with those mentioned in Isa. 1323. in
10:14, which Assyria occupied, is echoed in 14:26. The staff raised by
the hand of the Assyrian king in 10:5, 15, is paralleled by the raised
hand of Yhwh in 14:2627 (cf. 5:25; 9:11, 16, 20) and 23:8. Yhwh
makes use of Assyria against these nations (23:89, 11), but he cancels
the plans of the king of Assur as soon as he moves beyond the predetermined limits (cf. 10:7; 14:2427).
The second shift from prophecies of salvation to prophecies of judgment (16:614; 17:911) presupposes the post-587 and perhaps even
the post-exilic period. The central concern of this edition is the day
of Yhwh and its effect on all the presumptuous ones of the earth.
Although the additional individual prophecies may derive from the
225
For Isa. 17:1220:6, see Chapters 46 below.
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chapter three
New Babylonian period, the collection at this editorial stage makes

Persia (and not Babylon) into the tool in the hand of Yhwh. At this
new stage in the formation of the book of Isaiah, the prophecy concerning the judgment of Babylon is given the role of introducing
the new collection of FNPs. The inclusion of 11:1116, referring to
the returnees from exile, and a song of deliverance (Isa. 12) separate
Isa. 112 from the collection of 1323.226 The former prophecies on
Assyria were partially reinterpreted as referring to Babylon, which is
viewed not as a new nation in history but just another contender for
power on the mountain of God (14:13).
In the redaction performed against a Persian-background, the
motif is given an important place. appears in Isaiah only
in 13:6, 9 and 2:12 () .227 In this edition of the book,
the motif of the day of Yhwh connects Isa. 2:621(22) and Isa. 13.
Isa. 2:621(22) functions as an editorial introduction to a book which
presents the prophecies on Israel and Judah and the prophecies on the
nations in the context of the day of Yhwh.228 According to 2:621, the
day of Yhwh concerns not only Israel and Judah, but also all nations.
The text mentions the cedars of Lebanon, the oaks of Bashan (2:13),
and the ships of Tarshish (2:16; cf. 23:1), propagating a flavour of foreignness. In 2:6, the people of Yhwh are presented in relation to other
nations: Israel has become like the western Philistines and the sons of
the East. On the day of Yhwh, the house of Jacob shall be punished
with the judgment of those nations (cf. also Isa. 10:911). The central
event of the day of Yhwh in Isa. 2 is the humiliation of the exalted
ones, and the exaltation of Yhwh in judgment. The humiliation of
the proud is also a central theme in the FNPs of 1323. The prophecy against presumptuous Assyria (Isa. 10, 14) and later Babylon (Isa.
1314) inaugurates a collection that comes to an end by emphasising
again the fall of all honoured of the earth (23:9; cf. 2:22). The use of
impersonal terminology in 2:621 and Isa. 13 is in this perspective
even more striking.229 The motif acts as an important edito-
226
Note that Isa. 11:11 mentions a second time when Yhwh will raise his hand
() , which possibly alludes to the well-known motif, which was an
earlier organising principle of the editors but is now a motif used in a positive sense.
227
Cf. Isa. 10:3; 13:13; 17:11; 22:5; 30:25; 34:8.
228
Cf. Hamborg, Reasons, 157.
229
Cf. , , in the two texts. Note also the motif of wealth not being a
means to avoid the wrath of Yhwh in 2:7, 20 and 13:17.
133
rial guideline connecting the Isaianic FNPs with those of Zephaniah,

where the same theme also appears (2.4.4).
Allusions to the day of Yhwh in the FNPs also appear in 17:11 (
)and 22:5 () . It is
possible that the insertion of 2122 is related to the edition
of the FNPs, which added 13; 14:14a; 16:612; 17:911 to the former
pre-exilic collection.
The historical background of individual prophecies varies greatly.
An 8th or early 7th century text provides the starting point to almost
every FNP. This basic layer was expanded in the late 7th century, the
early 6th century, the post 587-period, or occasionally the post-exilic
era. Explicit support for the idea that the nations are addressed in relation to anti-Assyrian alliances appears thus far only in the prophecy
on the Philistines, Isa. 14:2832.
3.4 Isaiah 1323 as a Royal Stele of Yhwh

The organisation of the FNPs in the collection is obviously not
chronological. In the present version of Isa. 1323, the prophecies are
framed by an initial oracle on Babylon and a closing text on Tyre.
Kaiser regarded Isa. 23 as a late appendix following the prophecy
against Jerusalem in Isa. 22, which in his opinion once rounded off
the collection.230 However, as discussed above, there are other more
likely explanations for the present position of Isa. 22. The opinion of
Delitzsch and Oswalt is more appealing, namely that references to Tyre
as the economic power of the world in the west provide an appropriate ending for a collection beginning with Babylon (or in a previous
form with Assyria), the military power of the east.231 The intertextual
connections between the opening Isa. 1314 and the closing Isa. 23
suggest an even stronger connection. The revelation of Yhwhs plan
against the world and his purpose concerning all the nations uttered
in the first ( 14:2427) comes to a close with the reiteration of
this purpose and plan in the last ( 23:89, 11). The hand extended
by means of the world ruler in 10:5 and against him in 14:2627 is
paralleled in 23:11 by confirming that he (Yhwh) stretched out his
230
231
Kaiser, 133.
Delitzsch, 264; Oswalt, 427.
134
chapter three
hands and made kingdoms shake, he has given command concerning Canaan to destroy its fortresses. It was noted that in the present
context Canaan may have a much wider significance. It may symbolise
all of the small kingdoms of the Levantine region (much like the New
Assyrian mt H atti). The mention of Chaldea in Isa. 23:13 provides a
fitting end to a collection beginning with Assyria / Babylon.
The appearance of Assyria (and later imperial powers of the East),
the judge and ruler of the entire world ( ;10:14) ahead of a
collection of FNPs places all the prophecies in the context of a genre
particularly related to Assyrian kings: the rhetoric of the Mesopotamian royal inscriptions and stele literature. The motifs connecting Isa.
1323 to this type of literature are significant. In my view, it is likely
that the editors of the book of Isaiah deliberately followed the royal
inscription-genre in collecting the FNPs in Isa. 1323.
The Mesopotamian royal inscriptions often begin by re-affirming
the world dominance of the Assyrian monarchs.232 It was argued above
that Isa. 10:515 (cf. also 14:4b21), introduced an earlier collection of
FNPs, but here it functions as an introduction to the Mesopotamian
texts. In this case, the Assyrian monarch is presented as an all-powerful
ruler of the world who, however, rules through the power of Yhwh.
On the inscriptions of Shalmaneser III, Tiglath-pileser III, Assurbanipal and others, this introductory claim is often followed by proofs
of the historical reality behind the ideological assertion. They describe
campaigns against nations stretching to the four quarters of the world.
In this respect Isa. 1323 with its prophecies picturing the destruction of different nations can be considered the replica of an Assyrian
inscription. Isa. 1323 provides evidence for Yhwhs dominion over
all the nations subjugated by Assyria (and later by Persia). Assyria is
not the uppermost ruler, but it is the tool of Yhwh, a staff in Gods
hands.
Assyrian rulers often maintain that their weapon or sceptre was
given to them by Assur. Shalmaneser III says (RIMA 3 A.0.102.5 i
6ii 1):
At that time Assur, the great lord called [my name for shepherdship
of] the people, he crowned (me) with the exalted crown, [he . . .] my
dominion, (and) placed in my hands the weapon, sceptre, (and) staff
appropriate for (rule over) the people.
232
Cf. RIMA 3 A.0.102.1:19; A.0.102.2 i 510; A.0.102.5 i 16; A.0.102.14:1517;
A.0.103.1 i 2633; A.0.104.1:19; A.0.105.1:12; IAKA 21:114.
135
Similarly, ln. 28 of Sargon IIs Tang-i Var inscription maintains: With

the power and strength of the great gods, my lords, who raised my
weapons, I cut all my enemies.233 Isa. 10:5 should be understood
against this background. Yhwh as the ruler of the world claims to
have handed power to the king of Assyria. Yhwh appears in the position of the Assyrian god Assur in Assyrian inscriptions. The way Isaiah
portrays Yhwh in 6:3, by whose glory the whole earth is filled, is similar to how RIMA 3 A.0.102.11 refers to the god Assur, whose glory
covers the earth (a melammu mta katmu) (Left Edge ii 3).
The overarching theme of these prophecies, the hand stretched over
the nations, may also be inspired by Assyrian texts and iconography.
On relief inscriptions and steles, the Assyrian king appears sometimes
in a standing position with one hand holding a staff (cf. Isa. 10:5) and
the other hand raised.234 Assurbanipals Prism A ix 103104 retells how
the king raised his hand against the Arabians, the hands that I used to
raise against my enemies. The raised hand of Yhwh in Isa. 14:2627
and 23:11 may allude to this portrayal of the Assyrian king.235
The prophecies regarding Babylon and Tyre also form a pair in the
sense that Babylon (and its predecessor, Assyria) refers to the distant
nation in the East, while Tyre with its Mediterranean colonies represents the end of the world in the West, all subjected to the rule of
Yhwh (cf. Isa. 24:15). This geographical setting reminds the reader
again of the introduction of Assyrian inscriptions, where the king
presents himself as ruler of a world, with its borders defined by the stereotypical formula from the Upper Sea (Mediterranaean) to the Lower
Sea (Persian Gulf), sometimes followed by a geographical summation
of his entire territory:
233
RIMA 3 A.0.102.1:1112; 5758; A.0.102.2 i 13; IAKA 65:3034; etc.

See for instance the relief of Sargon II from Tang-i Var in G. Frame, The
Inscription of Sargon II at Tang-i Var, Or. 68 (1999), 33, 55, Sargons Basalt Stele
from Cyprus (AOB 117 Tafel LIX), or Esarhaddons Nahr-el Kelb relief (AOB 146,
Tafel LXV). Nabonids Harran Stele H1 i 3944 speaks of Ishtar, the mistress of war,
who stretched out her hand so that the kings of the land of Egypt, the Medes, the
Arabs, and all the enemy kings sent emissaries inquiring for the well-being of King
Nabonid (INBK, 490, 497).
235
On presenting Yhwh in parallel with the Assyrian kings, see also S. Parpola,
Assyrias Expansion in the 8th and 7th Centuries and Its Long-Term Repercussions in
the West, in: W.G. Dever, S. Gitin (eds), Symbiosis, Symbolism, and the Power of the
Past: Canaan, Ancient Israel, and Their Neighbors, from the Late Bronze Age through
Roman Palaestina, Winona Lake, IN 2003, 1045.
234
136
chapter three
Sennacherib, great king, mighty king, king of the universe (ar kiati),
king of Assyria, king of the four corners of the world (ar kibrat erbetti)
(. . .) God Assur, the great mountain, has provided me an unpaired kingdom (. . .) from the Upper Sea on the West (tmti elnti a alam ami)
to the Lower Sea on the East (tmti aplti a st ami). Every black
headed people (i.e. the humanity) he has put under my feet (. . .).
(Taylor Prism i 1016).
Assurbanipal, the great king, the legitimate king, the king of the world,
king of all the four rims, king of kings, prince without rival, who rules
from the Upper Sea to the Lower Sea and has made bow to his feet all the
rulers and who has laid the yoke of his overlordship (upon them) from
Tyre, which is in the Upper Sea and Tilmun, which is in the Lower Sea,
and they pulled the straps of his yoke.
(Warka Cylinder of Assurbanipal, ANET, 297).236
This world-wide scope of the FNPs convinces the reader of the collection that Yhwh is the ruler of the earth. History is not simply the
course of events unforeseeable and uncontrolled, but the realisation
of a plan of Yhwh, a plan now revealed on the stele of Yhwh, in
Isa. 1323.237
The question is whether we should attribute a direct influence of
Assyrian literature on the composition of Isa. 1323, or there may
have been other possible conveyors of this tradition? Though the features noted appear most often in Assyrian literature, the indicated parallels can also be found on the inscriptions of Babylonian and Persian
kings.238 The Cylinder Inscription of Cyrus the Great, probably also
known by Judaeans (cf. Ezra 1:1), also presents King Cyrus in words
similar to the Assyrian steles, as ruler of the entire world, from the
Lower Sea to the Upper Sea (TUAT, 1.4089). Nevertheless, the Cyrus-
236
These motifs are also known from Ps. 72:8; Zech. 9:10.
Isa. 2:622, the possible introduction to the -edition, can also be related
to the Assyrian stele-literature. The appearance of the majesty of Yhwh (
) causing people to flee to the mountains (2:10, 19, 21) reminds the reader
of the melammu (or pulh i melamm) of the god Assur, who spreads dread among
the enemies of the Assyrian king chasing the people into the mountains (e.g., RIMA
3 A.0.102.14:7879, 151; A.0.102.16:22122; A.0.102.17:4344). The same is true of
the motif of excessive wealth that will not save the life of people (Isa. 13:17). Assyrian inscriptions refer to rulers of cities overcome by the fear of Assur and saving
their lives by paying fabulous tributes of silver, gold, etc. (RIMA 3 A.0.102.14:13435;
A.0.102.16:21920).
238
For the Babylonian literature, see the Etemenaki Cylinder of Nebuchadnezzar in
Vanderhooft, Babylon, 3637, the Harran Stele of Nabonid in INBK, 499 [iii 18], the
Adad-guppi Stele in INBK, 511 [i 4044].
237
137
Cylinder may have been modelled on Assurbanipals inscriptions,239 so

that its ideology is after all Assyrian.
Two options remain: (1) The features of Isa. 1323 modelled on the
form and language of royal inscriptions come from a later edition of the FNPs. (2) It is also possible that a previous Assyrian
inscription-like edition (7th century) was known to the editors compiling the book on the basis of the -theme (6th century). They
may have adopted this earlier concept for the later edition of this book
as well. It was perhaps the realisation of these literary features characteristic of Mesopotamian literature that motivated the editors to insert
Isa. 2122 before and not after Isa. 23.240
239
Cf. M. Dandamayev, Assyrian Traditions during Achaemenid Times, in:
S. Parpola, R.M. Whiting (eds), Assyria 1995: Proceedings of the 10th Anniversary
Symposium of the Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project Helsinki, September 711, 1995,
Helsinki 1997, 44; see also, Parpola, Assyrias Expansion, 105.
240
Note especially the Upper Sea / Lower Sea frame.
CHAPTER FOUR
LANDS OF RIDDLES:
THE ANALYSIS OF ISAIAH 18
Chapters 46 aim to answer the question how Isa. 1820 clarifies the
formation and function of the collection comprising Isa. 1323. Below
I shall present a thorough exegetical analysis of these three pericopes
from Isaiah. Each one of Chapters 46 includes a translation with text
critical and semantic notes, followed by a detailed exegetical analysis,
and rounded off with an overall evaluation of the exegetical results
from literary critical, theological and historical perspectives.
Isa. 18 is a thematically coherent prophecy supposedly concerned
with the African nation of Kush, south of Egypt, who invaded Egypt
in the 8th century bc and ruled it for almost a century. Beyond this
widely shared opinion, the many details of the text clouded by lexical
uncertainties have caused scholars to disagree on the specific ways in
which Isa. 18 deals with Kush and how the prophecy is connected to
the people of Israel or Judah. The most important problems in Isa. 18
are the identity of the messengers in v. 2, their destination, and the
identity of the people whose destruction and humiliation are predicted
in vv. 56.
The thematic coherence of 18:17 does not necessarily mean that the
literary unity of this prophecy should be taken for granted. Indeed, the
authenticity of almost every verse has been questioned at some point
in the exegetical literature. The question of literary integrity will be
best addressed after a close examination of the text of the prophecy.
Beyond the often doubted literary integrity of Isa. 18, scholars have
also noted its loose connections to the in Isa. 17:1. Isa. 18
is frequently considered a misplaced component of the
in Isa. 19. However, a few exegetes hold that Isa. 17 is positioned in a
suitable context. The question is whether there is any justification for
the present position of Isa. 18? How can this be related to the formation of Isa. 1323?
Being part of the Isaianic tradition of prophecies concerned with the
lands on the Nile, one may ask how Isa. 18 is related to other prophecies in Isaiah dealing with Egypt and how it functions as a prophecy
140
chapter four
concerning the nations. Was its original purpose modified after Isa. 18
came to be part of the present collection?
Isa. 18 is most often dated to the Isaianic era, but doubts surround
the origin of especially vv. 3 and 7, whose eschatological tone suggests, in the view of many exegetes, that it shares the universalism
of the post-exilic period. Moreover, there is disagreement concerning
the events that would provide a suitable occasion for the deliverance
of this prophecy.
4.1
Translation with Text-Critical and Semantic Notes
1a Woea to the land of bthe two-winged beetleb,

1b
which is beyondc the rivers of Kush,
2a
the one sending emissaries on the sea,
2b
and in papyrus vessels upon the waters.
2c Go, swift messengers,
2d
to the nation talld and balde,
2e
to the people more fearful fbeyond itf,
2f
a nation mightyg and htreading downh,
2g
whose land the rivers dividei
(or: whose country is the riverbedi).
3a All you inhabitants of the world and those dwelling on earth:
3b
whenj the signal is raised on the mountains, look,
3c
and whenj the horn is blown, listen!
4a For thus spoke Yhwh to me:
4b
I shall stay quietly and watch onk my placel,
4c
likem scorchingn heat oon daybreak (or: on the dew)o,
4d
likem pa cloud of dewp qin the heatq of the harvestr.
5a For before the harvest, when buddings is over,
5b
and the blossom develops to an tunripe berryt,
5c he will cut off the shootsu with pruning hooks,
5d
and the tendrilsv he will remove and hew away.
6a They will be left altogether to the birds of prey of the mountains
6b
and to the beasts of the earth.
6c
And the birds of prey will summer upon them,
6d
and all the beasts of the earth will winter upon them.
7a At that time wwill bringw tributex to Yhwh of hosts,
7b
the people tall and bald,
y
7c
and indeed the peopley more fearful beyond it,
the analysis of isaiah 18

7d
7e
7f
141
a nation mighty and treading down,

whose land the rivers divide
(or: whose country is the riverbed),
to the place of the name of Yhwh of hosts, mount Zion.
1 a . is translated either as woe (to)!,1 or as an emphatic vocative interjection ho!, intended to catch the attention of the audience.2
Assumptions concerning the connotation of have far reaching consequences for understanding the basic character of Isa. 18 (promise,
reproach or threat). It is argued sometimes that does not introduce
a prophecy of judgment here because Isa. 18 contains no threats against
those addressed. On this point the argumentations easily become circular, since our interpretation of the addressees of subsequent threats
in the prophecy is largely dependent on presuppositions concerning
the meaning of in 18:1.
Several studies have been published on the so-called -prophecies,3
which were, however, mostly concerned with the original setting of the
-cry, and little attention was given to the syntactic structure of the
-formulas.4 Considering the syntax of , we arrive at four different
groups of -texts:
(1) To the first group belong texts in which is directly related to a
following noun or participle, which functions as the subject, addressed
in the 3rd person, as can be inferred from the use of the suffixes or
verbal forms. See Isa. 1:4; 5:8, 11, 18, 20, 21, 22; 10:1, 5; 17:12; 28:1;
29:1, 15; 30:1; 31:1; 33:1;5 45:9, 10; Jer. 22:13; 23:1; Ezek. 34:2; Amos
1
Cf. LXX; Vulg.; Targ. Isa.; Knig, 198; Fischer, 13637; W. Janzen, Mourning Cry
and Woe Oracle (BZAW, 125), Berlin 1972, 6061; Clements, 164; Blenkinsopp, 308.
2
Ibn Ezra, 85; Gesenius, 572; Gray, 309; Young, 1.474; Sweeney, 257; Motyer,
160.
3
E. Gerstenbeger, The Woe-Oracles of the Prophets, JBL 81 (1962), 24963;
G. Wanke, und , ZAW 78 (1966), 21518; R.J. Clifford, The Use of HY in
the Prophets, CBQ 28 (1966), 45864; J.G. Williams, The Alas-Oracles of the Eighth
Century Prophets, HUCA 38 (1967), 7591; Janzen, Cry; H.-J. Kraus, hy als prophetische Leichenklage ber das eigene Volk im 8. Jahrhundert, ZAW 85 (1973), 1546;
Wildberger, 18283; H.-J. Zobel, , ThWAT 2.38388; D.R. Hillers, Hy and HyOracles: A Neglected Syntactic Aspect, in: C.L. Meyers, M. OConnor (eds), The Word
of the Lord Shall Go Forth: Essays in Honor of David Noel Freedman in Celebration of
His Sixtieth Birthday, Winona Lake, IN 1983, 18588.
4
An exception to a certain extent is the study Hillers.
5
In Isa. 33:1 appears a combination of second and 3rd person forms.
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chapter four
5:18; 6:1; Mic. 2:1; Nah. 3:1; Hab. 2:6, 9, 12, 15, 19; Zeph. 2:5; 3:1, 18b
(cf. LXX); Zech. 11:17.
(2) The 3rd person form is also used in a second group of texts, but
is connected to the subject by a preposition. These texts closely
resemble group (1). See Jer. 48:1; 50:27; Ezek. 13:3, 18. is here
syntactically and semantically similar to , which almost always
appears with a preposition ().
(3) A third group includes texts where is an independent particle,
casually doubled as a summons or an exclamation. In these cases, it is
not the impersonal or 3rd person form that is used, but the 2nd person,
corresponding to the vocative. Cf. Isa. 1:24; 55:1; Jer. 30:7; 47:6; Zech.
2:10, 11.
(4) A fourth group, syntactically related to the previous one, is
formed by texts where is a mourning cry by which the deceased is
addressed in the 2nd person, with , ah functioning as a vocative:
1 Kgs 13:30; Jer. 22:18; 34:5.
When arguing for a neutral translation (oh / ah) in Isa. 18:1, exegetes referred to parallel texts from group (3). That is exactly the problem; for syntactically speaking Isa. 18:1 belongs to group (1) where the
translation woe is evident. Wherever this was questioned (e.g., Isa.
17:12), it was done on grounds similar to 18:1. should therefore be
rendered as woe in v. 1a.
Looking at the contexts in which it appears, is always a cry with
negative overtones related either to a disastrous, depressing past or
present, or, more frequently, it introduces an unfortunate future.6
b-b . Scholars disagree on the meaning of this expression. if left unvocalisedappears six times in the Old Testament.7 Lexicons generally distinguish four semantic domains: ,
whirring; , spear, harpoon; , whirring locust, cricket;
, cymbal (musical instrument of percussion). The last meaning is the least disputed (2 Sam. 6:5; Ps. 150:5). In Deut. 28:42,
refers to an insect causing agricultural disaster. In Job 40:31, is
often translated as spear, harpoon. However, the rendering
6
HALOT suggests that, in Isa. 18:1; 55:1; Zech. 2:10, is a cry of encouragement.
This idea is, however, expressed by the imperatives of ( Isa. 55:1) and ( Zech.
2:10) and not by itself. is a cry emerging from by the psychological impact of
an existing (Isa. 55:1) or coming (Zech. 2:10) calamity.
7
Deut. 28:42; Isa. 18:1; Job 40:31; 2 Sam. 6:5; Ps. 150:5 (2x).
143
in LXX suggests that may also designate a kind of boat.8 Even if

the ultimate sense of remains uncertain, its semantic field is in
most cases delimited by the context. This does not seem to be the case
in Isa. 18:1, however.
On top of this semantic difficulty, 1QIsaa also has a variant reading,
. Kutscher believes that the word division is intentional here and
1QIsaa might have had in mind.9 This reading is supported by Aq.s
, and Jeromes umbra umbra appearing in his commentary.
These witnesses are most likely corrective attempts to give sense to an
enigmatic phrase.
Regarding the translation of Isa. 18:1 the following proposals stand
out:
(a) land of the whirring (of) wings
When translating by whirring wings,10 is etymologically connected to , to tingle, to quiver, used of ears (1 Sam. 3:11;
2 Kgs 21:12; Jer. 19:3) or lips (Hab. 3:16; cf. + in 1 Sam. 1:13).
is regarded as an onomatopoeic word derived from a verb connoting repetitive action (JM 59cd)11 or intensification and strengthening of the action.12 Cognates of the Hebrew appear in Jewish
Palestinian Aramaic (), Arabic (salla, salsalla) and Syriac (sal), all
meaning to ring, to tinkle. is known in post-biblical Hebrew
(to tinkle, to whir) and Aramaic (to clap).13 Commentators assume
that alludes to the rich fauna of the Equatorial region,
particularly the insects with the metallic clang of their wings.14 Sym.
translated by , noise, sound.15
8
G.R. Driver, Difficult Words in the Hebrew Prophets, in: Studies in Old Testament Prophecy: Presented to Professor Theodore H. Robinson by the Society for Old
Testament Study on His Sixty-Fifth Birthday, Edinburgh 1950, 5253; J.V.K. Wilson,
A Return to the Problems of Behemoth and Leviathan, VT 25 (1975), 11.
9
E.Y. Kutscher, Language and Linguistic Background of the Isaiah Scroll (1 Q Isaa),
Leiden 1974, 279.
10
See BDB; RSV; NIV; Gray, 306; D.M. Goldenberg, The Curse of Ham: Race and
Slavery in Early Judaism, Christianity, and Islam, Princeton, NJ 2003, 3031; Cheyne,
110; Duhm, 137; Marti, 147; Knig, 198; Procksch, 238; Kaiser, 74.
11
Cf. I. Eitan, La rptition de la racine en hbreu, JPOS 1 (1920), 17477.
12
I. Yannay, Augmented Verbs in Biblical Hebrew, HUCA 45 (1974), 75.
13
NCW 4.195; DTTM 1286; DJPA 466 ( , she clapped with her
hands).
14
Cheyne, 160; Duhm, 137; Knig, 198; Schoors, 11617; Kaiser, 76.
15
Probably connecting to and late Hebrew , noise, chattering.
144
chapter four
(b) land of the shadow of wings

Some consider a reduplication of , shadow, thus intensifying
its sense (deep shadow) or replicating it (double shadow; cf. ,
double edged).16 The metaphor is thought to refer to Kush shaded
by mountains (symbolised as wings; Vitringa) or by the migrating
birds gathering over the land (Rashi). However, the intensified form
of is in Job 40:22 and in Jer. 6:4. Dillmann connected the
translation double shadow with Strabos Geography ii 5.37, recording
that in all the regions that lie between the tropic and the equator the
shadow falls in both directions, that is toward the north and toward
the south (according to the seasons, not at the same time). The inhabitants of these regions are called and are distinguished from
the regions of the or .17 However, this explanation
of cannot account for in Isa. 18:1.
(c) land of the winged cymbal
In the Vulg., is rendered as cymbalum alarum, winged
cymbal. This interpretation was followed by Lowth and Bochart, who
believed that Isa. 18:1 referred to the Egyptian instrument sistrum
(cf. in 2 Sam. 6:5 in the Vulg.). However, as a musical
instrument appears always in pl. Moreover, it is also difficult to explain
in connection with this translation.
(d) land of the winged boat
Based on Job 40:31, is related to some kind of boat, with
assumed to be the sails. This translation proposed by LXX (
) was followed by Theod., Targ. Isa. ( )and many recent
commentators.18 The interpretation of LXX is supported by Egyptian
Aramaic , boat.19
16
Cf. Syr. [r] dtll dknp, land of the shadow of wings.

For the division of the celestial zones in antiquity, see the notes of H.L. Jones in
his translation of Strabo, Geog. ii 2.3.
18
Driver, Difficult Words, 56; Kissane, 205; Wildberger, 67879; Oswalt, 35960.
19
Cf. ] [ , the reckoning which was made about
the sailboat and the fishing boat (Scroll III B 2:24; cf. also Scroll III B 2:18; 3:31;
B. Porten, A. Yardeni, Textbook of Aramaic Documents from Ancient Egypt: Literature, Accounts, Lists, vol. 3, Winona Lake, IN 1993, 194204). was probably a
boat with a protective deck. Cf. in the Elephantine documents, as well
as Akkadian bt eleppi, Aufbau auf dem Deck des Schiffes, Kajte. See A. Salonen,
Die Wasserfahrzeuge in Babylonien nach umerisch-akkadischen Qellen (mit besonderer Bercksichtigung der 4. Tafel der Serie har-ra=h ubullu): Eine lexikalische und kulturgeschichtliche Untersuchung, Helsingforsiae 1939, 9698. See also silli eleppi, saluli
17
145
(e) land of the winged beetle

Several scholars argued that should be equated with the creature
from Deut. 28:42, where it means beetle, as argued convincingly by
M. Lubetski. designates the winged beetle, a prominent
pharaonic symbol.20
From these solutions (c) can be excluded from the outset. The main
problem with (a) and (b) is that these forms and meanings are unattested in Hebrew. Granting that would refer metaphorically to
the sails of a ship, solution (d) might be possible, though also without
precedent. Further arguments discussed in the exegesis support translating as two-winged beetle (e).
c . Although elsewhere undoubtedly means on the
other side of , scholars often translate in 18:1 as
alongside / in the region of the rivers of Kush.21 The alternative translation intends to solve an alleged geographical difficulty. The rivers of
Kush are identified with the two main branches of the Nile, the White
and the Blue Nile, as well as the Atbara, another tributary of the Nile.
It is argued that the Kushite Empire of Isaiahs time, with its capital
at Napata, was located to the north of these branches. This would be
incongruent with 18:1 if is translated as on the other side of .
As the analysis of v. 1 below makes clear, these arguments are highly
debatable.
eleppi, rendered by Salonen as Schattendeck (des Schiffes) or Schirmdach (awning)

to protect the sailors from sun and rain (Salonen, Wasserfahrzeuge, 98; cf. in
Ezek. 27:7). Cf. S. Krauss, Talmudische Archologie, Bd. 2 (GGWJ), Leipzig 19101912,
341. The Aramaic , Hebrew , ship (Jon. 1:5) is also related etymologically
to the verb , bedecken, tfeln (Salonen, Wasserfahrzeuge, 19; Krauss, Archologie, 339, 680 n. 208), which is one of the meanings of as well.
20
M. Lubetski, Beetlemania of Bygone Times, JSOT 91 (2000), 1526. For the
translation winged beetle, cf. Schring (Delitzsch, 350). was formerly thought
to mean locust, cricket (cf. the dictionaries and Fohrer, 1.203; Kilian, 118). A
6th-century-ad medical text (Book of Medicines) written by Asaf Harofeh identifies with the Syriac hbwyt and Arabic kunfus, both related to the JudaeoAramaic , beetle (cf. E. ben Yehuda, Thesaurus totius hebraitatis et veteris
et recentioris, New York 1960; Lubetski, Beetlemania, 14). Asaf Harofeh mentions
, a house beetle that has no wings. Another poetic text
speaking of natural disasters, enumerates plagues caused by different kinds of insects
(Ben Yehuda, Thesaurus, 5507):
, the vine (has been destroyed) by the worm, the second growth by the
locust, the fine fruit by the , the spirit (?) by the disaster, and the abundance by
the grasshopper.
21
B. Gemser, Beber hajjardn: in Jordans Borderland, VT 2 (1952), 352; Wildberger, 67879; Watts, 244; Motyer, 161.
146
chapter four
appears ca. 70 times in different constructions, most often with

geographical connotations as in Isa. 18:1.22 In some geographical texts,
the rendering the other side is problematic. That is the reason why
some consider a neutral term, with a meaning undetermined
by the position of the speaker.23 However, cases where the English
other side, opposite side, beyond is regarded as problematic can
be grouped into three categories: (a) texts which compare two opposite sides, banks, etc.; (b) texts where appears in some form as a
standard terminology; the term is used here regardless of the position
of the speaker; (c) it is problematic to decide from whose perspective
is used.
For (a) see, e.g., Num. 32:19. The adverbial specifications and
are added here not because the term is undetermined in
itself (as Gemser assumed), but rather to clarify which other side is
meant. When opposite sides of a river are compared, can refer to
both sides. But this does not justify a neutral translation in texts where
this opposite aspect is missing. is like the demonstrative pronoun
, this, which also changes its meaning when used in reciprocal constructions (cf. 1 Sam. 14:4).
For (b), the most prominent example is , which is used
to designate the Transjordan area from whatever perspective (cf.
Num. 32:32; Deut. 3:8; 4:46, 47, and note also Isa. 8:23 along with 2
Kgs 15:29).
For (c), note Josh. 5:1 and 9:1, where it is a question from which
perspective beyond is used. It must be noted that translating beside
would be inadequate on these occasions, for a neutral connotation
would not fit the purpose of an author wishing to communicate
geographical information. The question is not whether means
beyond, but rather from which perspective this is meant? Does the
author write from the viewpoint of a Babylonian community? Does he
identify himself with the people moving across the Jordan?
Hebrew has various prepositions and adverbs for beside: ,
beside (Exod. 2:5; Num. 22:5), , side, beside (1 Kgs 20:36; Neh.
4:12), . . . , beside, on the bank of (Gen. 41:3, 17; Exod. 2:3;
Deut. 2:36), , on the river-side (Exod. 2:5; Jer. 46:6; Dan. 10:4),
22
Those cases where the geographical aspect is missing are of little relevance to
Isa. 18:1 (contra Gemser, Beber hajjardn, 351).
23
Gemser, Beber hajjardn, 350; J.P.U. Lilley, By the River-Side, VT 28 (1978),
16571; H.-P. Sthli, , THAT 2.203; H.F. Fuhs, , ThWAT 5.1031.
147
, in the border of (Num. 22:36; cf. also 34:12), , territory,

region (Gen. 13:10, 11, 12; Deut. 34:3), , side, end, border
(Num. 34:3; Josh. 3:8, 15), , river bank (Josh. 3:15; Isa. 8:7). The
meaning other side or opposite side is covered only by .
, the expression in Isa. 18:1 that particularly concerns us
now, is syntactically similar to ( Gen. 3:24; 12:8; Num. 34:11),
( Num. 34:4; Josh. 15:3), ( Josh. 8:11; 15:6; Ezek. 8:5),
( Lev. 14:8; 24:3; Num. 35:27), or adverbial constructions
( Gen. 35:21; Jer. 22:19; Amos 5:27), ( Exod. 28:27;
Lev. 11:21; Isa. 14:13), ( Num. 16:24). The referential point is
provided by the word attached to . These related expressions make a
neutral translation for even less unlikely.
To conclude, the translation other side, opposite side or the
adverbial beyond, on the other side clearly applies to most cases
where appears. It is, however, doubtful that such a biased expression with clear geographical and topographical undertones could have
become a neutral expression in other cases. A neutral meaning would
be impossible or superfluous on most occasions. Specifically, the syntagmatic construction can only be translated as on the other
side of , opposite to. How this fits Isa. 18:1, will be discussed below.
2 d .
qal is usually rendered in lexica as (1) to seize,
or (2) to draw, to pull, to stretch out; to carry along.24 The passive
translation of the pual part. in Isa. 18:2, 7, (to be) drawn out, is generally accepted, but opinions differ on both the derivation and the exact
meaning of the text. is most often explained to refer to physical appearance, to a nation drawn out, i.e. tall.25 Others understood
18:2, 7 to refer to Israelites, and translate uprooted, pulled out.26 Vitringa considered that describes the geographical characteristics
of the country and rendered accordingly extended nation.27 Hitzig
believed that the verb alludes to the long life of the Ethiopians as
24
GesB 46869; BDB 604; HALOT. Torczyner defends only one sense, to seize, to
grasp, to hold. He maintains that to draw, to pull is a late development of in
post-biblical Hebrew (H. Torczyner, eine miverstandene hebrische Vokabel,
MGWJ 33 [1889], 40112). His views are not convincing, however, since the verbal
parallels of support the translation to draw, to pull.
25
Cf. in LXX, and see further Delitzsch, 351; Gray, 312; Young,
1.476; Kaiser, 77; Wildberger, 689; Blenkinsopp, 308; Goldenberg, Curse, 32.
26
For instance, Vulg., Syr. and some medieval Jewish commentaries.
27
Vitringa, 84647; cf. also Lowth and Dathe according to Gesenius, 581.
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chapter four
also mentioned by Herodotus (Hist. ii 17, 2223; iii 20). Lubetski and
Gottlieb believe that beyond the connotation tall, also means
bow drawers.28
The pual part. of appears only once more in Prov. 13:12 in a different syntagmatic relationship, mentioning , deferred/
delayed hope. In lack of parallels for the pual, the qal form should be
examined more closely, assuming that the pual is the passive to qal.29
One should probably distinguish between a more general transitive
and a more rare intransitive meaning. The intransitive meaning, to
draw up, to depart, appears in Judg. 4:6 (with as in Exod. 12:21);
20:37.30 The transitive formwhich is more important for the present
case, since the pual requires an objectmeans: (1) to seize, (2) to
draw, to pull; to carry along. Looking at from a syntagmatic
point of view, the objects of the verb may be people (Gen. 37:28; Judg.
4:7; Job 24:22; Song 1:4; Ezek. 32:20; Hos. 11:4), animals (Job 40:25),
bow (1 Kgs 22:34; Isa. 66:19), yoke (Deut. 21:3), or evil (in metaphorical sense; Isa. 5:18).31
in 18:2 is best understood as a passive form of with a
person as its object. As a passive, cannot mean bow drawer.
Otherwise, could have this sense only in relation with
(1 Kgs 22:34; Isa. 66:19). A similar objection applies to the proposal
of Hitzig (prolonged life). The approach of Vitringa can be justified
from a geographical perspective, but it is difficult from a grammatical
point of view, since would have to be connected to rather
than . The parallel referring to the appearance of the nation
would further question the geographical connotation of . The
assumption that refers to physical stature finds further support
in post-biblical Hebrew. In b. Ketub. 10b we read: (the rain) gives
beauty and enlargement ( )to the fruits, while in b. Ber. 54b we
28
M. Lubetski, C. Gottlieb, Isaiah 18: The Egyptian Nexus, in: M. Lubetski et al.
(eds), Boundaries of the Ancient Near Eastern World: A Tribute to Cyrus H. Gordon
(JSOT.S, 273), Sheffield 1998, 37374.
29
The niphal stem (Isa. 13:22; Ezek. 12:25, 28) should also be translated as passive
to qal (DCH 5.52425). Cf. Isa. 13:22 niphal and Prov. 13:12 pual.
30
Less probable is Job 21:33, where may perhaps be the object of .
31
In some less important cases, the verb has abstract objects: to hold on / to prolong / to extend years (Neh. 9:30 [unlike HALOT; H. Ringgren, , ThWAT 5.60;
DCH 5.524 16]), kindness (Ps. 36:11; 109:12; Jer. 31:3), anger (Ps. 85:6). With ,
horn, means the prolonging of its sound (Exod. 19:13; Josh. 6:5).
149
find: his teeth were prolonged () . Both picture the size of

the object of .32
e
. Both and the variant , which appears in 1QIsaa
and several Massoretic manuscripts, are pual participles (cf. GKC
52s), frequently translated as plucked out or torn. In medieval
Jewish exegesis this verse was assumed to refer to Judaeans.33 More
often, however, following Herodotus description of the Ethiopians
(Hist. iii 20), is rendered as polished, or smooth-skinned,
and was supposed to refer to the shining dark-coloured skin salved
with oil.34
The qal and pual of appear 14 times in different constructions.
If the object of the verb is a person, is translated as to make
bare (or with hair or beard as to tear out).35 When the verb is used
in connection with some kind of metallic object, is rendered as
to polish, to burnish.36 Etymological cognates of also give us
a similar picture.37 Given that the object of the verb in Isa. 18:2 is a
nation (people), must refer to the hairlessness of peoples of this
nation and not their shining appearance. In the Talmud is also
used in connection with the bald Nazirite (b. Naz. 46b; b. Yom. 61b;
cf. also in t. Naz. i, 6).
f-f . The construction , a very problematic hapax
legomenon, is interpreted either in a geographical or in a temporal
sense.38 Following the more widely accepted geographical reading, one
32
in Tanh. Noah 13 is substituted in another version with ( cf. Goldenberg, Curse, 18990), which suggests that the two verbs can be used as synonyms.
33
Cf. Vulg., Syr. Targ. Isa. has ][ , which is hardly a translation of
][ , since the same phrase also renders . The word pair is
imported from Isa. 17:14, which is regarded as closely related to Isa. 18.
34
Knobel, 123; Delitzsch, 351; Cheyne, 11112; Gray, 312; Procksch, 239; Young,
1.476; Hayes & Irvine, 255; Fohrer 1.205; Kaiser, 74, 77; Wildberger, 689; Watts,
245.
35
Ezra 9:3 (cf. Job 1:20; Ezek. 27:31); Neh. 13:25; Isa. 50:6; Ezek. 29:18. See also the
niphal form (functioning as passive to qal) in Lev. 13:40, 41.
36
1 Kgs 7:45; Ezek. 21:14, 15, 16, 33.
37
See Akkadian martu, muruttu
, to rub, scratch (CAD m 27677); Eg. Aramaic
, pull out (of wool) (DNWSI 693), Biblical Aramaic ( Dan. 7:4), Syriac mrt,
to pluck, to pull, to tear out (hair, feather, vegetables). In the Syr. of Mic. 1:6 mrt
equates , baldness (CSD 301). The Targumic Aramaic renders , baldness in Deut. 14:1 and Isa. 15:2. For the verbal form, see Targ. Onq. for Lev. 21:5, Targ.
Jon. for Jer. 16:6 and Ezek. 27:31. Cf. also the parallelism | in Ezek. 29:18.
38
Kissane, 206, and Marti, 148, regarded as a corrupted word or name. A
few render by a nation feared from/by itself and beyond.
150
chapter four
would have from here / there and beyond, or everywhere.39 According to the temporal interpretation, is rendered by from
this time and onward, or since its existence.40 However, both interpretations lack satisfactory grammatical support. It is true that the
expression X appears several times in the Old Testament
with both temporal and local meanings.41 Nevertheless, attributing a
local / geographical significance to in the sense of from
there and beyond runs into difficulties as the adverb is required
in combination with ( cf. 1 Sam. 10:3) in order to convey proximity.
Similarly, the idea of from this time and onward would demand some
other noun expressing time beside , such as , for instance.42 At
any rate, is a problematic syntactical element which can hardly be
taken as an adequate substitute in this regard.
One possible alternative to solve the problem posed by the pronoun in Isa. 18:2 is to consider its predicative function and translate: from where it is and further on or since it is (i.e. it exists) and
onwards. This path is also followed by BDB, for instance, which argues
that is a variant of .43 Nevertheless, the soundness
of this explanation is also doubtful from a grammatical and semantic point of view. Not only is the construction + pers. pron.
unknown in the Hebrew Bible,44 but the very idea of the interchangeability of and also remains suspicious.
But that neither gives any sense, nor is it possible grammatically. In 1 Sam. 20:22,
mentioned in support of this theory, is paralleled by , hither
from you (20:21). See discussion of this text below.
39
Sym. ( ); Ibn Ezra, 85; Dillmann, 166; Von Orelli,
7475; Schmidt, 119; Wildberger, 680; Clements, 165; Blenkinsopp, 308.
40
Cf. the Vulg.; Targ. Isa.; Saadya and Lowth (according to Gesenius, 583); Vitringa, 848; Cheyne, 111; Ehrlich, 68.
41
For the temporal usage, cf. Lev. 22:27; Num. 15:23; 1 Sam. 18:9; Ezek. 39:22, for
local usage, see Num. 32:19; 1 Sam. 10:3; 20:22, 37. Cf. also ( Gen. 35:21;
Jer. 22:19; Amos 5:27). Ezek. 43:27 uses instead of .
42
This is also the case in Nah. 2:9, where , from the time she exists, was
argued by Gesenius to support a temporal translation in Isa. 18:2 (Gesenius, 58182;
GKC 103m). In its present vocalisation, the temporal aspect is assured by and not
by . On the problems of this text, see further K. Spronk, Nahum (COT), Kampen
1999, 12728; A. Pinker, NinevehAn Isle is She, ZAW 116 (2004), 4025.
43
Cf. BDB 214: from (the time that) it was.
44
BDB calls attention to and from 2 Kgs 7:7, 10, but these
are different. In contrast to countless appearances of , appears merely
17 times in the Old Testament, in each case with the sense from (that) which (or
compared to / except for which) and not only from. I doubt that this semantic
aspect would coincide with the context of Isa. 18:2.
151
There appears to be yet another solution, however. In the context of

a possible local interpretation of support has often been
derived from 1 Sam. 20:22, 37. Indeed, in 1 Sam. 20:22, 37
means further than you, or beyond you, where ][ is the
predicate of the nominal sentence (the arrow is beyond you). Nevertheless, in this case one has to observe a clear distinction between the
thing which is referred to (the arrow) and the referential point (the
person involved). If we transfer this function of the pronominal suffix
to the pronoun of Isa. 18:2, we would have to translate
as [go] to the fearful nation, which is beyond it, where
it ( )refers to in the previous verse line and not
. In case of Isa. 18, this would mean that v. 2 refers to two
different nations: one described in v. 2d as tall and bald and another,
fearful one, which is located beyond the first nation (v. 2eg).
This is a highly important point for Isa. 18, mentioned in passing
only by Gesenius and Young. Gesenius exegesis at this point is rather
messy, but he translates: und zu dem furchtbaren Volke weiter jenseits. Young has: to a people terrible even farther than that one.45 The
Syr. appears to have followed a similar line of thought, for mnh wlhl
suggests that was considered a variant of the usual contracted
form .
Admittedly, the form , i.e. a pronoun following the preposition instead of the general suffixed form, , still remains unusual
in Hebrew. The fact that this would have anyway been the case with all
alternative suggestions mentioned above will hardly free us from the
burden of providing some additional clarification for this particular
interpretation. Two further modest notes may support the proposal
presented above. First, we have a few other examples of irregular constructions with the preposition : e.g., the pl. 3. m. personal pronoun
is used with in the irregular variant ( Jer. 10:12; Eccl. 12:12)
instead of the far more usual suffixed form ( cf. GKC 103m).
Second, even more significant parallels to Isa. 18:2 appear in the poetic
texts of Job 4:12, having for and of Job 11:20, where we
45
Gesenius, 582; Young, 1.476. This might also be in the background of LXX:
, which is beyond it. can be masculine as well as neutral (referring to ). Cf. also LXX version of 1 Sam. 20:22, 37: . It is
also possible, however, that the LXX translates , who / which is beyond it?,
as a rhetorical utterance. Alternatively, the LXX considered the Aramaic form of
Hebrew . Or was actually read as ( cf. MT of Ezek. 8:6 for a similar
error of / ?) Cf. Sym.: .
152
chapter four
find the form ( instead of ) . In both cases the preposition

has been preserved in a particular way. could be just another
irregular form conserved by the Massoretic tradition in a poetic verse
line of Isa. 18:2. In the context of a prophecy which otherwise delights
in making use of exotic vocabulary and hapax legomena, this hypothesis should gain at least some additional plausibility.
In conclusion, vv. 2d and 2eg apparently refers not to one, but two
different nations. This interpretation is also favoured by the additional
, as well as the emphatic in v. 7 (on which see note y).
g
. The oriental Ketiv and 1QIsaa suggest reading . Root
repetition in Hebrew can take both forms, but reduplication written
as one word is more frequent in the case of verbs, while superlatives
of adjectives and adverbs are in general written separately both with
and without a maqqeph.46
The Targ. interpreted Isa. 18:2 as describing Israel. The words
also appear in Isa. 17:14.47 LXX connected to the Hebrew
, to hope, rendering , hopeless, desperate
nation.48 The Vulg. translated (gentem) expectantem, while Aq. ()
, enduring [nation] (cf. the LXX of Ps. 40:2). Medieval exegetes derived the meaning of from , measuring line, cord.49
Delitzsch translated by command, arguing that the Kushites were
a commanding nation.50 Others take the repetition as a reference
to the unintelligible speech of the nation, a view assumed to be supported by Isa. 28:10, 13.51 However, it is questionable if may be an
46
See further Eitan, Rptition, 17186. Cf. Gen. 25:30; Deut. 16:20; Judg. 5:22;
1 Sam. 2:3; Prov. 20:14; Eccl. 7:24.
47
P.A.H. de Boer, Etude sur le sens de la racine QWH, OTS 10 (1954), 233.
48
The use of the negative form in Isa. 18:2 is particularly striking, but note
in Isa. 18:7, and see also 28:10, 13.
49
In 1QH i 28 and Sir. 44:5 probably means verse meter (cf. HALOT). Qimchi
believed referred to a nation (Israelites) trampled little by little. Ibn
Ezra understood to mean a nation line by line, referring to the intellect of
the child, who is taught gradually (Ibn Ezra, 85; cf. Isa. 28:10, 13).
50
Delitzsch, 351. See also Von Orelli, 75; Ridderbos, 134. Cf. Vitringa, 84950.
51
Fischer, 138; Hayes & Irvine, 255; Goldenberg, Curse, 3536. For Isa. 28:10, 13,
see J.A. Emerton, Some Difficult Words in Isaiah 28.10 and 13, in: A. RapoportAlbert, G. Greenberg (eds), Biblical Hebrew, Biblical Texts: Essays in Memory of
Michael P. Weitzman (JSOT.S, 333), Sheffield 2001, 3956.
153
onomatopoeic word in 28:10 and 13.52 At any rate, in 28:10, 13

is different from appearing in Isa. 18:2.
To sum up, bringing in connection with in the sense of a
nation of hope, i.e. one of great expectations in whom others put
their trust, as LXX and the Vulg. probably infer, can be explained historically (cf. Isa. 20:6). However, in view of the following , the
derivation of from Arabic qawiya, to be strong, to be mighty
(cf. qwat, strength, might) is more attractive.53 The reduplication
should be interpreted as a sign of superlative: a nation of might, i.e.
a mighty nation (cf. Akkadian dandannu, very strong).
h
. is derived from , to trample down,54 and it
appears once more in Isa. 22:5 in the expression . Driver
doubted that fem. could be attached to the masc. , and
emended to , contemptuous.55 However, , to be
contemptuous is unknown in Hebrew. Moreover, is not an
adjective, but a noun (epexegetical genitive; cf. also the masc. in Isa.
22:5). The present form of MT is supported by LXX (),
Aq. () and the Vulg. (conculcatam).
i . is derived from , which is often identified with ,
to spoil, to plunder.56 According to the Targ., v. 2 refers to Israel,
the nation robbed and plundered, whose land the gentiles plundered.
was interpreted allegorically as a symbol for the gentiles. More
often, however, exegetes relate ) =( to the Nile inundations.
But unlike what a negative term such as might suggest, this natural
phenomenon was considered beneficial by the Egyptians. The same
can be said with regard to deriving from Arabic bazza, to carry
52
Note that, beside and , we also find , which can hardly be onomatopoeic. Moreover, the preposition cannot be explained in an onomatopoeic expression. In view of Isa. 28:14, it is also possible that vv. 10 and 13 cite Isaiahs opponents,
the scoffers who do not want to listen to the prophets words. Through their mockery, these people typify the Isaianic message as and ( 28:17), as always
commandments, and always rules. Despite Emertons reservations (Some Difficult
Words, 44), in this text possibly stands for measure, gage.
53
Knobel, 124; Gesenius, 58586; Alexander, 344; Cheyne, 112; Dillmann, 166;
Marti, 147; Duhm, 137; Gray, 317; Procksch, 239; Van Hoonacker, 105; Kissane, 2067;
G.R. Driver, Linguistic and Textual Problems: Isaiah IXXXIX, JThS 38 (1937), 46;
Wildberger, 680; Kaiser, 74; Watts, 24344; Blenkinsopp, 308.
54
Ps. 44:6 (| ;)60:14; 108:14; Isa. 14:19, 25 (| ;)63:6. Cf. Ezek. 16:6, 22.
55
Driver, Isaiah IXXXIX, 46.
56
Cf. the Vulg., Syr., Targ. For see Isa. 10:2, 6; 11:14; 17:14; etc.
154
chapter four
away (by force).57 It is more convincing to connect in Isa. 18:2, 7

to Aramaic /, to perforate; to divide, to split.58 This connection gives a clear translation for these verses: whose land is divided
by the rivers.
There is a noteworthy textual variant for Isa. 18:2 and 7 in 1QIsaa,
which reads instead of . appears once more in 1QHa xvi
1415 similarly with : ][ . is
connected with , to mock,59 with , to rob, to plunder,60 or else
it is left untranslated.61 The interpretation provided above for Isa. 18:2
and 7 may also throw new light on the background of 1QIsaa, as well
as 1QHa xvi 1415. It is possible that stands for riverbed62 where
the sediment is deposited (cf. 1QHa xvi 1415; xvi 4!).
If the reading from 1QIsaa is applied to Isa. 18:2, 7, this would
yield the translation: (go to the people . . .) whose land is the riverbed
() . The imagery is well suited for the Kushites and Egyptians inhabiting the small fertile strip along the Nile, living almost literally on the river sediment (cf. 1QHa xvi 1415). The Egyptians are
called the valley dwellers in Piyes Victory Stele (FHN 1.9:158; COS
2.7:158). Although this reading of 1QIsaa is unattested in other manuscripts, it cannot be excluded that the Greek version of v. 7 (which is
a more accurate translation of MT than v. 2) goes back to this variant.
The sentence , (a nation)
which lives on the side of the river of his region, is close to 1QIsaa.63
57
ArEL 198; L. Khler, Bz = fortschwemmen, ThZ 6 (1950), 317.

NCW 1.205; DTTM 153; DJBA 194. is basically identical with ( Cheyne,
112; Dillmann, 167; Procksch, 239; Wildberger, 680). For the / change, see
Hebrew / , / , / , / . See further Official Aramaic
bz (DNWSI 149) and Syriac bz, to cleave (CSD 40; LS 64). A synonym of / is
. Cf. Hab. 3:9 ( ;) Job 28:10; Ps. 74:15; Num. 16:31; 1 Kgs 1:40.
59
But I had become a mockery of the raging torrents; F. Garca Martnez, E.J.C.
Tigchelaar, The Dead Sea Scrolls: Study Edition, vol. 1, Leiden 1997, 181.
60
And I have become robbed by the scourging rivers (J. Mansoor, The Thanksgiving Hymns, Leiden 1961, 155).
61
J. Maier, Die Qumran-Essener: Die Texte vom Toten Meer, Bd. 1, Mnchen 1995, 90.
62
Cf. the Aramaic and cleft, breach, also in the ground.
63
HUB suggests that LXX gives a geographical exegesis in Isa. 18:2, 7, but that is
not necessarily the case. , part, border, side frequently renders Hebrew ,
a synonym of ( also means to break off or to divide, like Aramaic ;cf.
2 Kgs 10:32; Prov. 26:6). For , used with rivers, see Josh. 3:8, 15.
58
155
3 j and . Some argued for the modal interpretation of :

as if one raised a sign, look!.64 The purport of this interpretation is
that the audience of the prophet should listen attentively, as if someone had raised a sign or blown a horn. However, examples where is
translated as if imply that the action in the comparison and the act
compared are expressed by two identical verbs.65 As a consequence,
one would expect here . . . , or . . . , but in no
way . . . . For the temporal meaning of the preposition , cf.
GKC 164g; JM 166m.
4 k . can be both transitive (to look at)66 and intransitive (to
look [around]; cf. Ps. 13:4; 33:13; 80:15). In the latter case, is supposed to be semantically similar to , from.67 It is, however, more
attractive to explain as the preposition required by : I shall stay
calm in my place and watch.
l . Aq. translates by firmament (according to Jerome), LXX
by , (fortified) city, identifying the place with Jerusalem. Nevertheless, probably means here place, site, as most commonly
attested in the Bible.68 is synonymous with , though lacking
its geographical connotation.69
m . Some translate these sentences temporally,70 but it is more convincing to regard as a comparative.71 can be used in a temporal
sense only before an infinitive, not with a noun.72 While could also
be an infinitive, is a noun.
64
Ibn Ezra, 85; Alexander, 345; Von Orelli, 75; Knig, 199; Young, 1.474.
Cf. Gen. 33:10; Num. 22:4; 2 Sam. 3:34; 17:3; Job 10:4.
66
E.g., LXX; Qimchi; Duhm, 138.
67
For , cf. Ps. 33:13; 80:15; 102:20; Isa. 63:15. See further the Targ.; Gesenius, 587;
Procksch, 236; Lubetski & Gottlieb, Isaiah 18, 376 n. 63.
68
Exod. 15:17; 1 Kgs 8:13, 39; Ps. 33:14; Isa. 4:5. Occasionally means base,
fundament (Ps. 89:15; 97:2; Ezra 2:68). Cf. ( 1 Kgs 7:27; Ezra 3:3; Zech. 5:11).
69
Compare 1 Kgs 8:13 | 1 Kgs 8:29, 30; Ps. 104:5 | Job 9:6; Dan. 8:11 | Jer. 17:12.
70
E.g., Gesenius, 588; Delitzsch, 352; Von Orelli, 75; Blenkinsopp, 308.
71
Dillmann, 167; Gray, 313, 318; Wildberger, 678.
72
Gesenius, 588, referred to in Isa. 8:23, claiming that it supported
his temporal translation. However, is there a contraction of + ( cf. Isa. 9:3,
where = + ;see GKC 118u; JM 133h). In Isa. 8:23 is clearly
comparative.
65
156
chapter four
n . derives either from , to shine, to glow,73 or it may be

related to , to be dry, to be thirsty.74 As a result, should
be rendered as glowing heat, or scorching heat. It is not likely that
would have anything to do semantically with the Arabic dihh and
Ethiopic dahy, sun,75 nor is it correct to see an ancient Canaanite
month name behind this term.76
o-o . The Syr. al nhr presupposes the reading , on
the Nile,77 but this is not supported either by other witnesses or the
parallelism. usually means light,78 and some have felt free to render it as sunlight or sunshine.79 However, this sense of in combination with is so problematic that other exegetes have suggested
translating as herbage.80 Nevertheless, 2 Kgs 4:39, where
(fem!) appears, refers to a specific kind of plant rather than herbage
in general. Furthermore, contextually speaking, as a kind of plant
fails to explain the comparative aspect of Isa. 18:4 and it would similarly corrupt the parallelism.
frequently designates the morning light after the night, specifically the dawn or early morning. The expression , lit.
until the morning becomes light (qal inf.) is common.81 may have
Cf. in Song 5:10 and in Lam. 4:7.

, scorching wind (Jer. 4:11), is the dry, hot wind from the desert. Contrast this with , the coolness of the north-wind in Sir. 43:20 (cf. Prov.
25:23). In Isa. 32:4 , clear, probably derives from a different root which may be
related to the Old South Arabic and Classical Arabic *shh, to be healthy.
75
Contra I. Eitan, Contribution to Isaiah Exegesis (Notes and Short Studies in Biblical Philology), HUCA 1213 (19371938), 65; J. Barr, Comparative Philology and the
Text of the Old Testament, Oxford 1968, 334. For Hebrew terms designating the sun,
see , , poetical ( Isa. 24:23; 30:26; Song 6:10; cf. in Isa. 18:4), .
76
J.A. Soggin, Zum wiederentdeckten altkanaanischen Monat , ZAW 77
(1965), 85, followed by Kaiser, 74; Lubetski & Gottlieb, Isaiah 18, 377. In the disputed
documents, the reading was questioned by A. Lemaire, Note pigraphique sur la
pseudo-attestation de mois sh, VT 33 (1973), 24345.
77
Cf. also E. Baumann, Zwei Bemerkungen, ZAW 21 (1901), 26668; Lubetski &
Gottlieb, Isaiah 18, 37778.
78
In Isa. 18:4, cf. the LXX; the Vulg.; Gray, 314; Procksch, 240.
79
Targ. Isa., Gesenius, 588; Marti, 149; Cheyne, 112; Duhm, 138; Van Hoonacker,
106; Fisher, 138; Kissane, 203; Penna, 180; Wildberger, 691; Blenkinsopp, 308.
80
Cf. Rashi; A. Elmaleh, Nouveau dictionnaire complet hbreux-franais, t. 1, TelAviv 1950, 93; Alexander, 345; NIV. See the philological notes on Isa. 19:7 m-m.
81
Judg. 16:2; 1 Sam. 14:36; 25:34, 36; 2 Sam. 17:22; 2 Kgs 7:9. In all cases is a qal
inf., syntactically equivalent to ( niphal impf.), or
(see JM 124k). Cf. also Gen. 44:3; 1 Sam. 29:10; 2 Sam. 23:4; Mic. 2:1.
73
74
157
a connotation similar to even when used on its own.82 The question

is, of course, whether it is possible to use in the sense of morning
or daybreak with the preposition ?Emending to would be
much easier to translate, but we lack concrete evidence for a scribal
error at this place.83 Nevertheless, it seems that can sometimes be
interchanged with 84 in similar constructions. Consequently,
could be translated as upon daybreak (see discussion below).
Another possibility is to regard as a synonym for , dew.85
In addition to Arabic ary, dew, one could mention Ugaritic ar, (a
certain type of) dew or (night) mist, closely connected to tly ().86
probably also appears with this meaning in Isa. 26:19.87
p-p . This expression can only have the connotation cloud
of dew.88 , dew, appears frequently in connection with the dawn
(Exod. 16:13; Ps. 110:3; Isa. 26:19), and the same may be the case here
(cf. the parallelism with as interpreted above). appears also
82
Cf. DCH 1.161. For and , cf. Judg. 19:26 ( | , until
daybreak; cf. and in v. 25). For paralleled by , see
Job 3:9; 41:10; Isa. 58:8; Hos. 6:5. as daybreak appears in Neh. 8:3 (
, from early morning until midday; cf. Neh. 7:3). Cf. J. Day,
in Isaiah 26 19, ZAW 90 (1978), 26569, esp. 26768; he argues that means
morning in Isa. 26:19 (see however below). as daybreak is attested in postbiblical Hebrew (NAW 1.45; DTTM 32; cf. , upon daybreak [b. Pes. 2b],
, the entrance of his daybreak [b. Ber. 2b]. Akkadian urru means early morning,
daybreak. urru also refers to the day as opposite to night (cf. Job 24:14).
83
Cf. , until the dawn breaks. For the / interchange as scribal error,
see 1 Chron. 5:16; Ezek. 41:17, and eventually Pss 19:7; 48:11, 15 (cf. BHS).
84
1 Sam. 25:8 ( ;) Job 3:4 ( ;)|18:20 ( ;)Jer. 47:4 ().
85
The meaning rain also mentioned as a derivation from Arabic ary (b. Taan. 7b,
Judah ben Karish and Saadya cited by Gesenius, 588; Vitringa, 861; Eitan, Contribution, 65; Barr, Comparative Philology, 321) is less likely. The biblical evidence for such
a translation is lacking. In Job 37:11, one of the texts commonly referred to in this
respect (cf. the Targ.), does not mean rain. Gesenius, 58889, pointed to similarities between in Job 37:11 and in 37:15. is used in Job 37:15
with , to shine forth, suggesting that rather refers to lightning, as it is usually
interpreted (cf. Job 36:30, 32; 37:3, 15, 21). This view is further strengthened by the
fact that hiphil appearing with in Job 37:11 is also used with , lightning
in Ps. 18:15.
86
ar (Aru) appears in relation to the weather god Baal, as well as tly in KTU 1.3
i 2225: Baalu sees his daughters, eyes Pidray, daughter of Aru, even Tallay (tly),
daughter of Rabbu (cf. , [spring] shower or mist). See also KTU 1.3 iii 58.
87
Cf. J. Barth, Etymologische Studien, Leipzig 1893, 60. Barth compares
to and in Job 37:6. For another view on Isa. 26:19, see Day,
, 26569.
88
Contra Blenkinsopp, 309 (while the dew covers the ground); Lubetski & Gottlieb, Isaiah 18, 378 (heavy rain).
158
chapter four
in 1QM xii 910: our horsemen are like clouds (), and like clouds
of dew ( ) that cover the earth, like a rain shower that sheds
justice on all its sprouts. Similarly, in the Targ. of Job 38:28 and in
11Q10 xxxi 6, the Hebrew is rendered by ( cf.
in Sir. 43:22 and the Targ. of Isa. 18:4).
q-q . MT is supported by the majority of manuscripts, as well
as 1QIsaa and Targ. Isa. However, twelve manuscripts, LXX,89 the Syr.,
and the Vulg.90 suggest a reading of instead of . The formal
resemblance between and may explain the textual corruption, but
it is hard to say which might have been the original reading. The construction appears once more in Prov. 25:13, but
also makes perfect sense.
r . Instead of its usual meaning, harvest, is occasionally
rendered as vintage.91 However, the two texts on which this suggestion relies, Isa. 16:9 and 17:11, offer no support for this translation. In
Isa. 17:11, means bough or branches (cf. JPS). In Isa. 16:9,
is probably a textual error for , vintage, attested in Jer. 48:32, the
literary parallel to Isa. 16:9.
5 s . The verbal form means to bud, to sprout, to blossom. In Gen. 40:10, is a stage in the development of the grapes
before blossoming: as soon as it budded (), its blossom shot forth
( ) and the clusters ripened into grapes. Song 6:11 mentions
the time of budding of the vine in the spring, when everything is fresh
green and the pomegranates are in blossom. In Song 7:13,
is paralleled by the opening of buds ( ) and the blooming
( )of the pomegranates.
t-t . The reading ) ( in 1QIsaa appears to be an Aramaic
form.92 appears in Job 15:33; Jer. 31:29, 30; Ezek. 18:2 specifically
89
To avoid repetition, LXX corrects words that appear double in a parallelism.
See I.L. Seeligmann, The Septuagint Version of Isaiah: A Discussion of Its Problems
(MVEOL, 9), Leiden 1948, 69.
90
Jeromes commentary on Isaiah implies that he was aware of both variants:
quomodo nubes roris in die messis ([ ) ]et in ferventi aestate ( )gratissima est.
91
Gesenius, 58889; Procksch, 240; Blenkinsopp, 308. The rendering of vintage
for in v. 5 is even more widespread (cf. Duhm, 139; Penna, 181; Kissane, 207).
92
Kutscher, Isaiah Scroll, 201.
159
related to the vine (). probably means the (unripe) berry.93

Rashi identifies in Isa. 18:5 with formation of kernels (cf. b.
Pes. 53a). is well-represented in cognate Semitic languages.94
u . Wildberger related , a hapax legomenon, to ,
which he translated as to (idly) move. He goes too far, however, in
concluding that are the lengthy, idly moving fruitless sprouts
that were cut off so that the vine yields more fruit.95 Hyland Lavik
believes that is the term for those parts of the vine by means of
which it attaches itself, here used in a political sense.96 Rthy considered as a mere phonetic variant for , which appears in
Jer. 6:9.97 It is more likely, however, that is etymologically related
to Hebrew , to dangle, Arabic daldala, to sway, to dangle. The
Hebrew derivate is a possible synonym of . appears in a
metaphorical sense in different prophecies, denoting the fruit-bearing
branches of the vine.98 Cognates to the Hebrew are the Demotic
dr (variants drdr, dnn), as well as the Coptic dal all meaning branch,
stick.99
v
. also appears in Jer. 5:10 (similarly with hiphil)
and 48:32 denoting the spreading branches of the vine (cf. the parallel
text of Jer. 48:32 in Isa. 16:8 having , shoot).
93
I. Lw, Die Flora der Juden, Bd. 1, Leipzig 1881, 7778; G. Dalman, Arbeit und
Sitte in Palstina, Bd. 4: Brot, l und Wein, Gtersloh 1935, 303; O. Borowski, Agriculture in Iron Age Israel, Winona Lake, IN 1987, 110 n. 13.
94
Cf. Arabic busr or bisr, unripe datteln, Syr. besr, and Aramaic , with
similar meaning. The lexeme busra also appears in an Aramaic-Persian glossary (Frahang-i-pahlavik) with the meaning vine. See also HSED 7374.
95
Wildberger, 692.
96
M. Hyland Lavik, A People Tall and Smooth Skinned: The Rhetoric of Isaiah 18
(VT.S, 112), Leiden 2007, 184.
97
A.E. Rthy, Die Pflanze und ihre Teile im biblisch-hebrischen Sprachgebrauch,
Bern 1942, 6061. Cf. also Dalman, Brot, 301. appears only once, and its
meaning is debated. LXX and the Vulg. translate this term as basket (cf. Aramaic
, basket).
98
Jer. 11:16; Ezek. 17:7, 23; 19:11; 31:7, 9, 12. On see also I. Lw, Aramische
Pflanzennamen, Gtersloh 1936, 65; Dalman, Brot, 301; Rthy, Pflanze, 5657. Dalman also refers to Arabic dlie, the name of the lying vine (Dalman, Brot, 314), a term
Delitzsch also mentioned in relation to Hebrew ( Delitzsch, 353).
99
J.E. Hoch, Semitic Words in Egyptian Texts of the New Kingdom and Third
Intermediate Period, Princeton, NJ 1994, 38991; CDD d 6667; Lubetski & Gottlieb,
Isaiah 18, 379.
160
chapter four
7 w-w
. For a discussion on the vocalisation
, see note y-y
below.
x . means tribute, gift (cf. Ps. 68:30; 76:12),100 being synonymous with ( cf. Zeph. 3:10 citing Isa. 18:7). also appears in
Aramaic on the Zenjirli-Stele: , a gift
to Hadad, El, Rachabel, and Shemesh,101 designating gift offerings to
the gods, just like Ugaritic ty in KTU 2.13:1415; KTU 2.30:1314:
ty . ndr . itt, tribute, vow, generous gift.102
y-y
. . . . The present form and vocalisation of MT is difficult.
Scholars often explain Isa. 18:7 in the sense that the people will be
brought as a tribute to Jerusalem.103 This is, however, improbable in
the context (see next section) and it cannot explain the preposition
. Most often exegetes include an additional preposition before
in v. 7b: a tribute will be brought (
) from a people ( )tall and
shaved . . . (cf. also LXX, Vulg., 1QIsaa).
In the translation above I followed the proposal put forward by
Lubetski & Gottlieb to take as an emphatic conjunction. The
emphatic conjunction, to be rendered as and also, and indeed (cf.
), most likely also appears in Ruth 4:5 and Neh. 5:11 (), two
further texts which can otherwise only be clarified by emendation.104
Lubetski & Gottlieb interpret the verb as a hophal form, as in
MT. But that would imply that the foreign nation itself will be brought
as a tribute to Yhwh, which is unlikely. Taking as an emphatic
conjunction and vocalising the verb as
(hiphil) (cf. Syr.) would
perfectly fit the context.
100
Some reconstruct in Gen. 49:10 () > . The reading of this text
remains controversial, however. also appears in post-biblical Hebrew (DTTM
1556).
101
KAI 214:18; COS 2.36:18. might appear in KAI 215:6 in damaged context.
102
Strikingly, Ps. 76:12 also mentions and in one place. For itt as generous
gift, cf. G.R. Driver, Ugaritic and Hebrew Words, Ugaritica 6 (1969), 18184.
103
Delitzsch, 35354; Blenkinsopp, 309, with reference to Isa. 49:22; 60:4, 9; 66:20.
104
Lubetski & Gottlieb, Isaiah 18, 382. This grammatical phenomenon pointed
out in Hebrew first by F. Andersen was subsequently reinforced by evidence from
Eblaite texts, discussed in three articles in C.H. Gordon et al. (eds), Eblaitica: Essays
on the Ebla Archives and Eblaite Language, vol. 1, Winona Lake, IN 1987, 2941. See
also J.P. Lettinga, Jona / Ruth: Notities bij de Hebreeuwse tekst en proeve van vertaling,
Kampen 1996, 31. Lettinga compares the construction to , and .

4.2
4.2.1
1a
1b
2a
2b
161
Exegetical Section
Verses 12b
Woe to the land of the two-winged beetle,

which is beyond the rivers of Kush,
the one sending emissaries on the sea,
and in papyrus-vessels upon the waters.
Isa. 18 begins with a -cry, setting in advance the basic tone of this
prophecy as an ominous pronouncement. As mentioned in the notes
above, it is often believed that is merely a sign of the vocative in
a prophecy intended to offer a gleam of hope, express compassion
and assure the people of Yhwhs intervention in their conflict with
Assyria. The Egypto-Canaanite anti-Assyrian alliance (assumed to be
the addressees of Isa. 18) is promised that it is not their efforts but
Yhwhs intrusion and help that will bring victory against Assyria.
Beside the syntactical objections against a neutral rendering of
mentioned above, it is difficult to reconcile this view with the description of the people of the land of the beetle as a mighty and militant
nation. If Isa. 18 was delivered to offer hope, one would anticipate
here a desperate audience in need of a message of assurance. The
heroic people of vv. 12 need no compassion, no exterior divine help.
A frequent feature of judgment prophecies in general (including speeches) is the reversal of fortunes.105 Evoking sufficient danger to
pose a real threat to the land of the two-winged beetle is probably also
envisioned by this prophecy.106
The land in 18:1 is called . In Isa. 18:1 (cf. Deut.
28:42) refers to the scarabeus sacer, the holy beetle, a prominent pharaonic symbol.107 In its Egyptian setting, the scarab beetle
represents the sun-god with the sun disk symbolised by the dung ball.
105
Janzen, Cry, 35.

Hyland-Lavik, who also interprets as the sign of the vocative (ah!),
acknowledges that Isa. 18 is an oracle of doom. Yet she argues that 18:1a does not
reveal the identity of those under judgment (Isaiah 18, 4849). However, prophetic
cries of doom generally identify to whom the refers in the first introductory line.
107
Lubetski & Gottlieb, Isaiah 18, 36484; Lubetski, Beetlemania, 1526. The
beetle as a royal symbol was also adopted by the Kushite pharaohs of Egypt. See
D. OConnor, Ancient Nubia: Egypts Rival in Africa, Pennsylvania, PA 1993, Plate 12.
See also Figure 1 below.
106
162
chapter four
Nation-specific elements also appear in other prophecies.108 Illustrations of two- and four-winged beetles on amulets or other objects were
discovered in Phoenicia, Judah and Ammon in great number, testifying to the acquaintance with the scarab as an Egypt-related motif
beyond the borders of Africa. In view of Isa. 18, the most intriguing archaeological finds are several seal impressions of King Hezekiah
containing the two winged beetle symbol, as well as numerous scarab
impressions on the so-called lmlk-jars from Judah, generally dated to
the end of the 8th century bc.109
The addressee of Isa. 18 is an empire stretching even beyond the
rivers of Kush.110 Hebrew , etymologically related to Egyptian K,111
108
Cf. Jer. 46:78 (cf. Isa. 8:7); Ezek. 29:3; 32:2. Note also PPANE 93 describing
Elam as a snake, one of the well-known symbols of this country.
109
For the historical significance of the metaphor of the two-winged scarab in Isa.
18:1, see 4.3.3 below.
110
Cf. Schoors, 116: het land dat zich uitstrekt tot over de rivieren van Koesj. For
the semantic discussion on , see note 1 c. It may also be noted that the often
proposed translation alongside the rivers of Kush makes little sense with the pl.
. Rivers is strange if the Kushites were settled only along a single river, the
Nile, as believed. Moreover, the same African empire is described in v. 2 as divided by
, likely identical with .
111
For variant spellings, cf. K. Zibelius, Afrikanische Orts- und Vlkernamen in
hieroglyphischen und hieratischen Texten (BTAVO, B/1), Wiesbaden 1972, 16669;
L. Trk, The Kingdom of Kush: Handbook of the Napatan-Meroitic Civilisation (HO,
1/31), Leiden 1997, 12. Other frequently used Egyptians terms are T nhsj, Southland and T stj, Bow-land. El-Amarna texts refer to Kush as Meluh h a (e.g., EA 70:19;
95:40; 108:67; etc.) or Kai / Kaa (cf. EA 49:20; 127:22, 36; 131:13; 133:17; 287:33,
72, 74. See H. Klengel, Das Land Kusch in den Keilschrifttexten von Amarna, in:
E. Endesfelder et al. (eds), gypten und Kusch (SGKAO, 13), Berlin 1977, 22732.
Meluh h a was the Akkadian name of the country, while Kai the Egyptian term (cf.
Mitanni / Nah rima in the Amarna letters). Meluh h a (with Magan) actually designated
all far southern countries whether on the east beside the Persian Gulf or on the west
in Africa (cf. D. Potts, The Road to Meluhha, JNES 41 [1982], 27988; W. Heimpel,
Das Untere Meer, ZA 77 [1987], 2291; M. Liverani, The Sargon Geography and the
Late Assyrian Mensuration of the Earth, SAAB 13 [19992001], 7071; cf. the two
A in Homer, Odyss. i 2223; Herodotus, Hist. vii 70; Josephus, Ant. i 135). The
Assyrian term Ksi, appearing first in the Nimrud Wine Lists dated to 732 (cf. J.V.K.
Wilson, The Nimrud Wine Lists: A Study of Men and Administration at the Assyrian
Capital in the Eighth Century bc [CTN, 1], London 1972, 91, 93, 138) and on a regular
bases from the time of Esarhaddon, the first king to have conquered Egypt, replaced
the formerly used Meluh h a, as implied by IAKA 76:611: On my 10th campaign
Aur [encouraged me] (. . .) and directed my attention towards the lands Magan and
Meluhha (. . .) which people call Kush and Egypt (mt Ksi u mt Musur) (. . .). For
further discussion, see Cs. Balogh, Ks fldje s ksitk az szvetsgben, Reformtus Szemle 103 (2010), 577604.
In modern literature, the geographical area under discussion is also referred to as
Nubia. It is common to distinguish between Lower Nubia (between the first and
second cataracts) and Upper Nubia (from the second cataract upwards). To avoid
163
was the name of the territory located along the Nile, south of ancient
Egypts southernmost city Aswan, beginning at the natural border created by the first Nile cataract.112
The rivers of Isa. 18:1 could refer to the Blue and White Niles and
the Atbara, a major tributary of the Nile.113 In spite of frequent assumptions to the contrary, there is sufficient archaeological evidence to
maintain that, even in the 8th century, the kingdom of Kush extended
far beyond the fifth cataract (just above the meeting point of the Nile
and the Atbara).114 References to Kushites are frequent in the Old Testament, but only Gen. 2:13 mentions a river in connection with this
country: Gihon, encircling all the land of Kush.115 The presumption
confusion with Abyssinia, the once frequent Ethiopia, taking its origin in the works
of classical authors, is to be avoided.
112
In the Old Testament, refers mostly to this African region. Cf. Gen. 10:6,
7; 2 Kgs 19:19; 1 Chron. 1:8, 9; 2 Chron. 12:3; Est. 1:1; 8:9; Job 28:19; Pss 68:31; 87:4;
Isa. 11:11; 20:3, 4, 5; 37:9; 43:3; 45:14; Jer. 13:23; 38:7, 10, 12; 39:16; 46:9; Ezek. 29:10;
30:4, 5, 9; 38:5; Dan. 11:43; Amos 9:7; Nah. 3:9; Zeph. 3:10. Exceptions are rare. In
Num. 12:1 is probably a synonym for Midian, and a variant of ( cf. Hab. 3:7).
This is supported by Egyptian texts which mention Kws in the region south of Judah
(cf. S. Ahituv, Canaanite Toponyms in Ancient Egyptian Documents, Jerusalem 1987,
85). For Num. 12:1, see also b. Moed Qat. 16b; A. Shinan, Moses and the Ethiopian
Woman: Sources of a Story in The Chronicles of Moses, in: J. Heinemann et al. (eds),
Studies in Hebrew Narrative Art through the Ages (Hierosolymitana, 27), Jerusalem
1978, 6678; D.M. Goldenberg, Curse, 2021. The meaning of may be the same
to Num. 12:1 in 2 Chron. 14:8, 1112; 21:16. In Gen. 10:8 probably alludes to the
Kassites (cf. the subtle difference in Amarnaic Kai / Kaa and Kau). See Balogh,
Ks, 57883.
113
These rivers were well-known in antiquity. Cf. Strabo, Geogr. iv 7; xvi 4; xvii 1;
Diodorus Siculus i 37.9; Pliny, Nat. Hist. v 8; Josephus, Ant. ii 243.
114
Mero, the city between the Nile and the Atbara, centre of the later Meroitic
Nubian civilisation, is at least as ancient as the time of the Kushite pharaoh Piye
(747717). Cf. D. OConnor, Ancient Nubia: Egypts Rival in Africa, Pennsylvania, PA
1993, 6869; Idem, Mero, OEANE 3.472; R. Morkot, Black Pharaohs: Egypts Nubian
Rulers, London 2000, 2, 5, 155, 204. According to Trk, Kush, 129, 152, 232, Mero
functioned as a government centre during the 25th Dynasty (8th7th centuries bc).
Different objects containing the name of pharaoh Shabaka (717703) were recovered
even as far as Sennar and Gebel Moya in the region of the Blue and White Niles (cf.
J. Leclant, Schabaka, L 5.500; Morkot, Black Pharaohs, 7).
115
Kush in Gen. 2:13 was located east of Mesopotamia, in Eastern Anatolia, or in
Arabia, but associating it with African Nubia is still more convincing. The river Gihon
encircling Kush is identified in LXX with , (part of) the Nile (cf. Jer. 2:18; Sir.
24:27). Cf. M. Grg, Zur Identitt des Pischon (Gen. 2,11), in: Idem, Aegyptiaca
Biblica: Notizen und Beitrge zu den Beziehungen zwischen gypten und Israel (AT,
11), Wiesbaden 1991, 1315; Goldenberg, Curse, 2021. For Pishon and Gihon as
the two rivers of Egypt and Kush, see R.S. Sadler, Can a Cushite Change His Skin:
An Examination of Race, Ethnicity, and Othering in the Hebrew Bible (JSOT.S, 425),
London 2005, 2425.
164
chapter four
behind this text, namely that Gihon, apparently the southern part of
the Nile, is a river distinctive from the upper part of the Nile (Pishon?),
corresponds to Egyptian beliefs distinguishing the Nile of Egypt and
the Nile of Kush, both originating from two caves at the border city
Aswan from the subterranean ocean Nun.116 The fact that Isa. 18:1
uses rather than , the biblical name for Egypts Nile, may
also suggest an awareness of the distinction between the Kushite and
the Egyptian Niles.117 Nevertheless, Isa. 18 is not concerned with geographical accuracy. The prophecy abounds in theologically significant
symbols dealing with a nation on the edge of the most distant horizon
of the author.118 The rivers of Kush delimit the furthest coordinates
of the earth. The northern borders of the country are not mentioned
here, but as it will be shown below, Isa. 18 may have included Egypt as
well.119 It is important to note that the two winged beetle is primarily
an Egyptian symbol, adopted subsequently by Kushite pharaohs.
Some exegetes assume that the sea ( )on which the messengers of
this far country are sent, refers to the Mediterranean Sea.120 It would
be more convincing, however, to relate to the Nile.121 While using
poetic parallelism in describing the movement of these distant messengers, the prophet refers first to their travel on the Nile. The fragile
papyrus vessels mentioned as the means of transportation were only
capable of sail on still waters.122 But can refer to the river Nile?
Some texts in the Old Testament allow this interpretation. No-Amon
(Thebes) is described by Nah. 3:8 as built by the Nile, with waters as
her wall and the as her rampart.123 Here , and refer to
the Nile encompassing Thebes. In Ezek. 32:2, is the dwelling-place
116
The two caves (qrtj) of Elephantine are mentioned in an inscription of Seti I
(ARE 3.171); Book of Dead (149 14:4); Famine Stele (AEL 3.97; COS 1.53); Dream
Stele of Tanutamani (FHN 1.29:11); etc. Cf. K.W. Butzer, Nilquellen, L 4.5067.
117
Classical authors were also aware of this tradition. Cf. Homer, Odyss. iv 477;
Herodotus, Hist. ii 28; Diodorus, i 32.1; Pliny, Nat. Hist. vi 65.
118
For Kush as the most distant southern corner of the earth, see Goldenberg,
Curse, 2325. For remote nations as a biblical symbol, cf. Deut. 28:49; Ps. 72:10; Isa.
5:26; Joel 4:8; Hab. 1:8; etc.
119
In the Assyrian inscriptions of Esarhaddon, the dominion of the Kushite King,
Taharka, is described as Lower Egypt (mt Musur), Upper Egypt (mt Paturisi) and
Kush (mt Ksi) (IAKA 57:89; 65:3738).
120
Clements, 164; Hayes & Irvine, 254; Watts, 244; G. Pfeifer, gypten im Alten
Testament (BNB, 8), Mnchen 1995, 15; Blenkinsopp, 309.
121
Cf. Gesenius, 577; Dillmann, 166; Marti, 148; Gray, 311; Kaiser 76.
122
Dillmann, 166; Gray, 311; Young, 1.475; Penna, 179; Kaiser, 77.
123
Cf. Esarhaddons portrayal of the Mediterranean kingdoms (IAKA 57).
165
of the dragon, i.e. the pharaoh.124 The relationship between Ezek. 32:2
and 29:3 suggests that in Ezek. 32:2 refers to the Nile, just like
in Ezek. 29:3.125
, emissary is a New Assyrian loan word, derived from sru and
etymologically connected to sru, first-rank, outstanding. As also
implied by the logogram form l.mah, sru was not a simple messenger, but a special, high-ranking emissary.126 The title sru is given
124
Cf. Exod. 7:9; Deut. 32:33; Ps. 74:13; 91:13; Job 7:12; Isa. 27:1; 51:9.
This symbolic identification of the Nile with appears to be restricted to the
river Nile. in Jer. 51:36 does not refer to the Euphrates as occasionally suggested.
and are here the two extremities of the Euphrates.
It is noted that the Arabic name for the Nile is al-Bahr-n-Nl. Since bahr means
sea in Arabic, this is assumed to support the connection between and the Nile.
However, and bahr belong to two different languages, having different semantic
fields. It is more helpful to compare Hebrew and Arabic yam (probably an Aramaic loanword; cf. S. Fraenkel, Die aramischen Fremdwrter im arabischen, Leiden
1886, 231) associated with the Red Sea and eventually the Nile. yamm appears in the
Quran (Sur. 20:39; 28:7) in allusions to the salvation of the baby Moses. But it remains
unclear whether the Quran really has the Nile in view here. Cf. R. Bell, A Commentary
on the Quran (JSSt.M, 14), vol. 2, Manchester 1991, 44.
By analysing a comprehensive list of Egyptian texts containing the Canaanite loanword jm (ym), Vandersleyen has argued that jm should be considered a reference to
the Nile and not the sea, or Egypts lakes, as previously thought (C. Vandersleyen,
Ouadj our, wd wr: Un autre aspect de la valle du Nil, Bruxelles 1999, 87128.).
Although the arguments of Vandersleyen are not always convincing (cf. J.F. Quack,
Zur Frage des Meeres in gyptischen Texten, OLZ 97 [2002], 45363), some of his
examples must be taken seriously. E.g., p jm n wsjr, le fleuve dOsiris (Vandersleyen,
Ouadj our, 93), p jm n Qbte, the Nile of Coptos (101; see, however, Quack, Frage,
461), Papyrus Harris 500, 2, 78 (104; but this may refer to a lake as well, cf. Quack,
Frage, 462), Papyrus Lansing 14,12 (104), etc. Making proper distinction among
various genres is essential for interpreting jm (Quack, Frage, 454). In the worst case,
the texts cited by Vandersleyen may serve as evidence that Lower Egypt and especially
the Delta region abounded in inner lakes that might have been termed as jm / by
Hebrew prophets. See also the Kushite lake jm n Niy, the jm of Niy, somewhere
around Gebel Barkal (A.H. Gardiner, Ancient Egyptian Onomastica, London 1947,
1:162*63*; Vandersleyen, Ouadj our, 108).
Herodotus (Hist. ii 97) compares the inundating Nile to the Mediterranean Sea.
Following Egyptian traditions, some classical authors connect the Nile to the Primeval
Ocean (Herodotus, Hist. ii 21; Diodorus, i 12.6, 19.4, 96.7). Egyptians associated the
inundating Nile with the all-encompassing and underground water, Nun. The river is
personified as the god Hpy, sprung from earth, dwelling in the netherworld, he controls both sky and earth (AEL 1.20410; HG, 5006). See further also R.O. Faulkner,
The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Warminster 197378: Spells 318, 362, 820, and
ARE 743.
126
In accordance with Tadmor, ITP, 178 n. 21 and opposed to P.V. Mankowski,
Akkadian Loanwords in Biblical Hebrew (HSS, 47), Winona Lake, IN 2000, 132 n. 489.
For the Babylonian and Assyrian messenger designations, see S.A. Meier, The Messenger in the Ancient Semitic World (HSM, 45), Atlanta, GA 1988. mr ipri is the general
Akkadian term for messenger (cf. Hebrew ).
125
166
chapter four
by Assyrians mainly to foreign (non-Assyrian) officials.127 The sru

represents the king of his country and he often brings tributes to the
Assyrian court.128 The sru is positioned beside the commander-inchief (turtannu), the bodyguard (qurbtu), the representatives of the
king (qpu), the interpreter (targumannu), or the crown prince.129 SAA
5 168:r.4 even claims that the sru gave orders to the commander-inchief. Hebrew , likely an Assyrian borrowing, probably has a similar semantic domain, enveloping the meaning of a special ambassador
to a king.
The papyrus boat is known as the most ancient form of Egyptian
watercraft.130 Job 9:26 refers to these papyrus boats as , considering them fast moving vessels. Such boats were used for fishing,
but also for travelling on the Nile, even on the rocky waters of the
Upper Nile region. Egyptians used other types of ships on the open
sea.131 From the Egyptian Delta, the route to Canaan involved travelling the Way of Horus (Exod. 13:17).
One of the important problems related to v. 2a is the relationship
between and in v.2. The evaluation of this relationship
has led to differing opinions concerning the message of Isa. 18 as a
whole. Are the two entities identical? To answer these questions we
need to dig deeper into the meaning of the following verses.
4.2.2
2c
2d
2e
2f
2g
Verses 2cg
Go, swift messengers,

to the nation tall and bald,
to the people more fearful beyond it,
(or: whose country is the riverbed).
127
Generally srni(l.mah.me) a mt(kur) GN, envoys of the land of GN (e.g.,
5 40:r.23; 5 75:4). Cf. l si-ra-ni-e a PN in ABL 1117:6.
128
Cf. SAA 1 32:17ff (?); 1 33; 1 110:r.417; 5 171; 7 58:2024.416; 7 127; 11 32;
11 36:15; 11 92 (?).
129
SAA 1 110:r.1517; 5 171:15; 11 31.
130
J. Vandier, Manuel darchologie gyptienne, t. 5, Paris 1969, 49394; S. Wachsmann, Seagoing Ships and Seamanship in the Bronze Age Levant, London 1998, 9;
L. Casson, Ships and Seamanship in the Ancient World, Princeton, NJ 1971, 12;
M.-C. de Graeve, The Ships of the Ancient Near East (c. 2000500 bc), Leuven 1981,
91. In ancient iconography, passengers are often depicted as standing upon these rafts
(cf. in LXX).
131
Vandier, Manuel, 493510. For descriptions of seagoing ships, see Vandier,
Manuel, 659, and Wachsmann, Seagoing Ships, 14.
167
The term swift messengers ( ) is coherent with ancient

portrayals of good emissaries. Beside faithfulness, trustworthiness and
eloquence, speed is a frequently praised quality.132 But who are the
addressees of v. 2? Are the identical with the ?What
is the destination of the messengers? Most often it is assumed that
and are identical. The emissaries receive their commission (v. 2cg) from Yhwh through his prophet before leaving Judah
for their homeland, Kush.133
However, several exegetes make a distinction between and
. While they admit that refers to Kushite ambassadors,
are considered to be Israelite or Judaean messengers,134 soldiers
of the Assyrian king135 or divine heralds.136 The most serious argument
for distinguishing between and is that the commissioner
uses the verb instead of in addressing the . Furthermore, they wonder why, if were identical with the Kushite
, the prophet describes their destination as if it were an unknown
land in 18:2dg. Finally, it is argued that Ezek. 30:9, supposedly alluding to Isa. 18:2, would support an interpretation of as divine
messengers.
These arguments are not, however, as compelling as they may seem.
We have sufficient evidence that and may be used as synonyms.137 The fact that we are here dealing with a rhetorical text and
considering that the audience is at least partly Judaean, the stylised
characterisation of 18:2dg is hardly surprising. The commissioner
132
Meier, Messenger, 25.

Cheyne, 111; Duhm, 137; Gray, 311; Procksch, 239; Wildberger, 689; Blenkinsopp, 30910. Rarely is the destination considered to be Assyria (Janzen, Cry, 6061;
Hayes & Irvine, 254; Watts, 246), the Medes (Kissane, 206; Oswalt, 361), or Israel
(Targ., Jerome, Rashi, Qimchi, Motyer, 162). Yet the semantic analysis of v. 2cg
above makes these alternative opinions unlikely.
Regarding the swift Kushite messengers, note the swift footed Kushite in 2 Sam
18:21 ( pass.) ( is a gentilicum; cf. B.U. Schipper, Israel und gypten in der
Knigszeit: Die kulturellen Kontakte von Salomo bis zum Fall Jerusalems [OBO, 170],
Freiburg 1999, 111; pace E. Yamauchi, Africa and the Bible, Grand Rapids, MI 2004,
44). Cf. Herodotus description of the Aithiopian Troglodytes as
, the swiftest runners of all men (Hist. iv 183; cf. also Heliodorus,
Aethiopica viii 16.4).
134
Kissane, 206; Oswalt, 361; Sweeney, 261 (an Israelite, not Judaean, emissary is
sent to King So of Egypt, not Kush; cf. 2 Kgs 17); Blenkinsopp, 309.
135
Vermeylen, 1.318.
136
Janzen, Cry, 6061; Clements, 16465.
137
Gen. 42:19; Num. 22:13; 1 Sam. 8:22; 2 Kgs 1:6 ( ; cf. Hos. 6:1); Amos
7:12. may emphasise the fact that they have to leave (Beuken, 165 n. 57).
133
168
chapter four
introduces the foreign nation to his compatriots and not specifically

to the . As for Ezek. 30:9, whatever its meaning and its relationship with Isa. 18:2, this latter should not impose any limitation on
interpreting the original sense of Isa. 18:2.138 Furthermore, there is no
justification for sending Judaean or Israelite messengers to Kush, since
the Kushites might also deliver the news on their return.
However, the suggestion that alludes to divine couriers is
intriguing. In this respect, one may recall the story of 1 Kgs 22. In his
vision, Micaiah saw Yhwh on a throne and heard him proclaiming the
fall of Israel on the mountains (1 Kgs 22:1920). The story emphasises
the significance of the heavenly court, those who stand at Yhwhs service (1 Kgs 22:1923).139 Strikingly, these auditory and visionary elements also reappear in Isa. 18:4, so that it is probable that Isa. 18:2cg
is also part of a reported prophetic vision (cf. 4.3.2). Consequently,
the of Isa. 18:2c may belong to Yhwhs heavenly court. By
reporting what Yhwh told him to do, the prophet actually delivers a
metaphorical but clear message to his audience. After all, the commission addressed to the is the same as the one which the Kushite
must report to their homeland master, making the distinction
between and in 18:2 practically irrelevant.
Given the interpretation of proposed above, one
must distinguish between two different groups of peoples in Isa. 18:2.
The ethnological information that we obtain from the Bible regarding the inhabitants of the African continent is limited, but heterogeneity is clearly implied by Gen. 10:620.140 Beside and ,
138
It is unlikely that the messengers ( )of Ezek. 30:9 sent from the presence of Yhwh ( ) to terrify the unsuspecting Kushites are divine beings.
These messengers make use of ships ( / ), which cannot be emended to ,
urged or , running (contra Janzen, Cry, 60). LXX on which the emendation is
based ( ), does not display any awareness of the meaning of , nor
do Aq. ( ; siim according to Jerome), Sym. ( ) and Theod. ().
While these versions translate , the unknown word was merely transliterated.
is the contracted reading of . Cf. also L. Boadt, Ezekiels Oracles against Egypt: A
Literary and Philological Study of Ezekiel 2932 (BibOr, 37), Rome 1980, 6970.
139
See also M.S. Kee, The Heavenly Council and its Type-scene, JSOT 31 (2007),
25974.
140
Egyptian texts are obviously much clearer regarding the ethnological details of
the South. Geographically more sophisticated texts distinguish between various groups.
Beside the nhsjw, the southerners, Lower Nubia is referred to as wwt and Upper
Nubia as k. Other important names in the Nile region include Irtjet (jrtt) and Setju
(stw), possibly somewhere in Upper Nubia. Yam (jm) (related with Irem) was located
beyond the rivers of Kush somewhere in the region of later Mero (D. OConnor,
169
which probably fall outside the horizon of Isa. 18, the Old Testament
expresses familiarity with , (Lower) Egypt, , Upper Egypt
(Isa. 11:11), Kush (), and Seba ( ;Isa. 43:3; 45:15). Isa. 45:15
describes Sabaeans (and probably the Kushites) as men of stature
() .141 The same physiological characteristics struck Herodotus, who writes that
these Ethiopians to whom Cambyses sent them, are said to be the tallest
and fairest ( )142 of all men [. . .] they deem worthy
to be their king that townsman whom they judge to be tallest and to have
strength proportioned to his stature (Hist. iii 20).
The stature of the inhabitants of the Nile valley increases travelling

towards the south, so that Isa. 18:2d may refer to (Upper?) Egypt or
(Lower) Kush. The emissaries (and the people from whom they came)
were tall in stature and their hairless body, face and occasionally the
head was equally remarkable for full bearded Judaeans.143 The nation
The Locations of Yam and Kush and Their Historical Implications, JARCE 23 [1986],
3940). A more distant and often-mentioned legendary region is Punt, somewhere to
the (south-)east of Kush (ARE 2.134 [321]). The people of mdjw inhabited the region
between the Nile and the Red Sea, appearing in later texts as a general term for various tribes of the desert, like q, wbt-spt, brhm, hs (Zibelius, Vlkernamen, 134). Amu
(mw or m) seems to designate the eastern desert somewhere in the neighbourhood
of the third cataract. See G. Posener, Lor de Pount, in: E. Endesfelder et al. (eds),
gypten und Kusch (SGKAO, 13), Berlin 1977, 33941); F. Hommel, Ethnologie und
Geographie des alten Orients, Mnchen 1926, 641; A.H. Gardiner, Ancient Egyptian
Onomastica, London 1947; Zibelius, Vlkernamen; OConnor, Nubia.
141
Cf. Num. 13:32; 2 Sam. 21:20; 1 Chron. 11:23; 20:6.
142
Some regard the resemblances between the two texts more than coincidental
and tend to interpret the word pair in 18:2 as a Hebrew counterpart
of (Dillmann, 166; Van Hoonacker, 105; Schmidt, 119). But
while Herodotus concern is to present his readers with a sympathetic picture of the
Ethiopians, the intention of Isa. 18:2 is clearly different (see below). For Herodotus
Kush-related traditions, cf. Homers Il. i 42324; xxiii 2057; Odyss. i 2224; iv 84;
v 282, 287. See Trk, Kush, 6973.
143
Cf. Gen. 41:14. L.S. Fried, Why Did Joseph Shave?, BAR 33.4 (2007), 3641,
argues that the pharaonic palace was considered a temple, so that those entering it
should be pure like a priest. When Sinuhe returns to Egypt from Retjenu, he was
clothed in royal linen, he was plucked and his hair combed. In Egyptian iconography,
the Egyptians and Nubians are represented as beardless people, in contrast to their
neighbours. See Vandier, Manuel, 3.11011, 4.574; W. Helck, Fremdvlkerdarstellungen, L 1.317; J. Vercoutter, Limage de noir dans lEgypte ancienne (ds origines
la XXVe dyn.), in: Africa in Antiquity: Meroitica 5 (1979), 1922; A. Leahy, Ethnic
Diversity in Ancient Egypt, in: CANE, 22627; cf. Herodotus, Hist. ii 36; iii 12. Selfrepresentations of the Kushite king of the 25th Dynasty (748656) display a darkbrown body colour and a face of the Upper Nubian physical type, while for non-royal
representations Twenty-Fifth Dynasty monumental art in Kush adopted the Egyptian
170
chapter four
beyond the one mentioned in v. 2d, an even more fearful one, whose
land is divided by rivers (v. 2eg), may refer either to the southern
Kushites or their neighbours, the Sabaeans, even further to the south.
( to be distinguished from in Arabia; cf. Gen. 10:26; 25:3;
Ps. 72:10) is the firstborn of Kush in Gen. 10:7. Isa. 43:3 promises Egypt,
Kush and Seba as ransom for the king of Persia in place of Israel. The
three names also reappear together in Isa. 45:15, suggesting that Seba
must be located in the neighbourhood of Kush. This assumption is also
supported by Ps. 72:10, where Tarshish, Seba and Sheba represent the
three furthest located descendants of the three sons of Noah (Japhet,
Ham and Shem). A legend in Josephus Ant. ii 24849 retells that
was a royal city of , called Mero by Cambyses, after the name
of his sister. The place is described as surrounded by Astapus, Astaboras
and the Nile. The name of the third river, the Nile, is actually Astasobas, the White Nile (cf. Strabo, Geogr. xvii 4), which has also preserved
the name of Soba (=Seba).144 The town Sabai and the harbour Saba on
the Red Sea coast mentioned by Strabo, Geog. xvi 4.810 probably also
reflect the reminiscences of maritime contacts with the Sabaeans.
Descriptions of mighty foreign nations in the Bible fulfil two different
rhetorical purposes: the intention is either to proclaim Yhwhs judgment upon famous peoples145 or to invoke them as means of punishment in pronouncing Yhwhs sentence on a different nation.146 The
rhetorical intention of 18:2dg complies with the first possibility, an
interpretation corroborated by the following verses of the prophecy.
4.2.3
3a
3b
3c
3d
Verses 36
All you inhabitants of the world

and those dwelling on earth:
when the signal is raised on the mountains, look,
and when the horn is blown, listen!
New Kingdom iconography of the exaggeratedly tall, slender Nilotic type (Trk,
Kush, 37). In regard to Isa. 18:2, one may note that a distinctive hair dress typifies the
Kedarites in Jer. 9:26; 25:23; 49:32.
144
The common element of these rivers names, asta, probably means water or
river. Cf. Diodorus i 37.9; R. Pankhurst, The Ethiopian Borderlands: Essays in Ancient
History from Ancient Times to the End of the 18th Century, Lawrenceville, NJ 1997, 27.
Similarly, the name Astaboras (present day Atbara) preserved the name of the (mega)
bari/bareya tribe, settled in this region. For further discussion regarding ancient Seba,
see Balogh, Ks, 59496.
145
2 Chron. 16:8; Isa. 10:515; 14:521; 17:1214; 23:114; Ezek. 2832.
146
Deut. 28:4950; Isa. 5:2630; 13:35; Jer. 4:13; 5:1517; Hab. 1:611.

4a
4b
4c
4d
5a
5b
5c
5d
6a
6b
6c
6d
171
For thus spoke Yhwh to me:

I shall stay quietly and watch on my place,
like scorching heat on daybreak (or: on the dew),
like a cloud of dew in the heat of the harvest.
For before the harvest, when budding is over,
and the blossom develops to an unripe berry,
he will cut off the shoots with pruning hooks,
and the tendrils he will remove and hew away.
They will be left altogether to the birds of prey of the mountains
and to the beasts of the earth.
And the birds of prey will summer upon them,
and all the beasts of the earth will winter upon them.
Isa. 18:3 reveals that the concern of the prophecy is much larger than
just the fate of Judah. The way Yhwh is about to step into history
would have implications reaching far beyond the interests of a single
nation. The place of this verse in the prophecy has been questioned on
different occasions (cf. 4.3.1). However, this worldwide perspective is
anticipated, since the foregoing verse indicates that the messengers are
sent to the most distant nations of the earth known to Israel.
Blasting horns and raising signals appear often (though not exclusively) in military accounts.147 Martial imagery also provides the most
likely background in this case.148 As soon as the time has come, the
moment signals are given, all eyes and ears should be opened (cf. Isa.
6:9), for Yhwhs final verdict will enter history.
logically connects v. 4 to v. 3, but it may also function as an
emphatic particle. These verses describe the preparations in the heavenly realm for a war that the world is planning. According to the word
and the vision received, Yhwh stays calm ( )until the appropriate
moment. There is much unrest and upheaval in the background of Isa.
18. Yet while fast moving messengers arrive to form strong alliances,
147
Sounds and signals may signify the beginning (Isa. 5:26; 13:2; Jer. 4:21; 6:1;
51:27) or end (1 Sam. 13:3; 2 Sam. 2:28; 18:16; 20:22; Jer. 50:2) of battles.
148
Clements, 165, maintains that in 18:3 these motifs are not a sign of an impending battle, but an emphatic assertion that Yhwh is announcing his plans to the world.
However, in the present context it is not the summons itself (v. 3cd), but the looming events (vv. 46) that will request the attention of the audience. Blenkinsopp, 310,
pointed to other texts where is related to the beginning of the repatriation of the
Jews from the diaspora. This he assumed could also be the case in Isa. 18. Nevertheless,
the issue of repatriation is not the subject of this prophecy.
172
chapter four
God is staying calm as if in times of peace.149 This impression of quietness and calm is also underlined by the verb ( Hab. 1:13). In
Ps. 83, God is asked not to be silent nor stay calm when alliances of the
neighbouring people threaten Jerusalem. The opposite of is active
intervention (cf. Ps. 68:2). Clearly, Yhwh is not indifferent to what
is going on. He is not merely a spectator, but a concerned observer,
following the events closely, while waiting for the right moment to
intervene.150
Gods in v. 4 does not refer to the temple in Jerusalem, but
to his heavenly dwelling (Ps. 33:1314; cf. 80:15; 102:20; Isa. 63:15).151
Yhwh is said to leave his dwelling place in order to take action
(Isa. 26:21; Mic. 1:3; Ps. 68:2); he ceases acting when he returns to his
abode (Hos. 5:15).
The comparative phrases of v. 4cd are interpreted in different ways.
The Targum explains both images as blessings that God grants his people.152 Some exegetes stress the natural character and the necessity of
both heat in daylight and dew during harvest time. Like them, Yhwhs
stillness will help to cultivate the plans of the Assyrians, whom he will
ultimately defeat.153 According to Duhm and Clements, Yhwhs calmness is compared to the still clouds of dew in the sky and the gleaming
heat in sunshine.154 Fohrer took the verb to be the key motif of the
comparison, arguing that just as clouds look down on the earth from
aloft, so does Yhwh as well.155 Hffken suggests that the short term of
the meteorological phenomena constitutes the essence of the message.156
For Schmidt, the emphasis falls on Yhwh distancing himself from
the people.157 This is also how Hyland Lavik interprets the simile of
the dew that vanishes in the morning. In contrast to most exegetes,
however, she considers the two similes semantically distinctive. In her
149
E.g., Josh. 11:23; 14:15; Judg. 3:11, 30; 5:31; 8:28; 2 Chron. 13:23; 20:30.
characterises a nation in times of peace.
150
Vitringa, 859; Delitzsch, 353; Gray, 313. See Ps. 33:1319. In contrast, lack of
concern, abandonment, or negligence is expressed in the Bible by turning away the
face of someone, by not looking at a person. Cf. Ps. 80:15; 91:8; 92:12; 102:20; Isa. 5:12;
63:15; Lam. 4:16; 5:1; Amos 5:22.
151
Cf. also Hyland Lavik, Isaiah 18, 133.
152
Cf. also Jerome and Vitringa, 86162.
153
Dillmann, 167; Young, 1.477; Van Hoonacker, 106; Motyer, 162.
154
Duhm, 138; Clements, 165.
155
Fohrer, 1.205.
156
Hffken, 154.
157
Schmidt, 120.
173
view, the quietness and the gazing of Yhwh is likened to the intensity
of the shimmering heat. The simile of the vibrating hot air alludes to
the invisible yet real presence of Yhwh in this world.158
The parallel use of the comparative preposition makes it unlikely
that the two similes would refer to different things. Both meteorological images are related here with the idea of Yhwh sitting calmly and
looking down on earth, so their allusion must also be a semantic parallel. At the same time, meteorological imagery can be applied in biblical texts for various purposes, with different aspects of the metaphor
being exploited. For example, the metaphor of dew can be used in a
negative or a positive sense, depending on the context. In Hos. 13:3,
the dew represents something that vanishes quickly. In Prov. 25:13,
cold snow on the day of harvest is compared to the refreshing message of a faithful messenger. However, the imagery of snow and rain in
summer has negative connotations in Prov. 26:1 (cf. Prov. 28:3).
It is difficult to interpret , scorching heat as a positive experience.159 The grammar of the comparative construction in 18:4 requires
that either or is taken as the key reference of the comparison. This means that ideas like the necessity of the phenomenon, its
fresh and beneficial character, its short termed nature, its invisible and
inevitable presence are unlikely to be the vehicle of the association.
One of the possibilities discussed in the semantic notes is that the
comparisons enhance the imagery of God staying calm in his place:
like scorching heat on daybreak and like a cloud of dew in the heat
of the harvest. The sense of the verse would be then that just as gleaming heat stays calm in its place at daybreak until the sun rises to its
zenith, and just as the cloud of dew sits still in its place in the heat of
the harvest, waiting for the night or cooler days to moisten the ground,
Yhwh also remains still while waiting for the right moment to step
forward and take action. The two pictures are complementary: in the
first the heat stays calm in the cool of the morning; in the second, the
cool cloud of dew remains at rest when there is heat outside. The message is not one of neutrality, of not engaging oneself in the course of
158
Hyland Lavik, Isaiah 18, 136.

Just like storm (), dry heat ( )is considered to be a symbol for the enemy
of the people of God in Isa. 25:45 (cf. also Isa. 4:56; 30:30; 28:2, 17; 29:6). Yhwh
protects his people against the enemy as a cloud (or shadow; cf. Isa. 4:6; 25:4) protects the earth from scorching heat or as a place of refuge ( )protects someone
against the storm.
159
174
chapter four
events. Yhwh is looking forward to the crucial moment when he will

not fail to take proper action and that is described in v. 5.
The second option mentioned in the notes is to interpret the text as
like scorching heat on the dew (mist), like a cloud of dew in the heat
of the harvest. This results in a parallelism that expresses the enmity
and incongruence of these natural phenomena. Night moisture vanishes from the plants as soon as the glooming heat appears, and the
fresh cloud of dew is the antidote against the heat of the harvest. Both
lines refer to Yhwhs antagonistic attitude towards the political plans
of the people.
There is a change in the pronominal suffixes of vv. 4bd and 5.
While Yhwh is speaking in the first person through the prophet in
v. 4, he is referred to in the third person in v. 5 (cf. 18:4a). The particle
couples the two sentences together so that 18:5 develops the imagery of v. 4 in a way that makes it appear as the comment of the prophet
on the words of God that he has just delivered.160 Yhwh, referred to as
he, will remove the shoots and the branches of the vine.
Many exegetes interpret this text as referring to the second pruning
of the vine, which took place between the harvest and the vintage. The
purpose of the second pruning was to make the vine free of any unnecessary shoots and leaves that would inhibit ripening of grape clusters.
Thus this action is considered beneficial for the vine.161 However, the
context makes this reading highly improbable. In Israel, the vine blossoms before the harvest,162 after which the berries begin to develop.
The grapes begin to ripen around July and the vintage begins around
August.163 It is difficult to understand how the cleansing of the vine
to yield more fruit would suit the idea of the prophet in a prophecy
of doom. Moreover, as argued above, and most likely
160
Isa. 5:7; 14:27; 21:16; 30:15; 31:4; Jer. 4:3. Cf. W. Dietrich, Jesaja und die Politik
(BEvTh, 74), Mnchen 1976, 12829; Blenkinsopp, 311.
161
Procksch, 241; Fisher, 138; Kaiser, 78; Wildberger, 692; Oswalt, 362; Kilian, 119;
Beuken, 169. In the Gezer calendar, the month of second pruning ( ) is placed
between the harvest ( ) ][and the month of summer fruit (( ) TSSI
1.3; on , see Lev. 25:3, 4; Isa. 5:6).
162
The harvest time extended from April until early June. See Song 2:13, 15;
L. Turkowski, Peasant Agriculture in the Judean Hills, PEQ 101 (1969), 101.
163
Cf. Dalman, Brot, 31213; O. Borowski, Agriculture in Iron Age Israel, Winona
Lake, IN 1987, 3337. Qimchi describes the stages as follows: when the vine drops
its , a will come, and the becomes , and the develops ( )slowly
until it ripens into mature grapes ().
175
designate the fruit bearing branches of the vine.164 Cutting them off as
described in 18:5 would destroy the vine itself. At the very moment
that the harvest looks so promising and the success of the vintage can
be estimated based on the development of the fruit, Yhwh intervenes
with unforeseen power and complete destruction.165
A similar motif is used in Jer. 5:10b, according to which the
nations will destroy the vine-rows and strip away the branches (
)of the vine of Israel (cf. Isa. 5:5). In Ezek. 19:1014, a fruitful vine full of branches is a symbol for Israel. Gods anger burned
its shoots and caused it to be uprooted.166 The destruction of trees,
vineyards and orchards is a prominent theme in descriptions of Assyrian warfare.167 Many of the Assyrian reliefs depict soldiers cutting off
fruit-trees in conquered territories. An inscription of king Tiglathpileser III describing the attack against Damascus and its king, Rezin,
reads: his gardens, [grapevin]es, orchards I cut down. I did not leave
a single one.168 Similarly, Sennacherib mentions that when conquering the land Elippu, their orchards I cut down, over their fertile land
I poured out misery.169 Isa. 18:5 makes good sense if read against this
background (cf. Isa. 9:9).
Isa. 18:6 transposes the imagery from the symbolic to the real world.
The text does not speak about cutting tendrils, but the dead bodies of
slain people, around which birds of prey gather.170 The beasts will stay
there for a long time, implying that there are a great number of dead
164
Cf. also Dalman, Brot, 301, 330; A.E. Rthy, Die Pflanze und ihre Teile im
biblisch-hebrischen Sprachgebrauch, Bern 1942, 59.
165
Cf. Gesenius, 59091; Duhm, 139; Dalman, Brot, 331; Kissane, 207; Young,
1.47778; Fohrer, 1.206; Hyland Lavik, Isaiah 18, 167.
166
Cf. Ps. 80:914; Jer. 49:9 (| Obad. 1:5); Ezek. 17:910.
167
Cf. S.W. Cole, The Destruction of Orchards in Assyrian Warfare, in: S. Parpola,
R.M. Whiting (eds), Assyria 1995: Proceedings of the 10th Anniversary Symposium of
the Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project Helsinki, September 711, 1995, Helsinki 1997,
3436. See also Deut. 20:19; 2 Kgs 3:25.
168
Annals of Tiglath-pileser 23 1112: kirte [kar]nu sippte a nba l
akkisma itn ul zib (ITP, 7879). For reading [kar]nu, cf. W.R. Gallagher, Sennacheribs Campaign to Judah: New Studies (SHCANE, 18), Leiden 1999, 133. Cf. also
SI 7 24: I cut down the orchards and the sissoo trees around the city walls, and did
not leave a single one. I destroyed the date palms, throughout his land. I ripped off
their fruit and filled the meadows.
169
D.D. Luckenbill, The Annals of Sennacherib, Chicago 1926, B1 lns 2730.
170
See Deut. 28:26; 1 Sam. 17:44; 2 Sam. 21:10; Ps. 79:2; Jer. 7:33; 12:19; 15:3; 19:7;
Ezek. 29:5; 32:4; 39:4; Rev. 19:17.
176
chapter four
(cf. Ezek. 39:12). The coupling of summer-winter expresses totality, i.e.

throughout the year, always.171
The intriguing question concerns the identity of the ones who are
destroyed. Assyria is frequently named in this respect, though usually without offering any support.172 There are several reasons why this
proposal is unlikely. First, Assyria is never mentioned in this prophecy. Second, as I argued in v. 1, the form of Isa. 18 as a oracle
is expected to proclaim doom for those being addressed. Third, representing the nations of Isa. 18 as glorious, fearful and strong presupposes the fall of these great and mighty nations. Fourth, it was
suggested that there might be a word play in / .173 If true, that
would give an additional reason to identify the addressees of 18:1 with
those described in v. 5.174 Fifth, announcing judgment upon Egypt and
Kush as the helpers of Israel and Judah is a common theme of Isaiahs
oracles (cf. Isa. 20:36; 30:117; 31:15). It is therefore likely that not
Assyria but the Kushite Empire are being denounced.175 Nevertheless,
the fall of the Kushite Kingdom had far reaching implications for all
neighbouring states that had chosen to align their fate and future with
the enticing might of this African kingdom.
4.2.4
7a
7b
7c
7d
7e
7f
171
Verse 7
At that time will bring tribute to Yhwh of hosts,

the people tall and bald,
and indeed the people more fearful beyond it,
(or: whose country is the riverbed),
to the place of the name of Yhwh of hosts, mount Zion.
Cf. Gen. 8:22; Ps. 74:17; Amos 3:15; Zech. 14:8.

Gesenius, 586; Delitzsch, 35253; Dillmann, 167; Duhm, 139; Cheyne, 112;
Gray, 308; Schmidt, 120; Procksch, 242; Fischer, 138; Van Hoonacker, 106; Kissane,
207; Young, 1.477; Motyer, 161; Blenkinsopp, 311.
173
Clements, 165; Hayes & Irvine, 256; Hyland Lavik, Isaiah 18, 17071.
174
Hyland Lavik argues that Isa. 18 is designed in a particular way so as to entrap
the audience [Judah] to think that somebody else will be judged and not themselves
(Isaiah 18, 20). However, the fact that the vine imagery is often related to the people
of Yhwh in the Bible (cf. Isaiah 18, 15661; but see Isa. 16:811) does not exclude the
possibility that, at this point in the text, this motif has a wider scope and includes the
nations from the rivers of Kush as well. Indeed, it is not so much one nation that is
compared here to the destroyed vine but the developing plan of the nations. Certainly,
the vine imagery may have also evoked Isa. 5, where Israel and Judah are described
as the vineyard of Yhwh.
175
Cf. Fohrer, 1.206; Wildberger, 690; Kaiser, 78; Dietrich, Politik, 129.
172
177
V. 7 takes up v. 2 almost literally and inserts it into a new interpretive

frame, 7a and 7f. What does this tribute scene imply? Does it mean
that after being subdued by the army of Yhwh, the defeated nations
bring tribute to Zion? Or rather does this tribute express gratitude
towards Yhwh, who annihilated the enemies? The answer is closely
related to the problem of literary integrity to be addressed in the next
section.
Mount Zion ( )is prominent in Isaiah and the Psalms, appearing mostly with positive connotations.176 This mountain is the place
where Yhwh reigns (Isa. 8:18; 24:23) and which he is committed to
defend as a king protects his residence (Isa. 29:8; 31:4). The formula
is unique. The emphasis on the name of Yhwh abiding in Jerusalem is particularly frequent in Deuteronomy and related
literature.177
4.2.5 Conclusion
Isa. 18 is a prophecy of doom addressed primarily to the African nations
of the Nile valley, the Egypto-Kushite Empire (and not Kush alone),
with its borders extending to the ends of the earth. This kingdom is
typified as the land of the two-winged beetle, an Egyptian symbol wellrecognised in the entire Near East. Their African emissaries ( )sent
to Canaan are commissioned to deliver a sombre message for their
master, the Kushite pharaoh on their return. What the farthest nations
should hear, all the world should hear (v. 3). From a distance, the
God of Israel carefully follows the emergence of promising plans, waiting for the right moment to intervene (v. 4). When those plans come
to the final phase, Yhwh will subdue the mighty and fearful nations.
Similar to a vine tree being destroyed shortly before the vintage (v. 5),
their almost successful plans are destined for oblivion. This message
is indirectly addressed to all those who expect their salvation from
these outwardly attractive and powerful people. After destruction, the
land extending beyond the rivers of Kush will bring tribute to the city
where the King of Israel reigns.
176
Pss. 48:3, 12; 74:2; 78:68; 125:1; Isa. 4:5; 8:18; 10:12; 18:7; 24:23; 29:8; 31:4; 37:32;
Lam. 5:18; Joel 3:5; Obad. 1:17, 21; Mic. 4:7.
177
Wildberger, 696; Kaiser, 79. Cf. Deut. 12:5, 11, 21; 14:23, 24; 1 Kgs 8:16; etc. For
the temple as , cf. 1 Kgs 3:2; 5:17, 19; 8:17, 20; Jer. 3:17.
178
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4.3 Isaiah 18 in Context
4.3.1
Literary Issues in Isaiah 18
The purpose of 4.3 is to evaluate the results of the exegesis of Isa. 18 in

a literary, theological and historical context according to the questions
outlined in 1.4. The present section concentrates on literary issues,
such as textual integrity, larger context and intertextual connections.
As argued, Isa. 18 recounts a prophetic (visionary?) experience
(cf. v. 4: ) . The divine revelation described in vv.
2c4 is embedded between a cry of woe (vv. 12b) and a prophetic
elaboration of the divine utterance (vv. 56). Subsequently, v. 7 presents the wider concern of the prophecy and brings the reader closer
to Jerusalem.
The Integrity of Isaiah 18
Although several scholars find no difficulty in reading Isa. 18:17 as a
coherent text, the literary integrity of this passage has often been subject to debate. Quite a few commentators consider 18:3 a later insertion.178 It is argued that belongs to the vocabulary of late Hebrew
texts. Furthermore, Wildberger suggested that and
appear to be texts dated to the post-exilic period.179 Some authors
also regard the perspective of Isa. 18:3 as universalistic, a tendency
believed to characterise the biblical literature of the exilic or post-exilic
period.
It is not possible to analyse the details of texts containing . But a
quick look at these passages leads to two important interrelated conclusions: the texts in question are always poetic, and appears exclusively in poetic parallelisms, most frequently with .180 Poetry and
parallelism enrich the lexical material of a language with new words
178
Marti, 14849; Gray, 313; Fohrer, 1.205; Kaiser, 80; Wildberger, 681; Vermeylen,
1.319; Clements, 165; Kilian, 11819; Berges, 16263.
179
Isa. 11:12; 13:2; 27:13 (cf. Wildberger, 681; Berges, 19293).
180
Synonymous parallelism: with ( 1 Sam. 2:8; 1 Chron. 16:30; Job 34:13; Ps.
19:5; 24:1; 33:8; 77:19; 89:12; 90:2; 96:13; 97:4; 98:9; Prov. 8:26; Isa. 14:21; 24:4; 26:9,
(Ps. 9:9), ( Prov. 8:31).

18; 34:1; Jer. 10:12; 51:15; Lam. 4:12; Nah. 1:5),
Synthetic parallelism: 2 Sam. 22:16; Job 18:18; 37:12; Ps. 18:16; 50:12; 93:1; 98:7;
Isa. 13:11; 14:17; 27:6.
179
that are normally absent from everyday speech. This poetic context
adequately explains the appearance of in Isa. 18:3.181
With regard to the late origin of and , Wildbergers suggestion would carry some weight only if there were other
syntagmatic constructions in which and appear. However,
is the verb generally used with ,182 and appears exclusively
with .183
Regarding the universalistic view of v. 3, it would be misleading
to say that there is only one type of universalism in the Bible deriving from the post-exilic period. It is hard to imagine that an Assyrian
Empire whose ruler generally introduces himself as the king and judge
of the entire world (ar kite) and to whom the god Assur submitted the universe (kippat erbetti;184 PPANE 85 ii 3), would not give rise
to a universalistic vision in the deepest sense of the word that did
not infect the Hebrew prophets, who so often talk about this world
power. In several judgments pronounced through Judaean prophets,
Yhwh appears to stand behind this king of the universe (cf. Isa. 10:5).
Each prophecy directed against a foreign nation is in itself evidence of
some kind of universal perspective.185 The main problem in this case
is that some exegetes consider v. 3 a pronouncement of an eschatological judgment regarding all nations of the earth. However, this is
clearly not the case in v. 3, whereas comparable texts suggestthe
rhetorical intention is different.186 Although the prophet addresses the
world, his concern is to deliver the message to those listening to him.
The world is not summoned to take action, but to look, listen, and witness (1 Kgs 22:28). Assuming that the prophets audience was a multinational community (cf. ), including those living in the distant
Kush, such a rhetorical address line is certainly in its place.187
In conclusion, there is no convincing evidence that would urge us to
treat v. 3 as a later addition. Isa. 18:3 makes explicit what is implied by
the FNPs in general, namely that the implications of Yhwhs judgment
181
appears to be an Akkadian loanword (tbalu, dry land, field; cf. also
ablu), attested in the Akkadian since the Amarna period.
182
Isa. 5:26; 11:12; 13:2; Jer. 4:6; 50:2; 51:12; 51:27. in Isa. 49:22; 62:10.
183
Josh. 6:4, 8, 9, 13, 16, 20; Judg. 3:27; 6:34; 7:18, 19, 20, 22; 1 Sam. 13:3.
184
Cf. Hebrew in Job 37:3; 38:13; Isa. 11:12; 24:16; Ezek. 7:2.
185
Cf. Duhm, 138.
186
E.g., Ps. 2:10; 33:8; 49:2; Isa. 1:2; Mic. 1:2 (cf. 1 Kgs 22:28).
187
Sargons Hymn to Nanaya also begins as follows: Hear, o world (kibrti), the
praise of queen Nanaya! (SAA 3 4:rev. ii 13).
180
chapter four
and salvation are far reaching. They entail more than simply local
interventions in the life of one nation in the worlds history. This is
even more the case when the life and political affairs of that particular
nation are inseparably linked with the destiny of many others.
Isa. 18:7 is more commonly viewed as a secondary attachment to
the prophecy, mainly in order to introduce a scene of salvation after
judgment, or so the argument goes. This opinion appears to be supported by the fact that v. 7 merely repeats v. 2 with some variations.
Finally, verses beginning with are also generally regarded
as later additions. A few exegetes contest this view, however, noting
that the defeat of Assyria by Yhwh may have encouraged the Kushites
to bring tributes to him.188 Nevertheless, according to the conclusion
of the exegetical section above, this last view can hardly correspond to
the intention of Isa. 18.
The connection between 18:7 and the previous verses is established
in two ways. First, is considered a synonym for
in 18:4. Second, the image motif of the mount in Zion connects v. 7
with the judgment scene of v. 6. It must be noted, however, that the
viewpoint of v. 7 is slightly different. As argued, refers to Yhwhs
heavenly dwelling from where he is seen and heard by the prophet.
Furthermore, Zion is not the location where the judgment of v. 6 is
issued.189 Do these slight differences allude to the later origin of v. 7?
Isa. 18:7 contains an important motif well-represented in other sections of the book of Isaiah: foreign treasures are brought to Jerusalem
(cf. 23:18; 45:14; 60:516; 61:56). Of course, not all these texts are
written with the same concern. The interchange between Yhwh and
Zion concerning the site where tributes are to be brought is more than
simply a matter of style. The specific theme of 18:7, tributes brought
to the King of Jerusalem, also appears in royal psalms, especially
Ps. 72:1015, as well as in cultic poems, like Ps. 68:2931, singing
about the kingship of Yhwh. Such tribute scenes have countless parallels in Mesopotamian literature. The New Assyrian kings generally
accentuate the vast extent of their dominion and their fame in the
188
Knobel, 125; Dillmann, 170; Procksch, 24243; A. Feuillet, tudes chronologique
des oracles quon peut dater, in: Idem, tudes dexgse et de thologie biblique. Ancien
Testament, Paris 1975, 51; Oswalt, 363. One often points to 2 Chron. 32:23, which
mentions the tributes of foreigners. This episode, however, seems to be a shortened
assessment of the story in 2 Kgs 20. In Sadlers view, Isa. 18:7 is concerned with proselytism (see Sadler, Cushite, 49, 53).
189
For the mountain as a place of judgment, see 1 Kgs 22:17 and Isa. 14:25.
181
world by enumerating the vast tributes received from nations living

on distant locations. Nations of which former kings had never heard,
or whose location was far away (a aaru rqu) bring their gifts to the
new kings of Assyria.190
Such encounters with nations on the peripheries of the Assyrian
empire can be compared with the account of the African tribute to
Zion in Isa. 18:7. In view of this parallel, there must be a revaluation of the often formulated view claiming that v. 7 actually presents
an oracle of salvation concerning the Kushites. In the context of the
destruction of the empire by Yhwh (through Assyria?), v. 7 is rather
a further expression of the subordination of the powerful Nile land to
Yhwh, as well as a witness to Gods might reaching the most distant
corners of the earth.
The fact that 18:7 fits its context might attest to the originality of
18:7 but need not necessarily do so. The judgment scene of v. 6 (the
summer/winter motif) appears to allude to a permanent state. Moreover, other texts from the book of Isaiah suggest that the judgment
against the Kushite kingdom is implicitly connected with judgment
of the people of Yhwh. The concern of vv. 16 is the devastation of
Egypt and Kush as well as other nations relying on them; the helper
will stumble and the helped one will fall (Isa. 31:3; cf. Isa. 20). This
means that on the day of its destruction, Kush will not be able to bring
tributes to Yhwh in Zion, as one would expect if in v. 7 is
placed in the same historical situation as v. 6. Nevertheless, from the
190
Among the many examples, see for instance the encounter between King Shilkanni of Egypt and Sargon II described on his Assur prism (lns 111). An account
of Shalmaneser III from shortly after 841 retells how the Assyrian king crossed the
Euphrates for the 16th time. He defeated Hazael of Damascus and erected his royal
statue on Mount Baali-raasi, a cape jutting into the Mediterranean Sea. Then we
read: At that time (ina meuma) I received tribute from the people of Tyre, Sidon,
and from Jehu of the House of Omri. (RIMA A.0.102.8 2427). ina muma can be
compared to in Isa. 18:7. The Erra and Ishum epic summons the god Erra
to show his might so that those above and below quake (. . .), so that kings hear and
kneel beneath you, so that countries hear and bring you their tribute (. . .) (S. Dalley,
Myths from Mesopotamia: Creation, the Flood, Gilgamesh, and Others, Oxford 1989,
287). After Marduk is returned by a Babylonian king from exile and retakes his place
in his temple, he speaks as follows: Then I carried myself back to my city Babylon and
to the Ekursagil. I called all the goddesses together. I commanded: Bring your tribute,
o you lands, to Babylon [. . .] (Marduk prophecy ii 1; cf. i 23). Dynastic prophecy ii
17 reads: All the lands will bring tribute to him (i.e. to the divinity) (T. Longman III,
Fictional Akkadian Autobiography: A Generic and Comparative Study, Winona Lake,
IN 1991, 23334, 239).
182
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perspective of a later editor, the thematic shift from the destruction

scene to the tribute scene can be readily explained. This also fits well
the rhetoric of Assyrian royal-literature, which the collection of Isa.
1323 imitates.
Isaiah 18 and Its Context
In its present position Isa. 18 is often considered an independent prophecy dealing with the Kushite kingdom. We are left to guess whyif
this was indeed the concern of the authorit was not included in the
or receive its own superscription. In 1.2, I mentioned
various opinions that try to explain the location of Isa. 18. Duhm and
Kaiser believe that the lack of individual superscriptions in 17:1214
and 18:17 betray the fact that these prophecies were inserted at a
late date in an already established -collection. But these scholars
provide no explanation why a later editor did not attach individual
superscriptions to these texts, or why the two passages were inserted
at their current position. Mowinckel, Fohrer and Vermeylen argue
that a later addition of the -texts was the reason for the distortion of an original Isaianic collection. Jenkins adopts the view that
there were two well-structured collections in Isa. 14:2422:25, namely
14:2817:14 (the neighbouring nations) and 18:122:25 (great powers). The two collections begin by affirming the security of Zion (14:32;
18:7) and conclude with a description of an assault against it (17:12
14; 22:114). In Jenkinss scheme, Isa. 18 appears at a special position,
but he gives no explanation for the lack of a -superscription at
this point in the prophecy.191
Despite the differences, these views agree on one essential point:
Isa. 18 must be considered an individual prophecy, a unit with its own
beginning and end. But what is such a prophecy concerned with the
collapse of the Egypto-Kushite kingdom doing in the location that it
now occupies?
As observed in 3.2, every single prophecy concerned with one
specific nation is given its proper place in a collection. Such texts
may have been originally independent (14:2427; 16:612; 22:1525),
but from the point of view of later editors, they belong to a collection. The two undecided cases remain the two -words, 17:12
14 and 18:17. Yet taking into account that all other prophecies belong
191
Isa. 21:1117 undermines Jenkins assumption, as do 13:114:23 and 23.
183
to a -collection, we should also consider this possibility for 17:12

14 and 18:17. Needless to say, the following discussion will not search
for an original unity but a unity from the viewpoint of the editors
of 1323.
Isa. 17:1214 contains a message of salvation for those endangered
by the roar of many peoples. Most scholars argue that 17:1214 has
little to do with the superscription in 17:1. It is interpreted as a distinctive -prophecy against Assyria.192 However, a new anti-Assyrian
prophecy appears unexpected and out of place. Others believe that
vv. 1214 address the threatening nations in general (Vlkerkampf
motif).193 But is there any relationship to the that addresses
Damascus and Israel?
Even though the tone of 17:1214 can be recognised from Israelite
cultic poetry (Ps. 46; 48; 83), it can more aptly be compared to Isa.
8:910 (cf. also 29:78).194 It is important that the enemy is not named
in these texts, a feature that makes 17:1214 suitable for use against
more than one specific enemy. Vv. 1214 may have once referred to
historical enemies such as the Assyrians (or Babylonians?), or may
have been written as a poem concerning all the enemies of Zion. If, in
its present context, the fall of some nation other than Israel or Damascus was predicted, the editors would have probably signalled this by a
superscription, as similar texts are so signalled elsewhere in Isa. 1323,
or else appended the insertion to the appropriate collection (Assyria
or Babylon). The fact that vv. 1214 did not receive any heading but
were instead connected with 17:111 suggests that the enemy threatening us was understood to be the Aram-Israel alliance introduced
in 17:1, Peqah and Rezin. It must be noted that Damascus named in
the superscription of Isa. 17:1 is known in the book of Isaiah only as
a nation threatening Jerusalem. Whatever was the original concern
of 17:1214, those placing this text in its present position saw it as a
prediction concerning the failure of the Aram-Israel alliance.
192
B. Gosse, Isae 13,114,23 dans la tradition littraire du livre dIsae et dans la
tradition des oracles contre les nations (OBO, 78), Freiburg 1988, 9697; Ohmann, 73;
Clements, 161.
193
Kaiser, 70; Kilian, 11617.
194
Cf. M.J. de Jong, Isaiah among the Ancient Near Eastern Prophets: A Comparative Study of the Earliest Stages of the Isaiah Tradition and the Neo-Assyrian Prophecies
(VT.S, 117), Leiden 2007, 16869.
184
chapter four
The case with Isa. 18:17 in the of Damascus is similar. It is

true that on the first level, in its original sense, Isa. 18 addresses the
fate of the Kushito-Egyptian Kingdom. But as I have noted above, the
text implicitly also threatens all those who choose to ally with this
nation, a barb in the eyes of Yhwh (cf. Isa. 20 below). This rhetorical
aspect in Isa. 18 is important when we wish to understand its function
in this secondary literary context. For regardless of the role that the
African kingdom played in this prophecy in its original context, on its
present position, following the intention of the editors, Isa. 18:17 can
be and is to be read as an anti-Israelite text.195 Further literary arguments corroborate these assumptions.
Given the abundance of plant imagery in Isa. 1718, Sweeney concluded that both 17:1214 and 18:17 were written for their present
context.196 Even though his opinion concerning the origin of these two
texts is not warranted,197 the view that 17:1214 and 18:17 can be
read in the context of the anti-Damascus and anti-Israel speech is basically sound. The clue for the rationale underlying the present position
and the editorial interpretation of 17:1214 and 18:17 is to be found
in the previous 17:111.
Isa. 17:111 uses two related agricultural images to represent the
future of Israel (and Damascus). First, Isa. 17:5 mentions the grain
harvest and 17:6 the gathering of the fruits of (olive) trees. It is striking
to observe that these two images also appear in 17:1214 and 18:17.
Isa. 17:1214 compares Israel and Damascus to the , chaff and
, wheel-plant (cf. Ps. 83:14). This image reminds the reader of
the grain harvest and threshing to which 17:5 referred. According to
18:16, judgment is like cutting twigs before vintage time. Although
this metaphor is not exactly the same as the olive harvest in 17:6, the
two are close enough to serve as binding themes from the point of
view of the editors inserting Isa. 18 into its present position. In both
images, the crop and the fruit (17:56) convey a message of judgment.
The threat of Israel and Damascus for Judah will be blown away like
195
As we shall see below, Isa. 20, which appears in a collection concerned with
Egypt but which is primarily concerned with the shame of the prophets own people,
is a similar case.
196
Sweeney, 254, 260. Cf. also Beuken, 149.
197
Blenkinsopp, 3067, and Beuken, 149, 152, contest the view that these texts
would have been written for their present context. Agricultural imagery is very frequently used by the prophets, including Isaiah (see Isa. 1516).
185
chaff (17:13). The branches of Israel (as the context implies) will be
cut down (cf. 18:5). Similarly to vv. 56, the metaphor of seed and
twig that will be shaken on that day of incurable pain according to
Isa. 17:911 (cf. 3.2.4) recalls once again the images of grain (17:12
14) and tree (18:17). Isa. 17:1214 and 18:17 which follow these
predictions appear to be editorial illustrations regarding the fulfilment
of those earlier prophecies in 17:56 and 911. From this editorial
viewpoint, the alliances with the northern Aramaeans against Assyria
and Jerusalem (17:1214) during Peqah (cf. 2 Kgs 16:5; Isa. 7) and
with southern Egyptians (Africans) against Assyria (18:17) during
Hoshea (cf. 2 Kgs 17:3) were two fatal steps in an Israelite policy ultimately leading to the deportation and total destruction of the Northern Kingdom and its ally. In this reading of the editors, the messengers
of Isa. 18:2 could have been related to those of Hoshea in 2 Kgs 17:4.198
Although this reinterpretation of Isa. 18 did change the original meaning of the prophecy, insofar as Isa. 18 implicitly also addressed all
those who chose to ally with Egypt against Assyria, one could hardly
claim that the editors new reading was entirely strange to the prophecys original objective.
To conclude, although 17:1214 and 18:17 are two originally independent prophecies, from an editorial point of view they appear as
constitutive parts of the . In a contextualised reading, they
serve as illustrations for the fulfilment of the earlier prophecies in
17:111. This appears to be the rationale behind including Isa. 18 on
its current location of the book.199 This editorial reinterpretation which
regarded Israel rather than the Kushito-Egyptian Empire as the focus
of the prophecy must be distinguished from the original intention of
Isa. 18, the historical setting of which will be discussed below.
The Intertextual Connections in Isaiah 18
Three texts need to be investigated in relation to Isa. 18, viz. Isa. 45:14;
Ps. 68:30 and Zeph. 3:10. Clements asserted that Isa. 18:7 was formulated in response to Isa. 45:14, suggesting that 18:7 was added to the
book later than Isa. 40 and following.200 Isa. 45:14 promises Zion that
198
Isa. 18:7 had probably been added to 18:16 already before the prophecy was
included into its present context.
199
On a literary level, the cloud standing still in 18:4 may also be related to the
swiftly moving cloud that brings judgment to Egypt in 19:1.
200
Clements, 166.
186
chapter four
the produce of Egypt, and the profit of Kush and the Sabaeans, men of
stature, will come over to you, will belong to you, and will follow you;
they will come over in fetters. They will bow down towards201 you, and
they will pray towards you. Only in you is there a God, and nowhere else
is there any divinity.202
The function of Isa. 45:14 in its present context is not totally clear,203
but there seems to be a certain parallel between Yhwhs dealing with
Cyrus in 45:113 and with Zion in 45:14.204 The final sentence in which
Cyrus reappears again (45:13) should perhaps be regarded as a closing utterance in the Cyrus oracle (45:16?; note the suffix ).
Beyond the above noted parallel, other important terms appear that
further emphasise the relationship between the Cyrus-prophecy and
the utterance addressing Israel: , wage, value and , gift,
bribe, in v. 13 and , produce and , profit in v. 14. The only
other location in Isaiah where Egypt, Kush and Seba are mentioned is
Isa. 43:3, a prophecy which asserts that the three nations will be given
to Cyrus as a ransom ( )for Zion. In Isa. 45, the prophet steps
beyond 43:3 maintaining that Cyrus will do the work for Yhwh even
without being paid. For this reason, the profit of Egypt, Kush and Seba
will be transferred to Zion; she will receive the tribute of foreigners. If
this reading is correct, the tribute description of 45:14 is a parallel to
the Cyrus-texts, and is less clearly related to 18:7.205 In 45:14 (cf. also
Isa. 60:317), many nations bring their wealth to Zion and not specifically to Yhwh living in Zion as in 18:7. This concern with Zion and its
people rather than Yhwh or the king in Jerusalem distinguishes Isa.
45:14 (and Isa. 60:317) from 18:7.
The relationship between Isa. 18:7 and Ps. 68:30 is more significant. The verse division of Ps. 68:2930 in MT is probably erroneous,
and one should read as so you have
done to us from your temple in Jerusalem.206 Ps. 68:30b, parallel to Isa.
18:7, may be an independent sentence: let the kings bring tribute to
For , see Ps. 5:8; 138:2. Cf. Isa. 44:17.

For , cf. Isa. 45:6; 46:9; 47:8, 10; Zeph. 2:12.
203
For details, see H.-J. Hermisson, Deuterojesaja. 45,849,13 (BK, 11/2), Neukirchen-Vluyn 2003, 3138.
204
God will subdue the nations before Cyrus (v. 1), he will level the hills (v. 2), he
will give Cyrus the hidden treasures (( )v. 3), and engird him, so that all the
nations of the earth may know that Yhwh is God alone (v. 6).
205
Cf. also Blenkinsopp, 311.
206
For a detailed discussion of this verse, see the commentaries.
201
202
187
you. But it may also form a causal relationship with the former lines:
Because ( ) = you have done this to us (. . .), kings will bring
tribute to you. The appearance of the rare word in Ps. 68:30 (cf.
Ps. 76:12) and the description of the Kushites and Egyptians bringing
tribute to Yhwh in 68:32 may point to a close relationship with Isa.
18:7.207
A text clearly influenced by Isa. 18:1.7 is Zeph. 3:10:208 From beyond
the rivers of Kush, my suppliants, the daughter of my dispersed ones,
will bring tribute.209 The sense of this sentence is modified insofar as
it describes tribute brought to Jerusalem by Jews. However, the expression is most likely a gloss (as often noted). By the time Zeph.
3:10 was composed, Isa. 18:7 was part of the present collection. It is
even possible that Zeph. 3:9 was formulated in view of Isa. 19:18.
To sum up, the texts mentioning the tribute of the nations to Jerusalem do not all reflect a similar theology. In one case, the nations come
to serve Zion and contribute their wealth to the well-being of the city
(Isa. 45:14). Secondly, the tribute of foreigners is brought to Yhwh,
or his king in Zion (Ps. 68:30; Zeph. 3:10), an idea which is close to
Near Eastern cultic and royal theology. The tribute scene so prominent in the second half of the book of Isaiah, which puts the people of
Zion at the centre, is probably a later development of this cultic and
royal theology. This development is similar to the process by which
the same author (Deutero-Isaiah) also adapted the language of former
royal oracles to address the people of Zion in a way that was formerly
typical for addressing a king (cf. PPANE 69 ii 57; 82 iii 2425).
4.3.2
Theological Perspectives in Isaiah 18
Isa. 18 is one of those cases where the prophecy concerning the fate of
a foreign nation is directly related to the political developments of the
207
It is also possible that the metaphors in Ps. 68:31 refer to Egyptians and their
expansionary policy in Canaan. The term is particularly suitable for Egypt
of the Delta marshes (cf. M.E. Tate, Psalms 51100 [WBC, 20], Dallas, TX 1990, 183).
Egypt is the , beautiful heifer in Jer. 46:20, and its mercenaries
, fatted calves in Jer. 46:21.
208
Kissane, 208, and Berges, 162, suggest that Isa. 18:7 was built on Zeph. 3:10. But
Zeph. 3:10 obviously combines Isa. 18:1 and 7, as noted by Wildberger, 695; Blenkinsopp, 311; L. Perlitt, Die Propheten Nahum, Habakuk, Zephanja (ATD, 25), Gttingen
2004, 140.
209
Note , , and as a synonym of .
188
chapter four
prophets time. In this respect, there is a noteworthy parallel between

Isa. 18 and 1 Kgs 22 that may highlight the original setting of the present prophecy. The common themes in these texts include:
the divine legitimacy of the prophetic utterance (Isa. 18:4:
; 1 Kgs 22:14: ;)
the oracle addresses all people, summoned as witnesses (Isa. 18:3:
; 1 Kgs 22:28: ;)
the description of the heavenly council (Isa. 18:4: Yhwh sitting in
his ;1 Kgs 22:19: Yhwh sitting on his throne);
the heavenly beings which stand at Yhwhs service (Isa. 18:2:
, 1 Kgs 22:19: and ;)
the heavenly beings are sent with a commission to the human world
(Isa. 18:2; 1 Kgs 22:2022);
the prophetic comment on the vision (Isa. 18:56; 1 Kgs 22:23);
judgment takes place in the mountains (Isa. 18:6; 1 Kgs 22:17).
These close parallels make it probable that, in the background of Isa.
18, the man of God is, similar to Micha ben Imlah, prompted to present his vision concerning an eventual alliance with the Kushite Kingdom (or he gives his view intuitively). Further prophecies addressing
the Egypto-centric political interest of Israelite and Judean leading
circles in the time of Isaiah may indirectly corroborate this view.210
The most significant references appear in two prophecies uttered
against those relying on Egypt in Isa. 30:15, 617 and 31:13(45?).211
However, it is important to emphasise that, in these texts,
probably refers to Lower Egypt (eventually Lower and Upper Egypt)
and not necessarily the Egypto-Kushite kingdom. While Wildberger
believes that these texts refer to Hezekiahs emissaries sent to Egypt on
the occasion of the rebellion of Ashdod in 713711 (cf. Isa. 20), they
are more often dated to the 705701 period.212 Yet arguments such as
the general context of chs. 2829 (Clements) are too meagre to be
convincing. This general context also contains a prophecy against the
Northern Kingdom from before 722 bc (28:14). This context is most
210
Allusions to Egypt in 7:18; 10:20, 24, 26; 11:11, 15, 16; 23:5; 27:12, 13 and to
Egypt and Kush in 11:11 are beyond the scope of the present discussion.
211
Isa. 20 will be discussed below.
212
Wildberger, 1150; Clements, 243; J. Barthel, Prophetenwort und Geschichte: Die
Jesajaberlieferung in Jes 68 und 2831 (FAT, 19), Tbingen 1997, 278.
189
likely built on literary considerations, as a collection of -words telling us little about the actual date of the oracles it contains. Indeed, it is
probable that in its earliest form 30:15, 67, 817 originally addressed
an Israelite and not a Judaean audience.213 The messengers appearing
here are sent to the pharaoh of Egypt (( )30:23). But the city
referred to is Zoan / Tanis, a major town of the Eastern Delta.214 It is
clear and strange at the same time that Isa. 30 makes no mention of
Memphis, the imperial capital of the Kushite pharaohs Shabaka and
Shabataka. One may infer that the messengers arrived in Egypts Eastern Delta before 716. Shortly after this moment, East Egypts King
Osorkon IV, possibly to be identified with the expected supporter of
Israel, King So, in 2 Kgs 17:4,215 disappears from the scene, and Shabaka takes his seat in Memphis. Since Isa. 28:14 addresses Northern
Israel, one must leave this possibility open for 30:15 as well. The prophetic summons to consult Yhwh in taking decisions not only applied
to Judah but also to Israel (cf. 9:7, 12).216
No historical clues help us to date 30:67. Apparently this is a thematically related secondary attachment to 30:15. The formulation of
30:8 suggests that the setting of 30:67 is Judah rather than Israel. The
213
Cf. Hayes & Irvine, 33839; J.K. Hoffmeier, Egypt As an Arm of Flesh: A Prophetic Response, in: A. Gileadi (ed.), Israels Apostasy and Restoration: Essays in
Honor of Ronald K. Harrison, Grand Rapids, MI 1988, 8889.
214
Tanis was the second capital, a northern Thebes during the 21st and 22nd
Dynasties. Hanes ( )is often connected to Heracleopolis Magna (ht-nn-nswt) or
Heracleopolis Parva (hn-n-stnj, Assyrian h inini) (cf. Wildberger, 115455). Kitchen
suggests that is the transcription of the Egyptian hwt-nswt, the palace of the
king (Hanes, NBD 504). It is more likely, however, that the messengers arrive at
one city rather than multiple locations. is phonetically close to the name of the
Egyptian god, H nsw (Khonsu), one of the most prominent deities of Zoan, to whom
Shoshenq V dedicated a great temple (M. Romer, Tanis, L 6.198, 202). During the
New Kingdom, Khonsu came to be known as Khonsu the advisor and especially as a
healing god of salvation and a helper in need (W. Helck, E. Otto, Kleines Wrterbuch
der gyptologie, Wiesbaden 1956, 76). The Isaianic text is concerned with looking for
advice ( ;30:1) and protection ( ;30:2). ( 30:1) may eventually also
refer to building political coalitions.
215
See B.U. Schipper, Wer War So, Knig von gypten (2 Kn 17,4), BN 92
(1998) 7184; K.A. Kitchen, Egyptian Interventions in the Levant in Iron Age II, in:
W.G. Dever, S. Gitin (eds), Symbiosis, Symbolism, and the Power of the Past: Canaan,
Ancient Israel, and Their Neighbors, from the Late Bronze Age through Roman Palaestina, Winona Lake, IN 2003, 126.
216
R.G. Kratz, Israel in the Book of Isaiah, JSOT 31 (2006), 10328, argued that
the term Israel in the book of Isaiah only refered to the Northern Kingdom in texts
that explicitly deal with Samaria as a threat to Judah. But Kratzs very selective use
of scholarly literature on Isaiah (and relying too often on the controversial study of
Becker) in dating the discussed passages makes most of his conclusions doubtful.
190
chapter four
unity and provenance of 30:917 remains a question. The name

would fit Israel, as does the description of near to total destruction in v. 17 (cf. Isa. 17:56). At any rate, the warnings concerning
an alliance with Egypt against Assyria uttered to the Northern Kingdom retained their validity after the collapse of Israel in 721 (2 Kgs
1718).
If 31:13 is treated independently from the rest of the chapter,
Isaiahs words may have been directed against either Israel or Judah.
Isa. 31:4 relates the former verses to Jerusalem. Several exegetes continue to read v. 4 as a message of judgment concerning Jerusalem.217
However, there is a literary shift marker at 31:4. Moreover, vv. 45 parallel each other in that both deal with the protection of ones property
(prey or nest).218 Therefore, the positive message of vv. 45 concerning Jerusalem must be distinguished from vv. 13. One way to retain
the unity of the pericope 31:13, 45 would be to presuppose that,
after proclaiming the fall of Samaria in 31:13, Isaiah then emphasises
that Judah will be saved (vv. 45). However, vv. 45 can also be read
with vv. 89, re-affirming the protection of Jerusalem during the fall of
Assyria, an affirmation found elsewhere in the book.219 Isa. 31:6 is concerned with the sons of Israel rather than Judah. It summons them to
return to the God, whom they had forsaken. This call could have been
addressed to the apostate Northern Kingdom (cf. Isa. 9:12; 17:78)
and may suggest that v. 6 (and possibly v. 7) is an addition to vv. 13
that interprets the woe as directed against the North.220 The allusion to
Yhwhs refusal to retract his words and insistence on realising them
(31:2) may refer to earlier prophecies directed at the same audience,
perhaps including 30:15 that, as we have argued above, presumably
are first intended as an address to Israel.221 Secondarily, the insertion
of vv. 45, 89 makes it possible to read Isa. 31 as a warning to Judah,
217
Barth, Jesaja-Worte, 8384; Barthel, Prophetenwort, 44748; Y. Shemesh, Isaiah

31,5: The Lords Protecting Lameness, ZAW 115 (2003), 256.
218
Duhm, 231; Kaiser, 25152. For two different metaphors expressing the same
idea, cf. also Isa. 17:56; 18:4. A very similar picture of the deity appears in a prophecy
addressed to Esarhaddon (PPANE 80:310): I will stand [guard over you] (. . .) Like
a winged bird over its fledgling I will twitter above you, going around[d yo]u, surrounding you. Like a faithful cub (a lion?; cf. Nissinens note a) I will run around in
your palace, sniffing out your enemies.
219
Cf. De Jong, Isaiah, 11822.
220
For in Isaiah, cf. 17:3, 9.
221
The anti-Israel Kehrversgedicht in 9:720, also emphasises the validity of previous pronouncements of doom (cf. the outstretched-hand motif in 31:3).
191
pursuing at times an external policy dangerously akin to that of King

Hoshea which has brought Israel to oblivion.
If these considerations are valid, then the initial portions of Isa.
3031 originally referred to Lower Egypt, the eastern Delta, the
sanctuary of hope for Israel. But as these texts were later readapted
to a Judaean context, also signifies the Empire of the EgyptoKushites.
The narrative of Isa. 3637 also refers to Egypt and Kush. The development and integrity of the present form of Isa. 3639 is disputed,
though there seems to be some agreement regarding the existence of
two accounts, delimited as 36:137:9a, 3738 and 37:9b36.222 Whether
this text division can account for all problems of the passage is a question that cannot be discussed here. It is, nevertheless, striking that,
at least in this final form, 36:6 and 9 mention the support of Egypt
( )and its pharaoh ( ) as one possible source
for Hezekiahs confidence, while 37:9a assigns a similar role to King
Taharka of Kush () .
The Egypt-related theology of Isa. 3637 is quite complex. On the
one hand, the futile trust of Hezekiah in Egypt is alluded to, but only
indirectly in the speech of the Assyrian official (36:6, 9): Egypt is a
broken reed that will pierce the hand of those relying on it.223 The
author of the story sympathises with this view of Egypt held by the
Assyrian cupbearer. Trusting Egypt is presented in 36:6 as an alternative to trusting Yhwh in 36:7. Yet it is remarkable that Yhwh makes
use of Egypt to achieve his plans of sending the Assyrians home.224
One need not be surprised that the Egyptian policy put forward by
Hezekiah is considered here in a more nuanced way than elsewhere
in the book of Isaiah. Apparently the narrator aims to portray Hezekiah as a king whose inclination towards Egypt cannot be eradicated
from memory, but whose ultimate trust was placed in Yhwh alone
222
Duhm, 25859; Kaiser, 30615; Clements, 278. Duhm and Kaiser consider
37:2232 a further individual unit.
223
This metaphor may allude to breaking the royal power of Egypt. Note that the
Egyptian term king (nswt) means that of the reed (Hoffmeier, Arm of Flesh, 88).
The reed was also a symbol of Upper Egypt. On the other hand, the term broken
reed appears in Akkadian texts typifying the defeated enemy as qan kassu (K.L.
Younger, Assyrian Involvement in the Southern Levant at the End of the Eighth Century B.C.E., in: A.G. Vaughn, A.E. Killebrew [eds], Jerusalem in Bible and Archaeology: The First Temple Period [SBL.SS, 18], Atlanta, GA 2002, 258).
224
Isa. 37:7 probably refers to the news of the approaching Egypto-Kushite army
that would chase Sennacherib away.
192
chapter four
(cf. 37:14 and 37:1420). Such recognition would explain why Judah,
though allied with Egypt, will be saved, while Israel allied with Egypt
will be destroyed (2 Kgs 1718).225
As the texts above make it clear, the southern African neighbour
appears consistently in a negative light in two respects. Alliance with
Egypt represents a rebellion against Assyria, the vassal lord and the
agent of Yhwh, and thus indirectly against Yhwh himself.226 Egypt
was wrongly esteemed as a source of confidence, the power on which
Israel and Judah were tempted to rely. Egypt was believed to play
the role of Yhwh (Isa. 30:2; 31:1, 3; 36:6; cf. 2:22). Instead Isaiah
repeatedly emphasises quietness and trust in Yhwh ( hiphil /
hiphil in 7:14; / in 30:15) as the
only way to escape the disaster, a motif that returns in Isa. 18:4 as
well.227 The prophecies in 30:117 and 31:13 predict doom to Israel
and Judah in the first instance, but they also hint at the destruction of
Egypt (cf. 30:3, 5; 31:3). The case with Isa. 18 is presumably similar,
with a reversed emphasis.
The alliance with Kush and Egypt against Assyria seems to provide
the most fitting background for Isa. 18. The picture of the emissaries
sent from the land beyond the rivers of Kush evokes a rather concrete,
real life situation personally experienced by the prophet, an experience that recalls Isa. 14:32 to mind. In this situation, the prophet may
have been asked for a prophecy by political leaders about to attend a
summit. The attitude of Yhwh in 18:45 is a pertinent message pointing right at the hesitant heart of Judahs precipitate political attitude.
The future holds no secrets for those who trust Egypt. When everything looks so perfect, when time is ripe, Yhwh will intervene with
surprising power and destroy both the helper and those helped.228 In
225
A combination of a negative deed and a positive Hezekiah-image also appears in
Isa. 39. According to Isa. 9:12 Israels collapse was caused not so much by its depraved
morality but by its repeated rejection of prophetic summons to return to God.
226
Cf. , ( 30:1) as treaty terminology in Hayes & Irvine, 33839. Such
unethical political behaviour is also rejected by Isa. 33:8 and Ezek. 17. Cf. J. Blenkinsopp, The Prophetic Biography of Isaiah, in: E. Blum (ed.), Mincha. Festgabe fr Rolf
Rendtorff zum 75. Geburtstag, Neukirchen-Vluyn 2000, 22; Cs. Balogh, He Filled
Zion with Justice and Righteousness: The Composition of Isaiah 33, Bib. 89 (2008),
48586.
227
Cf. H.W. Hoffmann, Die Intention der Verkndigung Jesajas (BZAW, 136), Berlin 1974, 73; Hyland Lavik, Isaiah 18, 146.
228
Contrary to Dillmann, 167; Clements, 165; Dietrich, Politik, 130; Blenkinsopp,
310, I doubt that Isa. 18 would propagate a policy of neutrality.
193
its primary context, Isa. 18 can be compared to the oracles of war

(cf. 1 Kgs 22). The message of the prophet is predictive, and it was
supposed to serve as a warning. Doom is waiting in case the Judaean
policymakers will not change their minds.
If this is not a shift in meaning, one may certainly speak of a different emphasis that Isa. 18 receives in its present context. The exegesis
indicates that this chapter concatenates a message against the EgyptoKushite Empire with the one addressing Israel. By including Isa. 18 in
a prophecy against Damascus and Israel, the people of Yhwh as the
unspecified audience receive additional emphasis. Furthermore, Isa. 18
also serves as a legitimisation for the past. It presents the alliance with
the nations of the Nile-lands as the reason explaining the collapse of
Israel as described in Isa. 17.
4.3.3 The Historical Background of Isaiah 18
Even though many elements in the text of Isa. 18 are rather stereotypical, the account of the messengers from Africa is too specific to
be regarded as part of conventional literary language. The previous
discussion has already suggested that Isa. 18 is anchored in history.
Nevertheless, it is one thing to assert that Isa. 18 was composed with a
specific historical event in the background, but quite another to identify the event. The evidence of any particular historical setting for this
chapter is modest.
As noted in 1.3.1, Isa. 18 is usually dated to one of the following
four periods: (a) to the time of the revolt of Hoshea of Israel (728724);
(b) to around 720, when according to Assyrian chronicles Hanunu, the
king of the neighbouring Gaza, rebelled against Sargon II; (c) to the
time of the Ashdod revolt (713711); (d) to before the campaign of
Sennacherib against Canaan in 701. All these suggestions are mostly
related to the ambassador-scene of 18:2, assumed to allude to negotiations preceding a rebellion against Assyria.229
Given that Isa. 18:2 mentions Kushito-Egyptian ambassadors sent
to Canaan, it is unlikely that this prophecy would have anything to
do with the rebellion of King Hoshea of Samaria. According to 2 Kgs
17:4, the Israelite king sent his messengers to Eastern (?) Egypt. This
229
Dating Isa. 18 based on its present context (Sweeney, 25657, 260; Wildberger,
690) is misleading, so far as this context is secondary.
194
chapter four
verse invokes no alliance with the Kushites, or emissaries sent to Israel,

while, as argued, Isa. 18 does not seem to refer to Israelite messengers
at all.
According to the Assyrian sources, in 720, shortly after Sargon II
became the king of Assyria, he marched against the southern Philistine city, Gaza, whose king Hanunu had rebelled against Assyria. The
Egyptian and Kushite involvement in the battle, which took place near
the Brook of Egypt at Raphia, is clearly documented.230 However, there
is no evidence that Judah would have been implicated in this affair.231
The Philistines play the central role here, even if Egypt, as a more powerful nation and as a more worthy counterpart of the mighty soldier
Sargon, does appear in the annals and on the reliefs. It is therefore also
improbable that Isa. 18 would derive from 720.
As the Assyrian texts claim and as will be discussed in greater
detail in 6.3, the 711-year event was masterminded by the Ashdodite
Yamani. Yamani sent his messengers to all neighbouring nations offering them a chance to join him in his fight for freedom. It seems that,
during 711 bc, Egypt and Kush played a marginal role in the rebellion,
being asked to participate and support Ashdod, as they had previously
230
The Khorsabad Annals of Sargon (lns 5357) and the Great Display Inscription
(lns 2527) mention Ree, the turtannu of the unnamed king of Egypt, as a prominent figure (cf. A. Fuchs, Die Inschriften Sargons II. aus Khorsabad, Gttingen 1994).
However, several reliefs in Room V of Sargons palace at Khorsabad give evidence of
significant Kushite involvement. On Slab 2 Lower Register, Nubians defend the border
city Raphia. On Slab 4 Lower Register, a Nubian warrior (Ree?) faces two Assyrian
soldiers (Sargon and his eunuch?). For the iconographic material, see N. Franklin,
The Room V Reliefs at Dur-Sharrukin and Sargon IIs Western Campaigns, TA 21
(1994), 25575, esp. 26467; J.E. Reade, Sargons Campaigns of 720, 716, and 715 bc:
Evidence from the Sculptures, JNES 35 (1976), 99102; N. Naaman, The Historical
Background to the Conquest of Samaria (720 bc), Bib. 71 (1990), 218 n. 37. Slab 5
Lower Register depicts the siege of Gibbeton in northern Philistia, apparently also
defended by Nubians. Cf. Reade, Sargons Campaigns, 95104; K.L. Younger, Recent
Study on Sargon II, King of Assyria: Implications for Biblical Studies, in: M.W. Chavalas et al. (eds), Mesopotamia and the Bible: Comparative Explorations, Grand Rapids,
MI 2002, 293, 316.
231
In Nimrud Inscription ln. 8, originating from 717 or early 716 (Fuchs, Annalen,
83; K.L. Younger, The Nimrud Inscription, COS 2.118I), Sargon is called muakni
mt Yadu a aaru rqu, the subduer of Judah, which lies far away (COS 2.118I).
Roberts is probably right, however, that this title for Sargon does not imply an actual
campaign against Judah. Cf. J.J.M. Roberts, Egypt, Assyria, Isaiah, and the Ashdod
Affair: An Alternative Proposal, in: A.G. Vaughn, A.E. Killebrew (eds), Jerusalem in
Bible and Archaeology: The First Temple Period (SBL.SS, 18), Atlanta, GA 2002, 271;
contra M.A. Sweeney, Sargons Threat against Jerusalem in Isaiah 10,2732, Bib. 75
(1994), 45770.
195
done in joining with King Hanunu of Gaza in 720. It is noteworthy

that neither Tyre nor any other Phoenician city appears among the
rebels in 711, which would be strange if Egypt had indeed organised
the uprising. In such a case, Phoenicia, its long-time devoted political and economic partner would have been among the first of those
invited to join the rebels.
The fact that the Kushite-Egyptian messengers of Isa. 18:2 arrive
at the court of Judah may suggest that the rebellion against Assyria
mentioned in Isa. 18 was planned under Egyptian guidance and with
the serious collaboration of Hezekiah. From other examples in ancient
texts, it may be concluded that organisers of rebellions often send
messengers to potential allies. Such was the case with King Hoshea
in 2 Kgs 17:4, who attempted to gain support from Egypt. Similarly,
Ashdod tried to find support for his objectives in 711.232 The case is
different during the years leading up to Sennacheribs Canaanite campaign in 701.
Possibly after several years of co-regency with the Kushite Shabaka,
Shabataka ascended the throne of the Egypto-Kushite Kingdom as a
sole ruler in 703 bc.233 At an early moment in his reign, Shabataka
installed Taharka as his army leader, a position traditionally held
by the crown prince.234 Shabatakas name appears in the Tang-i Var
232
Cf. Sargons Nineveh Prism fragments 1668+ IV lns 2533 in A. Fuchs, Die
Annalen des Jahres 711 v. Chr. nach Prismenfragmenten aus Ninive und Assur (SAAS,
8), Helsinki 1998, 4446, 7274; Younger, Recent Study, 31314. On another occasion, the rebellious Lower Egyptian prince seeks the help of Taharka by sending messengers to him (cf. Borger, BIWA, 211, 213).
233
For discussions of the troubled history of Egypts Third Intermediate Period in
general, including Shabatakas era, see, e.g. J. Yoyotte, Les principauts du Delta au
temps de lanarchie libyenne, Mmoires publies par les membres de lInstitut Franais
dArchologie Orientale du Caire 66 (1961), 12181; M.L. Bierbrier, Genealogy and
Chronology of the Late New Kingdom (c. 1300664 bc), London 1975; F.J. Yurco, The
Shabaka-Shebitku Coregency and the Supposed Second Campaign of Seennacherib
against Judah: A Critical Assessment, JBL 110 (1991), 3545; J.K. Hoffmeier, Egypts
Role in the Events of 701 bc in Jerusalem, in: A.G. Vaughn, A.E. Killebrew (eds),
Jerusalem in Bible and Archaeology: The First Temple Period (SBL.SS, 18), Atlanta,
GA 2002, 21934; K.A. Kitchen, The Third Intermediate Period, London 21986; L.
Trk, The Kingdom of Kush: Handbook of the Napatan-Meroitic Civilisation (HO,
1/31), Leiden 1997; D.B. Redford, A Note on the Chronology of Dynasty 25 and the
Inscription of Sargon II at Tang-i Var, Or. 68 (1999), 5860; J. Taylor, The Third
Intermediate Period (1069664 bc), in: I. Shaw (ed.), The Oxford History of Ancient
Egypt, Oxford 2000, 33068; R.G. Morkot, The Black Pharaohs: Egypts Nubian Rulers,
London 2000; D. Kahn, The Inscription of Sargon II at Tang-i Var and the Chronology of Dynasty 25, Or. 70 (2001), 118. Cf. 5.3.
234
Trk, Kush, 170.
196
chapter four
inscription of Sargon II, according to which he delivered the rebellious

Philistine king, Yamani of Ashdod, to the Assyrians sometime around
706 bc.235 The extradition of Yamani does not reveal any deeper motivation behind this political move.236 Being subordinate to Shabaka, the
pharaoh of Egypt in Memphis, Shabataka might have even followed
the orders from the capital.
The situation would change, however, by 701. The Assyrian king,
Sargon, died in 705, an event which triggered a wave of rebellions in
the many branches of his empire, including the Levant. Sidon, Ashkelon and Ekron were among those committed to throwing off the
Assyrian yoke. Sennacheribs inscriptions assign a prominent role to
Hezekiah, who deposed King Padi of Ekron, a loyal Assyrian vassal,
and shut him up in Jerusalem. 2 Kgs 18:78, which explicitly mentions
Hezekiahs anti-Assyrian actions, may also allude to this period.237 To
the extent that 2 Kgs 18:1921, 2324; 19:9; Isa. 36:6, 9; 37:9 permit us
to conclude, Hezekiah looked forward to Egyptian support.238 Lulli, the
Phoenician king of Sidon (Tyre), the northernmost ally of this Egypt-
235
Cf. G. Frame, The Inscription of Sargon II at Tang-i Var, Or. 68 (1999), 3157.
Ln. 20 reads m-pa-ta-ku-[u] ar mt Meluh h a, Shabataka, king of Meluhha (Kush).
Based on this inscription, Kahn presents a detailed case for dating the ascension year
of Shabataka to 707/706 and excludes co-regency with Shabaka (cf. D. Kahn, Tang-i
Var, 118). It is interesting to note, however, that Yamanis hiding place from where
he is brought to Assyria appears in the Great Display Inscription and the Display
Inscription of Room XIV as (ana) it mt Musri a pt mt Meluh h a, the neighbourhood of Egypt, which is bordered on Meluhha. The Tang-i Var Inscription has ana
pt mt Meluh h a, to the border of Meluhha. This ar mt Meluh h a identified with
Shabataka in the Tang-i Var Inscription appears to live in Upper Egypt and not in
Memphis, which was presumably the centre where Shabaka reigned by this time.
236
Contra Kahn, Tang-i Var, 8.
237
Hezekiah pushed the Philistines back to Gaza and captured some of their cities.
The kings of Ashdod, Ekron (Padi) and Gaza had been loyal to Assyria, so Hezekiahs
actions may have been directed against those unwilling to participate in the rebellion
(cf. Isa. 7). It is likely that Padi was handed over to Hezekiah in order to save the city
Ekron from the Judean king, otherwise the imprisonment of Padi in Jerusalem rather
than in Ekron with the other pro-Assyrians (mentioned by Sennacherib) is difficult to
explain. Some of the 46 cities that Sennacherib took away from Hezekiah, giving them
to his loyal vassals, may have been among those previously conquered by Judah.
238
For Hezekiahs active role, see A. Spalinger, The Foreign Policy of Egypt Preceding the Assyrian Conquest, Cd 53 (1978), 35; Younger, Assyrian Involvement, 253;
Roberts, Egypt, 272; contra Hoffmeier, Egypts Role, 23334; S. Dalley, Recent Evidence from Assyrian Sources for Judaean History from Uzziah to Manasseh, JSOT 28
(2004), 39398. The Assyrian sculptures of the siege of Lachish in 701 apparently also
illustrate Nubians punished by the Assyrians. Dalley, Evidence, 391; cf. K.A. Kitchen,
Egypt, the Levant and Assyria in 701 BC, in: M. Grg (ed.), Fontes atque pontes: Eine
Festgabe fr Hellmut Brunner (AT, 5), Wiesbaden 1983, 24849.
197
led coalition, appears among the first to be subdued in the retaliatory

campaign of Sennacherib in 701.
By this time Egypt was actively engaged in the foreign politics of
Canaan.239 The Assyrian chroniclers describing Sennacheribs battle at
Eltekeh mention the participation of a massive army of Egyptian kings
(arrni)240 along with the cavalry and chariots of the Kushite pharaoh.241 This substantial involvement obviously means that Egypt was
more than just a subsidiary force supporting the rebellious kings.
It was most likely the preparations for this anti-Sennacherib coalition to which the Kushito-Egyptians invited King Hezekiah of Judah
by way of the messengers mentioned in Isa. 18:2. The prophecy in
Isa. 18:16 was presumably uttered in the years before 701, shortly
after Egypts throne was ascended by the Kushite Pharaoh Shabataka,
committed to smash the Assyrians threatening Egypts political and
economic interests in Canaan.
Beyond the ambassador scene, there is further historical information in Isa. 18:1. The African Empire is called , the
land of the two-winged beetle. As noted above, the two winged beetle
was originally an Egyptian symbol but was subsequently adopted by
the Kushite rulers of the 25th Dynasty. Although the scarab-form iconography had been known in Canaan for centuries, this symbol came
to be increasingly appealing when King Hezekiah of Jerusalem came
to the throne, especially during the last quarter of his reign.
Several seal-impressions with the inscription ,
belonging to Hizkiyahu, (son of ) Ahaz, king of Judah, whose antiAssyrian and pro-Egyptian policy is well-known, picture a two winged
239
Cf. also Schipper, Israel, 2067.

Most versions read arrni(lugal.me-ni) mt Mus(u)ri, kings of Egypt. The
sg. ar, king (appearing on the Taylor Prism) is a scribal error. The king of Meluhha
(sg.) refers to the Kushite pharaoh, Shabataka, who was absent in the battle (unlike
what Spalinger claims, Foreign Policy, 39 n. 3). The text refers further to mr
arrni Musuraya, Egyptian princes, taken captive by Sennacherib. Note that one
of Sennacheribs relatives by marriage is uanqu, an Egyptian name popular in the
22nd and 23rd Dynasties (H.-U. Onasch, Die assyrischen Eroberungen gyptens [AT,
27], Bd. 1, Wiesbaden 1994, 15). He is h atnu arri, the kings son-in-law (less likely
brother-in-law), perhaps one of the Egyptian princes taken captive at Eltekeh and
married later to Sennacheribs daughter. It is known that the rulers of the Libyan
Dynasties often named their children after the grandfather (K.-H. Priese, Der Beginn
der kuschitischen Herrschaft in gypten, ZS 98 [1970], 19). This means that usanqu
might have been the (eldest?) son of Osorkon IV, grandchild of Shoshenq V.
241
BAL, 6768; COS 2.119B. For detailed discussion of the third campaign, see Gallagher, Campaign, 91142; Younger, Assyrian Involvement, 24662.
240
198
chapter four
beetle, pushing the dung ball (symbolising the sun) between its forelegs (cf. Figure 1).242 Six bullae are known to contain this impression,
which according to Robert Deutsch, go back to more than one royal
seal. Two other bullae with the same inscription preserved another
related Egyptian symbol, the two winged sun-disk with two ankh
signs. Four-winged beetles and two-winged sun-disks243 appear on a
large number of jar handles containing the inscription , belonging to the king. These so-called -jars are dated by archaeologists
to the late 8th century and supposedly functioned as storage jars of
Hezekiah on the eve of his war with Sennacherib.244
The Judaean religious and political connotations of these symbols remain a matter of dispute, but it is most likely that they were
adopted as Egyptian motifs without foreign mediators.245 The ties with
Egypt were particularly strong on every level in the latter half of the
8th century. Hezekiah may not have imported the ideological background of the beetle symbol, but his choice for the scarab and the
242
On the scarab seal of Hezekiah, see F.M. Cross, King Hezekiahs Seal Bears
Phoenician Imagery, BArR 25.2 (1999), 4245, 60; Idem, A Bulla of Hezekiah, King
of Judah, in: P.H. Williams, T. Hiebert (eds), Realia Dei: Essays in Archaeology and
Biblical Interpretation in Honor of Edward F. Campbell, Jr. at His Retirement, Atlanta,
GA 1999, 6166; M. Lubetski, King Hezekiahs Seal Revisited: Small Object Reflects
Big Geopolitics, BArR 27.4 (2001), 4451, 59; R. Deutsch, Lasting Impressions: New
Bullae Reveal Egyptian-Style Emblems on Judahs Royal Seals, BArR 28.4 (2002),
4251, 60, 62. The winged scarab seal impression on Figure 1 is currently held in the
Shlomo Moussaieff collection in London. The picture and the drawing are adapted
from BArR 25.2 (1999), 4243, and are republished here with the kind permission of
Dr. Robert Deutsch, author of the drawing.
243
The image is sometimes erroneously identified as a flying scroll (cf. discussion
in Deutsch, Impressions, 4950).
244
D. Ussishkin, Lachish, NEAEHL 3.909; A. Mazar, Archaeology and the Land of
the Bible: 10.000586 bce, New York 1992, 45558; J.A. Balkely, J.W. Hardin, Southwestern Judah in the Late Eighth Century bce, BASOR 326 (2002), 1213.
245
In accordance with Lubetski and in contrast to Cross. Lubetski also argues that,
by adopting the scarab symbol by which the pharaoh expressed his rule over Upper
and Lower Egypt, Hezekiah presents himself as king of Judah and Israel (Beetlemania, 2426). This is not likely, however. Note that Hezekiah is explicitly called king
of Judah on the scarab seal impressions. Detaching Judah from king in the upper
part of the bulla, as Luebetski argues, would seem an unnecessary distortion (cf. also
Deutsch, Impressions, 50). While the scarab can be considered a royal symbol, the
specific Egyptian design of monarchy, as consisting of two countries, is not inherent
to the symbol itself. The beetle symbol also appears on a seal of Manasseh, son of
the king, most likely the son of Hezekiah. Four-winged beetle stamps were used by
various individuals in Judah: e.g., a certain Ahimelek living around 701 bc (Ussishkin,
Lachish, 909), and another official called Shaphat (Mazar, Archaeology, 507). The
winged beetle is also attested beyond the borders of Judah in Israel, Phoenicia and
Amon.
Figure 1
199
King Hezekiahs scarab beetle
winged sun-disk should not be considered a borrowing motivated

purely by aesthetic-decorative factors.246 This is especially true when
we consider this beetle mania (to use Lubetskis term) in the context of the ubiquitous storage jar handles. The beetle is a further
expressive token of the kings political orientation.247 For the Judaean
royal house, which adopted the scarab as its omnipresent symbol, the
prophecy in Isa. 18:1 must have seemed shocking and threatening at
the same time. The doom announced for the land of the scarabaeus
sacer was an omen forecasting the fall of the Judaean winged beetle.
To conclude, the historical information provided by Isa. 18 is scanty,
but reference to the arrival of messengers and thus the organisation
of an Egypt-coordinated upheaval as well as the beetle-imagery of v. 1
suggest that Isa. 18:16 is best understood against the background of
the final years of Hezekiah, i.e. 705701 bc. This era is characterised
in Judah by a strong anti-Assyrian and implicitly pro-Egyptian sentiment. The prominence of the winged beetle symbolism disappears
with the extinction of Hezekiahs pro-Egyptian policy, as does the role
that the Kushites have played in the history of Judah.
246
In agreement with O. Keel, C. Uehlinger, Gods, Goddesses and Images of God in
Ancient Israel, Minneapolis, MN 1992, 259; contra Deutsch, Impressions, 5051.
247
Another royal symbol of Assyrian origin, the eight-petalled rosette appearing on
Judaean royal jars dating from the 7th century bc, betrays the Assyrian influence on
the Judaean kings owning these rosette jars. Chemical analysis has shown that these
jars were made in the same production centre as the lmlk-jars. Cf. J.M. Cahill, Royal
Rosettes: Fit for a King, BArR 23.5 (1997), 4857, 68.
200
chapter four
The final verse of the prophecy does not contain much historical
information. The claim of v. 7 is, as argued, theological in the first
instance. The idea of bringing tributes could, however, be historicised
as describing the relation between the Egypto-Kushites of the 7th century and Assyria, the instrument through which Yhwh established his
worldwide rule. I shall argue for such a case in my following discussion
of Isa. 19. The motif of tribute brought to Jerusalem by foreigners may
be compared to the Assyrian kings tribute scenes on royal inscriptions. But Isa. 18:7 can also function as an ahistorical pronouncement
well-attested to in other passages from Near Eastern literature, such
as Erra and Ishum, the Marduk prophecy, or the Dynastic prophecy
mentioned above.
As we have seen above, this original intention of Isa. 18 came to
be modified when the editors inserted the prophecy into its present
literary context. On this new location the prophecy dealing primarily
with the Kushito-Egyptian alliance in the time of Hezekiah of Judah
was reinterpreted as a text concerned with the causes of the collapse
of Israels kingdom.
4.4
Isaiah 18 and the Stele of Yhwh (Isaiah 1323)
In 3.4, I suggested that Isa. 1323 imitates the structure of Assyrian royal inscriptions. The victory stele erected by the great king
proclaimed for the world the supremacy of Assyria above all nations
of the earth by enumerating the subjugated countries and recounting
the campaigns of the Assyrian army against those nations. Read in
the context of the stele of Yhwh (Isa. 1323), King of kings, Isa. 18
describes a campaign against the most distant nations of the earth.
The worldwide perspective of Isa. 18:3 addressing all nations of
the earth connects this prophecy to the boasting of Assyrian kings
when they claimed to have defeated and ruled the entire world, from
the Upper Sea to the Lower Sea (3.4). The King of Isa. 18 moves
the boundaries of his empire beyond these seas: he subdued nations
from beyond the rivers of Kush, the remotest zone of the planet. For
an audience cherishing the idea of Yhwh as a national and regional
deity, whose territory (and sphere of influence) has been diminished
drastically by the incursions of the New Assyrian army, such a mighty
affirmation of the real boundaries of the kingdom of Yhwh must have
sounded appealing indeed.
201
Hebrew , referring to high-ranking foreign ambassadors (18:2),

complies with how the Assyrian semantic cognate, sru, is used in
similar contexts. Assyrian accounts of foreign military campaigns
mention the use of various war-techniques to capture and destroy
foreign lands. One of the frequent scenarios involves the destruction
of orchards (4.2.3). For the reader, the reappearance of this imagery
in Isa. 18:5 may draw a further parallel between this prophecy and the
Assyrian steles.
As noted in 4.3.1, the fact that this stele also mentions nations from
the furthest horizon of the empire is reminiscent of an Assyrian practice of substantiating the Assyrian monarchs claim to world dominion
by presenting tribute-bearing nations whose location is far away (a
aaru rqu). The tribute scene in Isa. 18:7 is therefore particularly
well-suited for this type of literature. Zion is the dwelling place of the
King of Jerusalem. In such a context, it is of no less importance that
the name of Jerusalem, , reminds one of the names of
Assyrian royal cities, such as Dur-Sharruken, which was named after
the Assyrian monarch, Sargon II (The Fortress of Sargon). It is here
in Jerusalem, and not in Dur-Sharruken, nor in Nineveh, nor in Assur,
where the tributes of these remote nations arrive.
There is also another aspect in Isa. 18 that must be emphasised in
relation to Isa. 1323. We have seen in 3.4.3 that the present composition is placed in the context of the , which connects Isa.
1323 to Isa. 212. The day of Yhwh is a judgment day for many
nations. An emphatic assertion behind this tradition is that the high
and mighty ones will be humiliated and only Yhwh will be exalted on
that day (2:621). For the reader of Isa. 18, the tall and mighty nations
evoke this scene of the day of Yhwh. Judah, who does not cease to
trust [any] man who has but a breath in his nostrils (2:22), including
the mighty Kushites, must not forget that Yhwh will take away the
object of its misplaced trust (cf. Isa. 3:1).248
As in the case of other Egypt-related prophecies, Isa. 18 gained
additional authority when Babylon took the place of Assyria. Jehoiakim, Jehoiachin and especially Zedekiah pursued policies essentially
similar to those of their ancestor king and forefather, Hezekiah
248
The / in Isa. 3:1 recalls the support of Egypt and Kush described
with similar terms in Isa. 30:15; 31:1 ( ;)36:6 ().
202
chapter four
(cf. Jer. 26:1819). The -tradition might connect Isa. 18 to the

period of these kings.249
As Zeph. 3:10 shows, the significance of this prophecy in the postexilic period lies not so much in the political sphere. Isa. 18 is rather
regarded as a theological expression of Yhwhs universal rule, exemplified by the arrival of foreigners in Jerusalem from the most distant
regions of the planet. This hermeneutical development coincides with
the reinterpretation of FNPs (both individually and as collections) as
treatises on the universal rule of Yhwh, a view that is less far removed
from its original Assyrian background than usually presupposed.
4.5 Conclusion
The prophecy in Isa. 18 addresses the Kushite Empire of the 25th
Dynasty (Egypt and Kush) by means of its messengers sent to Judah.
It proclaims the defeat of the Africans (and not the Assyrians), typified
as the land of the winged beetle. As this prominent symbol was also
adopted by King Hezekiah, the judgment against the foreign nations
contained an implicit message of warning for the Judaeans as well,
one that is further recognised in other FNPs. The theological view of
the Nile lands as a temptation to Israels faith in Yhwh is consistent
with Isaiahs other prophecies, including those against Egypt in Isa.
3031. In the wider context of Isa. 1323, the depictions of emissaries of distant nations who arrive in Jerusalem bearing tribute in 18:7,
the universal perspective of 18:3 and the destruction of vineyards in a
manner reminiscent of Assyrian warfare techniques make this prophecy a particularly fitting inclusion on the stele of Yhwh. By presenting
the humiliation of mighty warriors, Isa. 18 is also well-suited for the
-edition of this book.
From a literary perspective, Isa. 18:7 apparently derives from a date
later than the rest of the prophecy. But despite a few arguments to
the contrary, 18:3 may be regarded as part of the original text. The
primary function of Isa. 18 was modified when it was connected to
Isa. 17. In the context of a against Aram and Israel, its implicit
message against Israel, the people of the covenant with Yhwh, was
placed more emphatically in the foreground.
249
Note the prominence of the theme in the late pre-exilic Zeph. 1.
203
As to the date of its composition, arguments taken from the prophecy and from extra-biblical sources point to the years shortly before
701 bc, when the Kushite pharaoh and his Egyptian subordinates successfully recruited Hezekiah as an ally in a battle against their common
foe, Assyria.
CHAPTER FIVE
FROM CHAOS TO COVENANT:

Isa. 19 bears the title: the Egypt pronouncement. Its Egypt related
message is clear, as is also for the most part the Hebrew text of the
prophecy. However, two crucial verses have given rise to a great deal
of controversy. First, , which appears in most Massoretic
manuscripts at 19:18 is most often considered an erroneous variant
of or . Second, a significant translational problem
is caused by the phrase in 19:23. From a lexical point of view, the most obvious meaning of this phrase is Egypt
will serve Assyria. It is assumed, however, that this translation does
not suit the context of the salvation prophecy in which it occurs, and
scholars generally render this phrase as Egypt will serve Yhwh with
Assyria. Both issues have far-reaching implications for understanding
the prophecy, its theological concept, as well as the historical background of the text.
From a literary critical point of view, Isa. 19 is considered a text
composed over a long period. Scholars observe a break between vv.
115 and 1625, but closer analysis of both pericopes makes the literary integrity of either of them questionable. In 19:115, the thematic
divergence of vv. 510 is said to distort the literary structure of the
poem. As for 19:1625, opinions differ on how many stages of development one should distinguish in the formation of this pericope.
Theologically speaking, 19:115(1617) is regarded as a prophecy
of doom against Egypt, while 19:1825 is believed to pronounce salvation for this nation. The function of this message of judgment is
debated, and scholars vacillate between considering 19:115 a learned
theological treatise and a prophecy delivered as implicit warning for
Israelites or Judeans relying on the support of Egypt against Assyria.
In the opinion of some scholars, the salvation prophecy in 19:1825
is an unparalleled utterance in the Old Testament. Others compare its
universalist theology to texts of the Persian or Hellenistic period.
While a few exegetes find nothing in 19:115 that would contradict
Isaianic authorship and an 8th century setting, others bewail the lack
206
chapter five
of any evidence indicating that it was composed during the Isaianic

era. Except for a few marginal voices, vv. 1625 are generally dated to
the post-Isaianic (mostly post-exilic) period.
The section below will first analyse the text of the prophecy in isolation from its context, then in relation to it. The methodological procedure is similar to the analysis of Isa. 18 in the previous chapter.
5.1
1a
1b
1c
1d
1e
2a
2b
2c
2d
3a
3b
3c
3d
4a
4b
4c
5a
5b
6a
6b
6c
7a
7b
7c
8a
8b
8c
9a
9b
The Egypt pronouncementa

Look! Yhwh is riding on a swift cloud
and comes to Egypt.
And the idols of Egypt will tremble in front of him,
and the heart of Egyptb will melt in its inside.
And I shall cstir upc Egypt against Egypt
and they will fight,
each against his brother, and each against his neighbour,
city against city, kingdom against kingdom.
And the spirit of Egypt dwill be brokend in its inside,
and its plan eI shall destroye.
And they will inquire by the idols, and by the itt m-spirits,
and by fthe b-spirits, and by the yiddn-spiritsf.
And gI shall deliverg Egypt into the hand of a tough master,
and a powerful king will rule over them,
utterance of the lord Yhwh of hosts.
And the water will be exhausted from the sea
and the river will dry up and be parched.
And the rivers hwill stinkh,
and jthe streams of Egyptj iwill grow leani and dry up.
The reed and the papyrus kwill get mouldyk.
The sedgel mon the Nile, on the brink of the Nilem,
and all the sowingn of the Nile
will be dried up, driven away and be no more.
And the fishermen will be moaning,
and mourning all those casting hook in the Nile,
and those who spread nets upon the water will languish.
And othose working with combedo flaxp will be ashamed
and the weavers qwill grow paleq.
207
And rits pillarsr will be crushed,

all sthose working for wagess will be distressed.
Ah, foolish are the officials of Zoan,
t
the wisest counselors of the pharaoh!t
u
The counsel has turned out to be stupidu.
How can you say to the pharaoh:
I am (a son) of wise men,
(a son) of vancient/eastern kingsv?
Where then are your wise men? wLet them inform you and let
you knoww what Yhwh of hosts has planned for Egypt!
13a Silly are the officials of Zoan,
13b and the officials of Noph deceive themselves.
13c
And xthe cornerstones of its tribesx have led Egypt astray.
14 And Yhwh has mingled in it the spirit of perversion, so that
they make Egypt stagger in all it is about to do, as the drunken
15 staggers in his vomit. And there is nothing that Egypt can do,y
either the head or the taily, zthe shoot or the stalkz.
16 On that day Egypt will be like women, and it will shiver and
tremble because of the raising of the hand of Yhwh of hosts
17
which he raises against it. And the land of Judah will become
a dizzinessa for Egypt;b everyone to whom one mentions it will
trembleb because of the plan that Yhwh of hosts plans against it.
18 On that day there will be five cities in the land of Egypt speaking
the language of Canaan, and swearing to Yhwh of hosts. cCity
of destructionc d will be called each one of themd.
19 On that day there will be an altar of Yhwh in the midst of the
20 land of Egypt, and a stele of Yhwh beside its border. And this
will be a sign and a witness of Yhwh of hosts in the land of
Egypt.
For they will cry to Yhwh before their oppressors, and he will
21 send them a saviour and ehe will strivee and save them. And
Yhwh will make him self known to Egypt, and the Egyptians
will recognise Yhwh on that day. fThey will prepare sacrifice
and food-offeringf, and they will make vows to Yhwh and they
22 will fulfil them. gAnd Yhwh will smite the Egyptians, but heal
(them),g and they will turn to Yhwh and he will respond their
plea, and heal them.
10a
10b
11a
11b
11c
11d
11e
11f
12
208
23
24
25
chapter five
On that day there will be a highway from Egypt to Assyria, and
Assyria will go to Egypt and Egypt will go to Assyria, and the
Egyptians hwill serve Assyriah.
On that day Israel will be the third beside Egypt and Assyria,
blessing in the midst of the earth, iwhom Yhwh of hosts will
blessi saying:
Blessed be jmy people, Egypt,
and Assyria the work of my hands,j
and Israel my inheritance.
1 a . The noun is usually derived from , to lift up. Some

scholars translate it as burden or assume that is a shortened
form of , to lift up the voice. It is more convincing, however,
to derive from a different root, ( II), to speak, to cry, to
shout. This verb appears in Isa. 3:7; 42:2, 11, and perhaps in Job 21:12.
Semitic cognates of include Deir Alla m or m and Akkadian
masstu, reading-out, lecture (CDA 200). This latter derives from
Akkadian asu (Assyrian sasu), to shout, to call, to announce, to
address. asu / sasu is formed by the reduplication of the stem
consonants *s, a root which also appears in Ethiopic/Geez a, to
answer, to respond and Arabic anaa, to speak, to answer. Alalah
Akkadian nam, to speak (CAD 2.149), which is closer to Hebrew
( II), is probably formed from the same root, *s, with the addition of a n.
b . Some translators render the proper name as Egyptians (LXX provides an early example). Although such an interpretation is coherent with the meaning of the prophecy, it seems more
appropriate to retain the name Egypt in the translations. Not only is
this closer to the Hebrew text, but it also coincides with what we find
elsewhere in the Bible, where one particular nation is often personified
and addressed accordingly in the second person singular. Egyptians is
used whenever the verbs attached to this subject appear in the plural.
2 c-c . The pilpel form of probably means to incite, to
provoke (HALOT). In Isa. 9:10 parallels piel, to exalt. The
Syr. and the Targ. render , to incite in Isa. 19:2. LXX uses a passive
form with similar meaning in translating the term as , pass.
to be excited, awakened.
209
3 d-d . is a niphal of , a rare verb.1 In other contexts, the qal and piel forms of mean to lay waste, to devastate. The object of the verb is a country,2 the vine,3 andof particular
importance( Jer. 19:7) that may appear in parallel to outside
Isa. 19:3. The translation to destroy, to devastate, to break off is
supported by Sym., , pass. to be broken (corresponding to the
Greek translation of in LXX), Theod., , to break, to split
(also translating in LXX), the Vulg., disrumpetur, to break apart,
to split, and Syr., psq, to be cut/broken. appears to be treated
as a synonym of . As for paradigmatic relationships, appears
with , to destroy (Job 17:1), , to break (Ps. 51:19; Prov. 15:4;
Isa. 65:14), , to crush (Ps. 34:19).
e-e . Lexical studies of distinguish the meanings to swallow, to engulf; to destroy; to confuse; to announce. It is, however, uncertain if all these senses could derive from one single root
(cf. BDB; J. Schpphaus, , ThWAT 1.659), or whether two (GesB),
three (HALOT) or four homonymous roots (DCH 2.17981) should
be sought. The qal of always means to swallow, to engulf either
literally, or in a metaphorical sense.4 The piel of , however, generally means to destroy, to devour, to strike, often used in connection
with verbs possessing these connotations.5 The subject by which the
action ( )is performed, or the object that it affects, makes it often
impossible to render otherwise.6 Nevertheless, some texts suggest
that the meaning to devour, to destroy in piel is connected to the
same root from which the qal to swallow derives (cf. Ps. 21:10; Eccl.
10:12; Isa. 25:78). In other texts piel means to confuse (Ps.
55:10; Isa. 3:12; 9:15; cf. Ps. 107:27; Isa. 28:7; cf. , to confuse).
In Isa. 19:3, both translations (to confuse, to destroy) are possible.
See GKC 67dd; BL 58t; Young, 2.17 n. 10; cf. Gen. 17:11; Judg. 5:5.
Isa. 24:1 | , to lay waste; 24:3 niphal | ni, to be plundered; Jer. 51:2 piel.
3
Nah. 2:3 | , to ruin, to destroy.
4
For the literal sense, see Gen. 41:7, 24; Exod. 7:12; 15:12; Jon. 2:1. For the metaphorical meaning, see Job 20:15, 18; Ps. 124:3; Prov. 1:12.
5
, piel to ruin (Lam. 2:5; cf. 2 Sam. 20:20 hiphil), , hiphil to cause to
die (2 Sam. 20:19), , to break down (Lam. 2:2).
6
Cf. Lam. 2:5 (, palace), 2:8 (he restrained not his hand ). See also
Hos. 8:8, where Israel is compared to a useless vessel, suggesting that in niphal
means here to be destroyed in the manner of a useless clay vessel (cf. Jer. 19:11), and
not to be swallowed up (contra NRSV, NASB, NIV).
2
210
chapter five
+ can be compared to qal + ( Deut. 32:28; Jer. 18:18;

49:7), hiphil + ( 2 Sam. 15:34; 17:14; Ezra 4:5; Ps. 33:10;
Isa. 8:10), + ( Jer. 19:7), niphal + ( Isa. 19:11).
f-f . These terms appear frequently in parallelism; in fact
this is the only way that is attested.7 Despite significant research
on this topic, scholars still disagree on the meaning of these terms.8
is supposed to refer to (a) the dead spirit, (b) a cult object or (c) the
necromancer (LXX, Vulg.). None of these explanations fits all biblical
texts involved. In most cases is a cultic object, but in some texts it
may mean the deified spirit itself. Interpretation (c) is unlikely.9 as a
cultic object (possibly a statue?; cf. the )is mentioned in Lev. 20:6
along , an expression otherwise used in connection
with foreign gods, i.e. idols.10 The same interpretation fits Lev. 19:31.
The prohibition is paralleled by
( Lev. 19:4). In 1 Sam.
28:3, appears with the verb hiphil, also used in connection
with foreign gods, i.e. cult objects.11 The same text calls the necromancer ( 28:7), which refers either to proficiency in something
(Gen. 37:19; Nah. 3:4), or possession of an object.12 According to 2 Kgs
23:24, Josiah burned ( piel) in Judah. In
2 Kgs 21:6 (|2 Chron. 33:6) the verb is used with and
(cf. Exod. 34:17; Lev. 19:4).
In other texts, and possibly refer to the dead spirit or the
spirit of necromancy. In Lev. 20:27 and is said to be in
or with ( )the necromancer men or women (cf. CD 12:23). In
Isa. 8:19, the and ( pl.) are said to chirp ( )and moan
7
Lev. 19:31; 20:6, 27; Deut. 18:11; 1 Sam. 28:3, 9; 2 Kgs 21:6; 23:24; 2 Chron. 33:6;
Isa. 8:19; 19:3. appears separately in 1 Sam. 28:7, 8; 1 Chron. 10:13; Isa. 29:4.
8
J. Ebach, U. Rterswrden, Unterweltsbeschwrung im Alten Testament, UF 9
(1977), 5770; UF 12 (1980), 20520; J. Tropper, Spirit of the Dead, DDD 8069.
9
The necromancer is called and ( 1 Sam. 28:7; Deut. 18:11; cf.
1 Chron. 10:13; Ezek. 21:26 [)] . The connection with Hittite a-a-p, ritual
pit argued by H.A. Hoffner, Second Millennium Antecedents to the Hebrew b, JBL
86 (1967), 385401, is questionable.
10
Exod. 34:15; Lev. 17:7; Judg. 2:17; 8:33; Ezek. 6:9; etc.
11
Gen. 35:2; Josh. 24:14, 23; Judg. 10:16; 1 Sam. 7:3.
12
For examples, see HALOT ( I). Tropper compared to the Sumerian l gidim.ma, lit. man of the spirit of the dead, and the Akkadian a etemmi,
one of the spirit of the dead (Spirit of the Dead, 808). It is better, however, to relate
the Sumerian and Akkadian expressions to Hebrew constructions like ,
or .
211
(), probably alluding to the spirits (Isa. 29:4).13 The similarity

between the deified spirit and a cultic statue has a parallel in (the)
Ashera(s) or Baal(s) of the Old Testament, which can both refer to the
god(dess) and the cultic objects. At any rate,1 Sam. 28:13 refers to
the spirit of the dead Samuel as ( cf. the Ugaritic ilib).
The difference between and is not obvious. Since is
always used in parallel to , the two strongly suggest some formal
similarity with the and of which is never used on its
own. Ifas some scholars argue is related to ( ancestor),14
this quality is less specific , which apparently derives from the
verb . However, insufficient data does not enable us to do anything
more than grope around in a poorly known field. In Isa. 19:3,
and may signify both the spirits of dead and cultic objects. Their
connection with ( cf. Akkadian etemmu, spirit) makes the first
option more likely.
4 g-g . is a variant for . piel means to give up, to
deliver.15 skr is found in Official and Jewish Palestinian Aramaic, as
well as Akkadian.16 Ezek. 30:12, alluding to Isa. 19:4, has instead
of ( cf. Deut. 32:30).
6 h-h . is assumed to derive from the verb with
double formative for the hiphil, Hebrew ( cf. 1QIsaa is )and
Aramaic .17 MT is confirmed by 4QIsab. Gesenius correlated with
Arabic zaniha, to be rancid, zanih/sanih, to stink,18 which comes
13
One of the Egyptian techniques of oracular inquiry was to address questions
to the statue of the divinity. The priests answered the questions of the inquirer from
inside the statue or from a secret chamber, but it was the statue that was believed to
have spoken (L. Kkosy, Orakel, L 4.6006).
14
Cf. Tropper, Spirit of the Dead, 807.
15
Deut. 23:16; 32:30; Josh. 20:5; 1 Sam. 17:46; etc. Cf. Eshmunazors inscription
(KAI 14:21): wysgrnm hlnm hqdm t mmlkt dr ml bnm lqstnm, may the holy gods
deliver them to a mighty king, who will rule over them to destroy them. Cf. Gray, 325;
J.C. Greenfield, Scripture and Inscription: The Literary Rhetorical Element in Some
Early Phoenician Inscriptions, in: S.M. Paul et al. (eds.), Al Kanfei Yonah: Collected
Studies of Jonas C. Greenfield on Semitic Philology, Leiden 2001, 71416.
16
Cf. thskrhm bydy, you must surrender them into my hands (KAI 224:2); yhskr
lbry, he must surrender (them) to my son (KAI 224:3); , I closed up
the man (DJPA 378). Cf. also Akkadian sekrum (sakrum), to shut off (CDA 320).
17
GKC 53p; WO 27.4c and n. 30 on p. 445.
18
Gesenius, 610.
212
chapter five
close to , to stink, attested in the nominal form , stench (of

decay) in Joel 2:20 and Sir. 11:12.19
i-i . appears only here with river or sea as subject. In
other contexts qal means to be tiny, to be little (Ps. 79:8),20 the
niphal to become little (Judg. 6:6 niphal, not qal ). In Isa. 17:4,
is paralleled by , to become thin, to grow lean, an antonym of
, to become fat (Num. 13:20).
j-j
. Even though most scholars accept that
refers to the rivers of Egypt, the different interpretations propagated by
the ancient translations of Isa. 19:6 and other related passages give rise
from time to time to challenging voices that question this view.21
is best known as siegework, fortification, to which the old translations of these four texts occasionally allude.22 On other occasions,
is derived from a different word, like , to store up (LXX of
Isa. 19:6; cf. Isa. 39:6), , Tyre (Mic. 7:12 in LXX; Syr.),
(2 Kgs 19:24 in Syr.; Targ.; Isa. 37:25 in Targ.), , to enclose (2 Kgs 19:24
in Vulg.). While is not a usual name for Egypt, Akkadian texts
also use different terms, not all of which can be ascribed to dialectic
variations (cf. Musur, Misir, Musri, Misri). Given that the imagery of
2 Kgs 19:24 and Isa. 37:25 is inspired by Assyrian texts, may
reflect Assyrian terminology. In Isa. 19:6 and Mic. 7:12, the Assyrian
background to the name of Egypt is less evident. As the exegesis of
19:6 shows, it nevertheless belongs to the realm of possibility.
19
The meaning of was not recognised by the versions. LXX left the word untranslated (so also ). translates ( cf. Isa. 38:14) and not .
20
See also Jewish Babylonian Aramaic , to become degenerated / diminished
(DJBA 339). In Isa. 38:14, derives from a different verb. Cf. Syriac dl, to lift up
(CSD 92; G.R. Driver, Linguistic and Textual Problems: Isaiah ixxxix, JTS 38 [1937],
47). in Isa. 38:14 has further parallels in Jewish Babylonian Aramaic.
The verb derives from and not ( should be corrected to ) , cognate
to Aramaic , to lift up (b. Yom. 87a: , he raised up his eyes and
saw him; b. BQam. 117a: , raise my eyelids up for me).
21
P.J. Calderone, The Rivers of Masor , Bib. 42 (1961), 42332 (channels of
rock or cataracts); H. Tawil, The Historicity of 2 Kings 19:24 (= Isaiah 37:25): The
Problem of yer msr, JNES 41 (1982), 197200 (mount Musri [Jebel Bashiqah]).
The Assyrian texts which Tawil refers to in support of his thesis allude to agricultural
activity in the region of Jebel Bashiqah, while 2 Kgs 19:24 (bringing in connection with the Assyrians) presupposes military activity.
22
Mic. 7:12 (LXX, Vulg., Syr., Targ.); Isa. 19:6 (Vulg., Syr., Targ.); 37:25 (Vulg., Syr.).
213
k-k . 1Q Isaa has with a larger space before this word, indicating the beginning of a new sentence. The subject of is seemingly not as in MT, but of v. 7. However, this reading
makes no sense of . MT has further support in 4QIsab. LXX
has . The word , marsh,
meadow corresponds to ( cf. Isa. 33:9). The final from was
attached to of v. 7 ( ).
The verb appears only once more in Isa. 33:9 in the phrase
. Syriac qml means to become mouldy (CSD 508) and Aramaic qml appears in the Sefire inscription, as a plant disease (KAI
222A:31). Arabic qamila refers to a disease affecting plants after rain.
Akkadian qummlu (qummnu, qummru) appears both as a skin
complaint (a kind of rash) and a disease affecting grain and fruit
(CAD q 305). In view of these cognates, is rendered as to become
mouldy.
7 l . Some explain this lexeme as a pl. of , bare place, related
to the verb or , to be bare, to be naked.23 But in Hebrew
bare place is ( Judg. 20:33; Nah. 3:5) or , nakedness (Gen.
42:9, 12). Moreover, the verbs and in v. 7 do not make sense
with or as subject. As Herz has pointed out, it is preferable to relate to the Egyptian r, bulrush, papyrus.24 LXX rendered by , a translation/transliteration of , sedge, grass,
meadow (Gen. 41:2, 18; cf. Job 8:11). In the Syr. is interpreted as
a water plant.25 Targ. Isa., which has , also supports
the view that is a kind of plant.26 ( or )is a synonym of
, , and ( or more generally of , , , ).
23
Vulg.; BDB 788; Ibn Ezra, 88; Gesenius, 61011.

N. Herz, Isaiah 19, 7, OLZ 15 (1912), 49697. See also T.W. Thacker, A Note
on , JTS 34 (1933), 164; Y. Muchiki, Egyptian Proper Names and Loanwords
in North-West Semitic (SBL.DS, 173), Atlanta, GA 1999, 25253. For Egyptian r see
WS 1.208. Cf. also Egyptian r.t reed pen; stalk of a plant, flower; branch of a tree
(WS 1.208, CDME 45) and Akkadian aru, eru, haru, branch or frond of (palm)
trees; stalk of a plant (cf. artu, foliage, branches; CDA 25).
25
lw is translated pondweed in CSD 238, and Wasserlinse by I. Lw, Aramische
Pflanzennamen, Leipzig 1881, 23538.
26
is translated by Chilton as the greater part of the river will
dry up (B. Chilton, The Isaiah Targum, Edinburgh 1987, 38). However, is the
suffixed form of , fenugreek or flax. Cf. Lw, Pflanzennamen, 317; DTTM
145556.
24
214
chapter five
. Most exegetes consider MT redundant on

m-m
this point. The old translations also appear to have difficulties with this
text, but their evidence is inconclusive, so far as they do not point to
a more reliable common Vorlage. Unless LXX translated double
(green rushes), it interpreted in as vegetation rather
than Nile. translates and ( cf. Gen. 1:30).27 Jeromes
alveus rivi a fonte suo also presupposes two lexemes, alveus and rivi
that can both be equated with the Hebrew . However, the preposition on its first instance is dismissed. The Syr. follows MT closely,
as do the known Qumranic manuscripts.
can be translated as source (Vulg.), round about of the Nile
( LXX),28 shore, border ( Targ. Isa.).29 Modern translators prefer brink, mouth or edge of the Nile, as in the geographical
name , mouth of the canal (Exod. 14:2, 9; Num. 33:7, 8).30
is sometimes used in this locative sense, i.e. on the mouth/opening of a well (Gen. 29:2, 3, 8, 10), a cave (Josh. 10:27), or on the brink
of the bronze sea (1 Kgs 7:31).31
as plant is known from the Samaritan Targum of Gen. 1:11, 12 (

/) and Deut. 32:2 ( / ) . Note also Egyptian -r / -r-ja,
27
bean (Pap. Harris i 55b.7; W. Helck, Die Beziehungen gyptens zu Vorderasien im 3.

und 2. Jahrtausend v. Chr., Wiesbaden 1962, 553), jwrjt, bean (WS 1.56), Demotic
wr, chick-pea (Greek / ; KHw 275), Coptic ur / ar, bean (KHw 11,
275; cf. West Chadic *ar-, vegetable in HSED 15). Ugaritic ur designates some kind
of vegetable serving as food (paralleled by blt, and gml; cf. DLU 47). See also Akkadian ur, aromatics (herbs) (AHw 1436; CDA 427).
From other reasons, Herz argued that like , on its second appearance
in Isa. 19:7 means fruit, relating with of 2 Kgs 4:39 and Isa. 26:19 (Herz,
Isaiah 19, 7, 49697). However, ( LXX), the pl. of / ( A.E. Rthy,
Die Pflanze und ihre Teile im biblisch-hebrischen Sprachgebrauch, Bern 1942, 38),
probably designates a specific kind of plant and not herbage (I. Lw, Die Flora der
Juden, Bd. 2, Leipzig 1881, 228). B. Yom. 18b identifies with ( DTTM 33).
was a plant with berries, which explains its confusion with in the story
of 2 Kgs 4:39.
28
translates . Cf. , (Exod. 7:24).
29
Chilton translated as rock (Chilton, Isaiah Targum, 38). may mean,
however, shore, border (DTTM 635; Josh. 3:15; 4:18; Jdg 7:12; 1 Sam. 13:5; Isa. 8:7;
27:12; Jer. 46:6; Ezek. 47:6). Cf. Akkadian kappu, edge, bank (CDA 147).
30
Cf. Akkadian hirtu, canal (see also Muchiki, Proper Names, 23334).
31
Cf. ( lip, edge, border), attested as ( Gen. 41:3, 17). appears
with ( Exod. 2:3), ( Deut. 2:36), ( Gen. 22:17), the bronze sea (1 Kgs 7:23;
cf. in v. 31). For , cf. Akkadian p in p nri the mouth of a river (AHw 2:874),
, the mouth of the Nile in Herodotus, Hist. ii 154, 155.
Israelit-Groll related to Egyptian p-jtrw, the Nile. She believes that in
Isaiahs time jtrw was a general designation for waters, rivers and arms of the Nile.
Isaiah knew that if one referred to the Nile one had to add the definite article p. Cf.
215
While MT makes sense (the rushes on the Nile, on the brink of

the Nile), to eliminate redundancy, Herz emended to ,
a pual of , to faint (with , assumed to mean vegetation).32
Somewhat similarly, Guillaume maintained that was a corrupted
form of , the pl.cstr. of the Hebrew noun, * , which Guillaume
related to the Arabic lf, green or dry fodder for animals.33 The main
problem here is that while there are differences in the versions, one
can at least be certain that each version presupposes the existence of
in its Vorlage. The metrical irregularities are not unparalleled in
biblical poetry, MT seems the most plausible.34
n . LXX, the Vulg., and the Syr. translate (that) which is sown,
sowing. Targ. Isa., on the other hand, has , cultivated land.35
This translation is supported by the Ugaritic mdr (DLU 262), Phoenician mzr (PPD 274), Arabic mazraa (ArEL 1226). If is interpreted as cultivated land, sown land (cf. HALOT), and allude
to , and to . In fact, may be interpreted as either
sowing or sown land.36
9 o-o is similar to Mishnaic , flax-worker in m.
Kel. 16:6 (NHAW 4.153). or 37 designates the plant (flax;
Exod. 9:31; Josh. 2:6) as well as the material made from it (linen; Lev.
13:47; Deut. 22:11).
S. Israelit-Groll, The Egyptian Background to Isaiah 19.18 in: M. Lubetski et al. (eds),
Boundaries of the Ancient Near Eastern World: A Tribute to Cyrus H. Gordon (JSOT.
S, 273), Sheffield 1998, 3003. However, of the almost 50 verses containing , Isa.
19:7 would be the only one where the assumed Egyptian definite article appears.
is the general (only?) designation for the Nile in the Bible, with or without the definite article. It is noteworthy that when loaned into Hebrew, Egyptian proper names
and geographical names originally containing definite articles (p or t) were always
written in contracted form ( / p-t-rsj). Cf. Muchiki, Proper Names, entries p
and t.
32
Herz, Isaiah 19, 7, 497. Cf. Isa. 51:20; Ezek. 31:15; Amos 8:13; Jon. 4:8.
33
A. Guillaume, A Note on Isaiah xix. 7, JThS 14 (1963), 382.
34
Cf. in Ps. 133:2, where may specify , a function that beside may also possess. Note also Isa. 23:4:
.
35
Cf. Akk. bt mrei. Chiltons a place where they sow (Isaiah Targum, 38) is
imprecise.
36
Akkadian zru means both seed and sown land (CDA 446; cf. also Isa. 23:3).
37
Cf. Lw, Pflanzennamen, 2.233.
216
chapter five
p . means to card flax. Post biblical texts speak of

, the carding of flax (b. Sotah 46b; cf. m. Sotah 9:5).
LXX and Vulg. interpret as an adjectival construction
(combed flax), adopted also in my translation. is fem. which
explains the fem. ending of ( WO 14.2c). The Syr. and Targ.
Isa. treat as an independent noun, unrelated to . The
Syr. translates wnbhtwn bdy ktn dsrqyn wzqryn lh dwt, the flax workers will be ashamed, the carders (lit. those carding) and the weavers
of [?]. Similarly Targ. Isa. has:
, and the flax workers will be ashamed, the carders and those
weaving nets (cf. note below) from it. The Syr. and Targ. Isa. identify the workers (bdy and )with ktn dsrqyn and
respectively. Some scholars also treat as an independent noun
meaning the carders (of flax) (fem.), and include it in the second
cola of v. 9.38 However, does not mean carders. The present
form of MT makes good sense if the parallelism is recognised. Note
that , those who work with combed flax, refers
to the end users of the flax, i.e. the weavers, which appears in parallel
with .
. is related to , white linen (Est. 1:6; 8:15, used with

, blue/purple linen).39 Unlike , only designates the tex-
tile made of the flax, not the plant itself. All versions render a noun
here. LXX has , treating as a synonym of and ,
much like Latin subtilia, fine stuff . The Targumic is an allusion to a related word , net-work (DTTM 439; cf. also
in DTTM 23).40 The Syriac h dwt is unclear, it could be a misspelling of h rwt. If the reading in MT is accepted, v. 9 can be rendered
as ashamed will be those working with combed flax / and the weavers of white linen (LXX; Vulg.; cf. JM 121k). However, 1QIsaa and
4QIsab presuppose the verbal form here (, qal perf. of , to
become pale). which is also attested in v. 9a, turns up in parallelism with in Isa. 29:22 as well,41 making the reading of 1QIsaa
attractive: those working with combed flax will be ashamed / and the
38
Penna, 184; Wildberger, 701.

For the form of , cf. KS 254e; GKC 86i; BL 62d.
40
Note the fishermen in 19:8 and in 19:10.
41
Cf. Isa. 24:6 with in 1QIsaa instead of , as in MT. However, as a
derivate of can be defended in this context (see E.Y. Kutscher, Language and
Linguistic Background of the Isaiah Scroll (1 Q Isaa), Leiden 1974, 23435).
39
217
weavers will grow pale. This latter variant is adopted here with some
hesitation.
10 r-r
. Connecting it to , to drink, Jerome (inrigua eius)
treats as a technical term referring to Egypts irrigation system.
He considered the parallel a phonetic variant of , dam. The
Syr. reformulates the verse as wntmkkwn kl dbdyn kr lmty dnp, all
those preparing beer as drink for someone will be humiliated.
is not translated directly, but it is echoed in lmty, which is a translation for both and ( see below).
Others take their lead from LXX ( ) and Targ. Isa. (cf.
) , and consider a derivate of , to weave, relating
v. 10 to v. 9.42 This would require reading
or
, apparently a qal part. fem. pl. Since the fem. form is incompatible with the
masc. part. , Eitan believed was an Egyptian word (cf.
Coptic tit, weaver).43 However, v. 10a obviously introduces a new
idea, addressing a group of Egypts society different from the one
addressed in v. 9.
most likely derives from and means her pillars. The
related verb is also used with , a synonym of in Job 4:19.
In v. 13, the leaders of Egypt are called , the cornerstones
of her tribes. , another synonym of , is also used figuratively of
people (cf. Ps. 11:3?). forms a parallelism with , those
working for wages (see below), providing a description of the entire
Egyptian society, from top to bottom (cf. 19:15).
s-s
. LXX () and Syr. (kr) read , some kind of
intoxicating drink. Vulg. and Targ. Isa. recall Egypts famous waterengineering skills.44
appears further only in Prov. 11:18 with the meaning wage,
reward. It may thus be identical with the more frequent . For
the syntagmatic construction , one may note Prov. 11:18: the
wicked works for false earnings () , but the one who
sows righteousness (works for) a true reward (). is comparable to in Isa. 19:10. Prov. 11:18 may use elliptically,
42
HALOT; I. Eitan, An Egyptian Loanword in Is 19, JQR 15 (19241925), 41920;
Wildberger, 702. appears in Lev. 13:48ff, designating some kind of textile.
43
KHw 333; Eitan, Egyptian Loanword, 419.
44
Cf. qui faciebant lacunas, those building pools (?) and , those building dams (cf. I, and in DTTM 993 and DJPA 378).
218
chapter five
as also related to . In Deut. 15:18 is connected to

:, he has served you for the wage of a hireling. Ezek. 29:20
has , the recompense he has worked for.
is semantically identical with , wage-worker.
11 t-t . 1QIsaa has . The fem. suffix
refers to Zoan: her wise men, the counsellors of the pharaoh. 4QIsab
agrees with MT.
In 19:11, is sometimes translated as a simple adjective (LXX:
, the wise chancellors). However, the word order
hardly permits this option.45 Driver suggested emending to ,
and changed the word order to .46 Wildberger proposed to delete as a dittograph for .47 However, one can retain
the present form of MT in at least three senses. (1) The first option
is to read the constr. forms and as each forming a constructive relationship with . For poetical reasons, the two words
were connected without the .48 (2) A second solution is offered by the
Vulg., rendering as a sequence of constructive relationships, sapientes consiliarii Pharao, the wise ones of the counsellors
of the pharaoh. (3) A third option is to treat as an adjective, in a
constr. relationship, best rendered in English as a superlative: the wisest counsellors of the pharaoh.49
u-u . In the present vocalisation, is a niphal part.
fem. of , to turn out to be stupid. V. 11bc is rendered as the counsellors of the pharaoh give stupid counsel (cf. Vulg.). Yet the absence
of a verb to give is difficult to explain. LXX treats )!(
as if it were in apposition: , their counsel has become stupid (cf. also Wildberger). Others argue that
45
, or rather would have to follow in that case. Exceptions
are few and of a different character (cf. WO 14.3.1b).
46
Driver, Problems, 40. Cf. Targ. Isa. rendering and the
Syr. h kym dmlkyn lprwn, the wise men who advise the pharaoh [a stupid counsel].
47
Wildberger, 702.
48
I.e. the wise men (of the pharaoh) and the counsellors of the pharaoh. For
, cf. ( Prov. 9:3), ( Ezek. 6:11),
, ( Ps. 132:3), ( Ps. 26:8). Cf. Ibn Ezra, 89.
49
Significant examples are: ( 1 Sam. 9:21), ( 1
Chron. 9:13). Cf. also , the wisest of her princesses (Judg. 5:29) and
see further GKC 133h; Dillmann, 174; WO 14.3.3b.
219
can also mean council or advisory board,50 as also in Qumran,51 but

unknown in the Bible.52 It is more likely, however, that is
an independent sentence. is not an attribute, but a predicate
of .
v-v
. On different possibilities in interpreting , see
5.2.
12 w-w . The verb is difficult. JPS assumes that
this refers to the wise men of Egypt: let them tell you, let them discover what the Lord of Hosts has planned against Egypt. However, in
that case, one would expect a reversed word order: the wise must first
disclose the plan for themselves prior to proclaiming it to others. The
sequence of . . . is well known,53 but in these cases the knowledge ( )is the consequence of the proclamation (). If that was the
intention of v. 12, one would find here . More likely,
should be ( ][hiphil) (cf. LXX ).
. The Greek () possibly corresponds to a

13 x-x
different word ( ;? cf. Lev. 4:6), or LXX may provide a free translation, as also suggested by the dropped suffix of . The Aramaic
, district chiefs of Targ. Jon. suggests that was
understood to mean the nomes of Egypt (DMTT 1182). The Syr., on
the other hand, rendered by rbt, race, tribe, clan, family,
i.e. in the sense of a demographical entity.
The metaphorical sense of referring to the leaders of a community is known from other texts.54 These parallel passages as well as
Targ. Isa. suggest that should be emended to , an emendation
also favoured by the pl. form of the related verb, .
15 y-y . Commenting on the occurrence of the same expression in Isa. 9:13, Donner assumes that was the counterpart
of Egyptian tp, head and ph wj, the end of a territory. Similarly, he
Cf. H.-P. Sthli, , THAT 1.751.
L. Ruppert, , ThWAT 3.75051; R. Bergmeier, Zum Ausdruck in
Ps. 1:1, Hi 10:3, 21:6 und 22:18, ZAW 79 (1967), 229. However, cf. the more cautious
view of J. Worrell, : Counsel or Council at Qumran?, VT 20 (1970), 6974.
52
In Ps. 1:1 stands for, plan, advise (contra Bergmeier, , 229
32).
53
Ruth 4:4; Job 11:6; Isa. 41:22, 23, 26 (cf. Eccl. 8:7; 10:14; Isa. 40:21).
54
See ( Judg. 20:2) and ( 1 Sam. 14:38). Cf. Zech. 10:4.
50
51
220
chapter five
argued that recalls the scourge, an ensign of Egyptian pharaohs,

and refers to the Wappenpflanze, the symbolic representation
of Upper Egypt. In his view, in Isa. 9:13 referred to the territory of Israel and Judah.55 Ockinga, on the other hand, argued that
is cognate to Egyptian m h t r ph wj, from the beginning to
the end, referring to both ends of a geographical region.56
It is unlikely, however, that and are used in a geographical
sense. generally refers to important persons.57 The same antonym
/ appears in Deut. 28:13 (and Yhwh will make you head and
not tail) and 28:44 (he will be the head, and you the tail). These texts
suggest that has a political or social sense in Deut. According
to Isa. 9:13, Yhwh will cut off from Israel ( )head and tail.
The verb and the preposition make a geographic interpretation
unlikely. The immediate context of 9:13 mentions leaders and followers (9:15), young and old (9:16), which allude to an entire society.58
The case is most likely similar in Isa. 19:15.
z-z . Israelit-Groll considers an abbreviation
of the Egyptian hrd-n-kp, the title of commoners adopted by the palace (like Moses). The word was no longer in use by the time of Isaiah,
but she believes that Isaiah was acquainted with Egyptian language and
social institutions.59 A more attractive view is presented by Ockinga,
who rendered as papyrus, Egyptian wd (cf. Job 40:26; 41:12;
Isa. 58:5), and suggested the identification of with swt, rush.
He maintained that the two plants, and , evoke a common
imagery used to designate Upper and Lower Egypt: Upper Egypt is
symbolised by swt, rush, which is also the determinative or logogram
for Upper Egypt. Lower Egypt is symbolised by wd, papyrus plant,
also used as determinative or logogram.60 In spite of the Egyptian
background that this explanation takes into account, it leaves us with
several problems. As far as is concerned, this can be related to
55
H. Donner, Israel unter den Vlkern: Die Stellung der klassischen Propheten des
8. Jahrhunderts zur Aussenpolitik der Knige von Israel und Juda (VT.S, 11), Leiden
1964, 7273.
56
B. Ockinga, r wznb kipph wagmn in Jes 9,13 und 19,15, BN 10 (1979), 31.
57
Exod. 6:14, 25; Num. 1:2, 16; 4:2; Isa. 7:8, 9; Mic. 3:1. Cf.
(Isa. 1:6).
58
Isa. 9:14, a text generally considered a gloss, interprets as referring to
elders and dignitaries and the prophet respectively.
59
Israelit-Groll, Egyptian Background, 301.
60
Ockinga, r wznb, 3233. Cf. WS 1:263.
221
, papyrus, being its phonetic variant.61 However, corresponds

to Egyptian qm, which in Late Egyptian texts is equated with swt (and
not wd) (WS 4.58). wd on the other hand designates the papyrus
stalk (Papyrusstengel, WS 1.263), and it belongs to the same group
as twfj (Hebrew ). A further difficulty is that appears
not only in an Egyptian context, but also in Isa. 9:13, where a possible
Egyptian background plays no role whatsoever. It seems therefore that
in Isa. 9:13 and 19:15 has little to do with reed or rush.62
The identification of is uncertain. Vocalised as , it denotes
leaf, leafage. in Lev. 23:40, when compared to
in Neh. 8:15, suggests that this was the leafage of the palm tree used to
build a booth. In post-biblical Hebrew, refers to the top branches/
leaves of palm trees (DTTM 635). is a cognate of the Akkadian
kappu that may also mean branch (?) of a tree. With the vocalisation , the word is attested in Job 15:32 in connection with ,
to blossom, to be luxuriant (?), , shoot, sprout (Job 15:30),
which may suggest that and are synonyms.63 Accordingly,
might refer to the upper part (leafage) and lower part
(stalk) of a tree, i.e. the members of a society (cf. ) .
17 a . Gesenius regards the final as a sign of Aramaic orthography.64 LXX has , terror, similar to the Syr. (swrd) and
Targ. Isa. (). Aquila renders the terms as () , circle.65
The Vulg. has in festivitatem (cf. )according to some codices, but
in pavorem or in timorem in other manuscripts.66 A phonetic cognate
to is Aramaic mh gh, territory (KAI 202B:5) and the verb yh gh
(KAI 278:5) with unclear meaning.67 More important are Ps. 107:27
61
A different etymology is, however, also possible. Cf. Akkadian agammu, marsh,
swamp (Sumerian loanword [a g a m ]), Jewish Palestinian and Babylonian Aramaic
, and Syriac gm with the same meaning.
62
For an uncertain Akkadian cognate, see kup, reed thicket (?) (CDA 168).
63
Cf. Akkadian kippatu, tendril, twining stem (CDA 159). Cf. Job 8:16 (also using
instead of ;cf. Job 14:79; 18:16; Ps. 52:810; Ezek. 17:810; Hos. 14:57).
64
GKC 80h, 95d; cf. Duhm, 144. Note also in Num. 11:20 and in Ezek.
36:5. 1QIsaa has and several other manuscripts .
65
, ring, circle is used to translate in LXX (cf. Job 22:14; Isa. 40:22).
66
Cf. A. Penna, La Volgata e il manoscritto 1QIsa, Bib 38 (1957), 383; VL 45657.
In his Isaiah-commentary Jerome writes: . . . festivitate in hebraico legitur agga, quod
interpretari potest et festivitas, unde et Aggeus in festivum vertitur et timor . . .
67
yh gh was translated as to go around, to take refuge, or to encircle (cf. KAI).
222
chapter five
and Arabic h ajaa, struck.68 In Ps. 107:27 we read: ,

they reeled and staggered like drunken men. The verb / is synonymous with ( Isa. 19:1) and ( 19:14), so that may mean
dizziness, confusion.
b-b . The meaning of the construction
is to bring (it) to remembrance, to (make) mention (of it)
(cf. Gen. 40:14; Exod. 20:24; 1 Sam. 4:18; 1 Kgs 17:18; Isa. 62:6). The
subject of may be either determined or undetermined. If the subject
( )is determined, then the subject of must also be determined:
the one who mentions Judah (to Egypt) is the one who trembles (cf.
Exod. 36:2; Lev. 6:11; etc.).69 If the subject of is undetermined, then
cannot have a temporal sense as many commentators argue,70
but it forms an ellipsis with . The sentence can then be rewritten
as * , everyone to whom one mentions
( )it (i.e. Judah) will tremble. This second option better suits the
present context.
18 c-c . There are two significant variants to MT: ,
city of the sun and . , appearing in most
LXX manuscripts, is assumed to transcribe Hebrew , city of
righteousness.71 The text critical problems regarding cannot
be dealt with apart from its context, especially , which is
discussed in a note below.
(a) City of the Sun?
is supported by 1QIsaa, 4QIsab, sixteen Massoretic manuscripts,72 Sym. ( ), and the Vulg. (civitas solis). Other sources
were also aware of this reading, although some prefer the identification
68
Driver, Textual Problems, 46.

GKC 143b assumes refers to Egypt, but is not likely the subject of
( every one that mentions it [Judah] to it [Egypt], it [Egypt!] is afraid . . .).
70
Cf. Wildberger, 728: jedesmal wenn einer es vor ihnen erwhnt. does
not have such a temporal sense (certainly not without ). Cf. also Gray, 332; Knig,
203; Ehrlich, 72; Procksch, 250; Kaiser, 85. Grays argument relies on in Isa.
2:14, but there it means all of that which.
71
Cf. ( in six manuscripts), , , . Though
these examples represent isolated readings, they may support or confute reading or
in case of / .
72
Gesenius, 629. A. Baruq, Lontopolis, DBS 15.368 mentions 15 manuscripts.
69
223
with Tahpanhes / Ostracine.73 In view of this evidence most modern

commentators adopt as the more genuine reading.74 Their opinion seems to be supported by the fact that there was a well known
Egyptian city, Heliopolis. From various ancient sources we also know
about a Jewish-speaking community established in the region of this
city, even building its own temple there (see below). However, the
reading encounters several important problems.
Heliopolis was a city well known to the writers of the Old Testament, but it is always called by its Egyptian name, ( Gen. 41:45, 50;
46:20; Ezek. 30:17). Why would Isa. 19:18 not use the name if it
referred to Heliopolis? Moreover, the expression / is
a name to be granted in the future, after the fulfilment of a series of
events. Similar passages (Isa. 1:26; 62:12) make it clear that this name
is symbolic and not real, not an already existing name. Furthermore,
the intention of similar passages is frequently etiological (cf. Judg.
1:17; Isa. 1:26; Ezek. 39:16). In similar cases the context is supposed to
provide explanation why and how such a name has come into being.
Isa. 19:18 does not explain why the city would be called the city of
the sun.75 Van Hoonacker also finds it strange to assume that a city
dedicated to Yhwh and the cult of the true religion bears an ancient
pagan name.76
As for the textual witnesses, the evidence is not as conclusive as it
may seem. Josephus retells the building of a temple in Leontopolis, in
the region of Heliopolis (J.W. vii 432; Ant. xiii 64). The temple-builder,
73
Cf. Tg. Isa.: , the city of Beth Shemesh, which
is destined to be destroyed ( / ;) Codex Sinaiticus: ; b. Men. 110a;
Pesikta De-Rab Kahana 7:5; Pesikta Rabbati 17:4. The five cities are identified in the
Pesiktas as Alexandria, Memphis, Tachpanes, and .
is said to be Heliopolis and is identified as , which is the Hebrew
name for Ostracine, a place in the north-eastern Delta. This identification actually
supports the reading ( and not ), which is a literal translation of
(, earthenware, potsherd; cf. Jer. 19:2 and LXX Judg. 1:35). The identification
of the city with Ostracine may have been known to Jerome, for when commenting on
Isa. 19:18, he proposed civitas ostracinen as an alternative translation to civitas solis.
See also note 101 below.
74
Dillmann, 177; Penna, 18990; A. Feuillet, Un sommet religieux de lAncien
Testament: Loracle dIsae xix (vv. 1625) sur la conversion de lEgypte, in: tudes
dexgse et de thologie biblique. Ancien Testament, Paris 1975, 266; Fohrer, 1.213;
Clements, 171; B. Wodecki, The Heights of Religious Universalism in Is xix: 1625,
in: K.D. Schunk et al. (eds), Lasset uns Brcken bauen, Frankfurt 1998, 173.
75
Cf. Gray, 334; Fischer, 144; Kissane, 219.
76
A. van Hoonacker, Deux passages obscurs dans le chap. 19 dIsae (vv. 11.18),
RBn 36 (1924), 303.
224
chapter five
Onias, was according to Josephus motivated by the prophecy in Isa.

19, which states that there will be an altar in Egypt. While it is assumed
that this would imply that Josephus Bible contained the reading
in Isa. 19:18, that is debatable. The temple is built on a desolate
place according to Josephus (Ant. xiii 6668), which rather recalls the
reading . Be it as it may, several studies establish a close link
between the temple community of Leontopolis in Heliopolis and the
Jewish community of Qumran.77 Both groups left the main cult centre,
Jerusalem, and they both established their own cultic sites. They were
both Zadokite in origin. Hayward regards Qumran and Leontopolis
as two branches of a common Zadokite movement.78 Steckoll argues
that some members arrived in Qumran from Leontopolis. In this view,
these returnees were responsible for part of the literature in Qumran, such as LXX, which they brought from Egypt.79 Another important connecting point may be the Damascus Document, a significant
writing known in Qumran, but also found in Cairo, near Heliopolis.
Steckoll maintains that Damascus was in fact a cryptic name for the
community in Egypt.80 If this connection between Leontopolis and
Qumran really existed and if Isa. 19:1819 played a role in legitimising the temple of Onias in the nome of Heliopolis (as Josephus states),
there is a real chance that the reading of 1QIsaa (and 4QIsab) reflects
the ideology of these communities, and it is not more reliable than the
other ancient witness, such as LXX.81
77
Cf. S.H. Steckoll, The Qumran Sect in Relation to the Temple of Leontopolis,
RdQ 6 (1967), 5569, esp. 62, 6768; R. Hayward, The Jewish Temple at Leontopolis: A Reconsideration, in: G. Vermes, J. Neusner (eds), Essays in Honour of Yigael
Yadin (= JJS 33 [1982]), 44142; see also J.E. Taylor, A Second Temple in Egypt: The
Evidence for the Zadokite Temple of Onias, JSJ 29 (1998), 31114. The connection
between Qumran and Leontopolis is rejected by M. Delcor, Le temple dOnias en
gypte, RB 75 (1968), 19699; R. de Vaux, Post-Scriptum to Matthias Delcor, Le
temple dOnias en gypte, RB 75 (1968), 188203, RB 75 (1968), 2045.
78
Rowley has also argued for the identification of the Teacher of Righteousness
with Onias III (The Zadokite Fragments and the Dead Sea Scrolls, Oxford 1952, 67),
but his theory was questioned by others.
79
Steckoll, Temple, 6768.
80
The Jewish apologete from Egypt, Artapanus, cited by Eusebius, attributed the
building of the temple at Leontopolis to Syrians, who arrived with the family of Jacob
in Egypt (Eusebius, Prep. Ev. ix 23). The city of the sanctuary in CD 12:12 in the
mysterious land of Damascus may refer to Leontopolis. Egyptian Jewish papyri mention Syrian villages (like Arsinoe) in Egypt (cf. A. Kasher, The Jews of Hellenistic and
Roman Egypt: The Struggle for Equal Rights, Tbingen 1985, 14446).
81
Cf. also my note on in Isa. 19:20 and in Isa. 20:6, two readings, which
reveal the Egyptian connections and attitude of the author of 1QIsaa.
225
(b) City of Righteousness?

It is generally argued that transliterates . This
translation supposedly highlights the view of LXX on the legality of the
Egyptian cult of Yhwh as practised by Jews in Egypt.82 Many argue that
is in fact the earlier reading.83 According to Delcor,
was a name legitimising the temple of Leontopolis, elevating it
to the status of the cult centre in Jerusalem, called
in Isa. 1:26.84 In the view of A. van der Kooij, the reason for transferring this city of righteousness to Egypt was either the desecration of
the temple of Jerusalem some time around 167 bc, or else the installation of an illegitimate priest (Menelaos) in the temple of Jerusalem.85
However it is strange that, in the same historical situation, Jerusalem
is called and in Isa. 1:26.
Moreover, if the authors of LXX intended to proclaim the legitimacy
of the temple at Leontopolis, it is strange that they did not localise it
clearly. City of righteousness could have been connected to any city
in Egypt (e.g. Alexandria).
Actually, the issue of transliteration is also puzzling. Why would the
authors not have translated by , as they
did in Isa. 1:26? Monsengwo-Pasinya argues that the translators deliberately avoided giving the city Heliopolis the same name as Jerusalem in Isa. 1:26.86 However, the very idea of city of justice appears in
both texts, so this explanation is unlikely. Van der Kooij believes that
the untranslated word should be explained in relation to the
Canaanite language mentioned in v. 18. The translators thought this
was the way the Egyptians would have pronounced the (Canaanite)
82
Gesenius, 635; Marti, 157; A. van der Kooij, Die Alten Textzeugen des Jesajabuches:
Ein Beitrag zur Textgeschichte des Alten Testaments (OBO, 35), Gttingen 1981, 55.
83
Gray, 335; Van Hoonacker, 111; Idem, Deux passages, 3036; I.L. Seeligmann,
The Septuagint Version of Isaiah: A Discussion of Its Problems (MVEOL, 9), Leiden
1948, 68; W. Vogels, Lgypte mon peupleLuniversalisme dIs 19, 1625, Bib. 57
(1976), 5023; Kaiser, 88; Feuillet, Sommet, 266; J.F.A. Sawyer, Blessed Be My People, Egypt (Isaiah 19.25): The Context and Meaning of a Remarkable Passage, in: J.D.
Martin et al. (eds), A Word in Season: Essays in Honour of William McKane (JSOT.S,
42), Sheffield 1986, 62; A. Deissler, Der Volk und Land berschreitende Gottesbund
der Endzeit nach Jes 19,1625, in: F. Hahn et al. (eds), ZionOrt der Begegnung: Festschrift fr Laurentius Klein zur Vollendung des 65. Lebensjahres, Bodenheim 1993, 15.
84
Delcor, Temple, 201.
85
Van der Kooij, Textzeugen, 55.
86
L. Monsengwo-Pasinya, Isae XIX 1625 et universalisme dans la LXX, in: J.A.
Emerton (ed.), Congress Volume: Salamanca 1983 (VT.S, 36), Leiden 1985, 201.
226
chapter five
name of the city.87 Disregarding the textual variants for the Greek version, the problem is that one would expect here a transliterated
as well, which was also part of the name of the city. The name of the
city is not , but , as clear from the formulation
.88
It is not only curious that has not survived in any manuscript or other ancient translations, but even is not a
uniformly attested variant of the LXX manuscripts. Ziegler gives the
variants (ms. 301), but even more important is Codex Sinaiticus reading . The double (conflated) reading is here
clearly distinguishable, but the provenance of is unclear. Detailed
studies on transcriptions in LXX revealed that misspellings in transliterations are very common. As Burkitt put it, of all the corruptions
in LXX none is commoner than the misreading of transliterations.89
This evidence should advise more vigilance when reconstructing the
Hebrew Vorlage of a geographical name attested in LXX.
Ephrem working with the Syriac version and Eusebius commenting
on the Greek of Isa. 19:18 arrived at the retroversion ( not ),
corresponding to in Greek. Burkitt regarded to be a misspelling for , (city of ) mercy.90 Vaccari argued that was
a corrupted form of .91
In my view, could be the earlier Greek reading, which presupposes either or in the Hebrew original. may stand for
both and . The Greek text presupposes two further changes compared to the Hebrew: the substitution of with , and the interchange
of the root consonants /, both of which are common spelling errors,92
87
A. van der Kooij, The Old-Greek of Isaiah 19:1625: Translation and Interpretation, in: C.E. Cox (ed.), VI Congress of the International Organisation for Septuagint
and Cognate Studies: Jerusalem 1986 (SBL.SCS, 23), Atlanta, GA 1987, 137.
88
Cf. the Greek names Leontopolis, Heliopolis, etc.
89
F.C. Burkitt, On Isaiah xix 18., JTS 1 (1900), 569. See especially F. Wutz, Die
Transkriptionen von der Septuaginta bis zu Hieronymus, Stuttgart 1933.
90
Burkitt, Isaiah xix 18, 569. See also T.K. Cheyne, Heres, the city of, EB 2.2018;
Fischer, 144; Baruq, Lontopolis, 15.36869.
91
A. Vaccari, . Isa. 19, 18, Bib. 2 (1921), 35356; also Wutz, Transkriptionen, 43, 17778. The idea that might have been a corrupted form of
was noted long ago by Qimchi (mentioned by Procksch, 251).
92
In the book of Isaiah, there are about twenty cases where and were substituted
(Vaccari, , 35455; see further also Wutz, Transkritpionen, 19396, 37093; F.
Delitzsch, Die Lese- und Schreibfehler im Alten Testament, Berlin 1920, 1056).
227
especially in unfamiliar geographical names.93 The final in

is probably explicable from the following word, .94 There
is thus no evidence that the reading ever existed. Not only
Hebrew manuscripts or ancient translations are silent in this respect,
but the corrupted Greek [] probably also goes back to )(
or )(.
(c) City of Destruction
The reading is supported by most Hebrew manuscripts,
including the codices Leningradiensis and Alpensis. This variant is
clearly followed by the Syriac version (hrs), although the lexeme
had not been translated there. The Syr. bears additional weight in view
of its well-known connections with LXX.95 Aquila and Theodotion have
, which can be taken to represent both ( as Jerome assumed)
and ( as assumed by the Syro-Hexapla).96 It can also be noted that
the verb , to break down, to destroy is frequently used with
things that were built, altars, idols, houses, cities and city walls.97
There are basically three arguments brought in against this variant
found in MT. The fact that the vocalisation of is unique in the
Bible has led some exegetes to question the correctness of this reading.98 Their objections can easily be overcome, however. While this
word could be revocalised as ( cf. 1 Kgs 18:30), such a change is
hardly necessary. All ancient versions (including Aquila and Theodotion) read after . The fact that was preserved as a hapax legomenon instead of a competitive reading may, in fact, demonstrate
the reliability of this textual tradition (lectio difficilior).
93
E.g., in Isa. 16:7 was transliterated as (the was taken to be a
, ) . In Jer. 31:31, 36 (MT 48:31, 36) is transcribed as .
For the interchange of root consonants, see ( ) in Judg. 2:9,
which appears as in Josh. 19:50 (, also in the Greek text after
MT Josh. 21:42) and 24:30 (v. 31 in LXX ).

94
Cf. Cheyne, Heres, 2.2018; Burkitt, Isaiah xix 18, 569. Cf. LXX Mic. 7:20. Gesenius, 625, ascribes the form to Origenes. Its formal similarity with might
explain its wider popularity.
95
Van der Kooij, Textzeugen, 28788.
96
F. Field, Origenis Hexaplorum que supersunt sive veterum interpretum graecorum
in totum Vetus Testamentum fragmenta, vol. 2, 1875, 463. See further Ibn Ezra, Qimchi (in Slotki, 91); Alexander, 35859; Knig, 2034; Fischer, 144; Motyer, 168.
97
Cf. altars (Judg. 6:25; 1 Kgs 18:30; 19:10, 14), idols (Exod. 23:24), houses (Prov.
14:1), cities (2 Sam. 11:25; 2 Kgs 3:25; 1 Chron. 20:1; Prov. 11:11; Isa. 14:17; Ezek.
36:35; Mic. 5:10), city walls (Jer. 50:15; Ezek. 26:4, 12; 30:4).
98
Barthlemy, 149; De Waard, 88.
228
chapter five
Second, is often assumed to be a deliberate change by Palestinian scribes intolerant of Egyptian Judaism and more specifically
the temple of Leontopolis.99 Scholars compare the textual change to
Beth-El / Beth-Aven, Baal / Boshet, or / ( Ezek 30:17).100 It is,
consequently, presupposed that the copyists were aware of the fact
that , which was modified to , referred to Heliopolis. This
is again, highly questionable. Aq. and Theod., both familiar with the
meaning of and , do not translate the expression (cf. LXX and
Syr. as well). None of the ancient texts actually identifies the city with
Heliopolis, or connects v. 18 with Onias.101 It is noteworthy that while
showing reservations towards the temple of Onias, early Jewish texts
nevertheless often read ( b. Men. 109b). Onias temple in Egypt
is connected to Isa. 19:19 (the altar building) rather than to
in v. 18 (so also Josephus). In b.Men. 109b, we even find a different tradition according to which Onias built his altar in Alexandria.
Clearly, this verse did not have the significance for Jewish copyists
that exegetes assign to it. If such ideological factors did not influence
authors even long after the temple at Leontopolis was destroyed in 73
ad, why would later massoretes have engaged themselves in outdated
apologetics for issues which were no longer of concern? As a matter of
fact, Isa. 19:18 is not even the most challenging section of the prophecy for a Palestinian scribe. V. 25 contains considerably more serious
assaults against a view privileging the Palestinian form of Judaism,
testing even the tolerance of LXX and the Targ. (see below). There is
thus absolutely no evidence that the textual change could be explained
by apologetic motives.
The third argument is that City of destruction would hardly fit the
context of the salvation prophecy concerning Egypt in v. 18. Further
analysis of the prophecy will show that the problem is much more
99
Gray, 336; Dillmann, 17778; Oswalt, 378; Barthlemy, 149.

Cheyne, 120; Barthlemy, 150.
101
Even Sym. remains a question, since his (cf. Josh 15:10 LXX) is
different from , the usual way to translate the Egyptian in LXX. The
connection with Heliopolis seems to appear for the first time in Jeromes commentary
on Dan. 11:14, where he shows an awareness of both readings, ( Heliopolis) and
( they shall fall to ruin, for both temple and city shall be afterwards destroyed ).
Cf. S.A. McKinion, Isaiah 139 (The Ancient Christian Commentary on the Scripture:
Old Testament, 10), Leicester 2004, 144. The Isaiah commentary of Cyril of Alexandria locates Onias temple to Rhinocolura, near Wadi-el-Arish.
100
229
complicated. The real salvation for Egypt comes only after v. 21, that
is after Yhwh turns to Egypt.
To conclude, the reading goes back to a very old tradition.
Indeed, as the note below will hopefully make it clear, this was most
likely the more ancient variant for Isa. 19:18. The reason for correcting to might have been to remove a negative reference in
a context considered to be a positive prophecy about Egypts conversion to Yhwh102 and to substitute the hapax legomenon with the
relatively well-known . At the same time, it cannot be excluded
that the development > was a copyists error, but one that
appeared very early in the history of the Isaianic text.

. Discussions of Isa. 19:18 concentrate on .
is almost unanimously rendered as one of them will be
d-d
called. The problem with this translation is that the other four cities
mentioned in this passage are left out of consideration. Why is only
the name of one city mentioned and the four others left anonymous?
Although commentators assign little significance to this phrase, it
holds, in my view, the key to the interpretation of v. 18.
Translating as one of them will be called is only one
option, and it even seems to be the wrong one. The meaning of ,
to be told to someone, to be called is clear.103 But occurrences of
/ with the preposition must be distinguished from
occurrences without , as the meaning varies according to the syntagmatic construction.
(a) / with the preposition
In cases where the preposition appears, / may have
both undetermined and determined meaning. The following texts may
be mentioned as examples of undetermined meaning. In Lev. 5:45
refers to someone who committed a sin, in (lit. from) anyone of these. in Num. 36:3 alludes to Israelite maidens who
married anyone of the sons of other tribes of Israel.
in Num. 36:8 refers to an Israelite woman who had to marry
anyone from the clans of her fathers tribe. Similarly
102
Cf. Motyer, 168 n. 2 and see the exegesis.

Num. 23:23; Josh. 2:2; Ps. 87:5 (not of Zion); Isa. 4:3; 32:5; 61:6; 62:4; Jer. 4:11;
Hos. 2:1; Zeph. 3:16. Cf. the semantically similar niphal imperf. in Gen. 2:23;
21:12; Prov. 16:21; Isa. 1:26; 32:5; 35:8; 62:4, 12; etc.
103
230
chapter five
in Deut. 28:55 means anyone of them, i.e. the fellows of a certain Israelite. In Ezek. 46:17, means anyone of his servants. As
for cases with a determined meaning, in some texts /
refers to one specific person from a group, like , one
of the servants of David (2 Sam. 1:15), or , one
of the (sons of the) prophets (2 Kgs 9:1).104
(b) / without the preposition
There is a different group of textsto which Isa. 19:18 also belongs
where the preposition is missing.105 In these texts, /
does not have the meaning one of, but each one, or one by one.
in Exod. 16:22 means each one of them [receives]
two omers, or two omers per person. Num. 7:3 retells the offerings
of Israels twelve leaders. In this connection, it mentions six carts
and twelve oxen: one cart for every two of the leaders (
), and one ox for each one of them () . In Num.
15:12, alludes to how the various types of offered animals
had to be similarly handled, each one according to their number, i.e.
the number of animals (cf. Num. 15:11). In Isa. 6:2,
means that each one (of the seraphim) had six wings. According
to Ezek. 1:6; 10:14, 21, each one (of the cherubim) had four faces
( ) and four wings each one of them (
) .106
We may conclude therefore that in Isa. 19:18 should be
translated as each one of them (i.e. those cities) will be called . . .. This
gives additional arguments for reading instead of
in v. 18 as outlined above. Since not all five cities can bear the same
geographical name, would not provide a fitting translation.107
104
There are many examples where + are found without the preposition
and which follow the same pattern as the one outlined here, i.e. the meaning is either
anyone of , or one of (Gen. 2:21; 3:22; etc.). Note also that the preposition can
be substituted by a constructive relationship: ( Gen. 26:10) is the same as
* .
105
The preposition is included in Syr Isa. 19:18: wh d mnhyn hrs ttqr, and one of
them will be called hrs. Similar is also Targ. Isa.: , one of them.
106
/ can have a similar sense as above without the preposition ( Exod.
36:30; Judg. 8:18; 2 Kgs 15:20). In a few cases should be translated differently
(cf. 1 Kgs 3:25; Eccl. 4:11; 7:27; Isa. 27:12; Zech. 11:17).
107
Dillmann, 177, and Procksch, 250, refer to Bredekamp, who thought could
have a partitive meaning, each one. They reject his suggestion arguing that five cities
cannot bear a single name. However, if the name is not geographical but symbolic
231
20 e-e . is usually understood either as a participle of , to

argue, to dispute; to quarrel, to fight (cf. Isa. 45:9; Jer. 51:36),108 or
it is emended to , i.e. a qal perf.109 According to the first proposal,
and allude to the same person whom Yhwh will send to
Egypt. In the exegesis, I shall plead for the second option as the most
probable reading.
The textual variant in 1QIsaa was argued to be a deliberate correction coherent with the view of Qumrans community expecting a
Messiah of the heavens, who would descend ( )upon earth (cf. Exod.
3:8).110 However, is commonly used for going down to Egypt, so
that it is also possible that the Qumranic text alluded to a of
Judah (?), who will go to Egypt, perhaps even Onias III himself, the
builder of the temple at Leontopolis.111
. A preposition is expected after :

21 f-f
*( cf. Josh. 22:27; Isa. 43:23). The case with in v. 23 is
different and cannot be taken as a parallel example.112 It is highly probable that is an Aramaism here, corresponding to Hebrew ,
which is used in similar contexts.113
(city of destruction / ruin), this counter-argument loses its force (cf. Isa. 48:2, where
different persons are called by one symbolic name). Gray gave a short but unsatisfactory assessment of the translation each one of them, rejecting it with the motivation
that in cases where one seems to have such a meaning . . . the distributive idea is suggested by repetition, or by a distributive preposition, or by the context (Gray, 334).
The repetitive use of / forms a different group which I did not include to
support my arguments. Cases with distributive preposition ( )are likewise a different case, as seen above. The subjective nature of Grays third argument, the context,
makes any explanation possible. Van Hoonacker, Deux passages, 306, also follows
the translation each one of them, though not entering into details.
108
Cf. the Vulg.; the Syr.; Targ. Isa.; Gesenius, 656; Dillmann, 178; Oswalt, 373.
109
Duhm, 146; Marti, 157; Gray, 340; Kissane, 214; Kaiser, 86; Wildberger, 729.
110
So Wildberger, 729; Wodecki, Heights, 176.
111
Cf. Hayward, Jewish Temple, 44041. Cf. also textual note 18 c-c above.
112
Contra Alexander, 362; Dillmann, 179.
113
Exod. 10:25; Num. 15:3, 8; Josh. 22:23; 1 Kgs 12:27; 2 Kgs 5:17; 10:24; Jer. 33:18
(cf. Gesenius, 656; Ehrlich, 72). See the Aramaic bdn hm qrb, they are preparing a
sacrifice (DNWSI 811), or the syntactically and lexically even closer Egyptian Aramaic
text mnh h wlbwnh wlwh l bdw bgwr zk, meal-offering, incense and sacrifice they
do not offer in that temple (DNWSI 811), or wqn twr nz mqlw l ytbd tmh, sheep,
oxen, goats will not be offered as burnt offering there (DNWSI 815). LXX probably
understood the text this way ( ; Van der Kooij, Old-Greek, 143).
232
chapter five
. Several versions render the noun

22 g-g
instead of the inf.114 1QIsaa has a niphal 3rd pers. pl. instead of
the qal inf. . LXX paraphrases (*
). However, other examples indicate that the text found in MT
is more reliable, both in terms of syntax and meaning. The we-qatal
verbal form is followed here by two infinitives. The second infinitive
( )is constructed in semantic antithesis to the first, as in similar
examples in Gen. 8:7 ( ) and Joel 2:26 (
;cf. 1 Kgs 20:37; Jer. 12:17). is not the verbal companion to
the inf. , i.e. it is not the smiting that will bring healing.115
h-h
. The most obvious meaning of this phrase
23 is Egypt will serve Assyria. This translation is followed by all versions and a few exegetes.116 Nevertheless, scholars argue that the wider
context is concerned with granting salvation to the Egyptians, which
does not favour such translation. Therefore is treated as an intransitive verb with cultic connotations. The phrase above is rendered as
Egypt will serve (worship) Yhwh with Assyria.
As the exegesis will hopefully make it clear, the general context
can be interpreted in various ways and should not be privileged over
grammar and semantics, or impose limitations on them. A first significant problem with the above proposed translation is that does not
appear anywhere as an intransitive verb with the connotation to serve.117
In v. 21, is used with an object (prepare sacrifice), and is synonymous to , as argued. Therefore, in v. 21 cannot be treated
as a parallel to in v. 23. Second, always means to serve
The LXX , the Vulg. plaga, the Syr. mh wt, and Targ. Isa. .
Contra Wildberger, 727: schlagen mit heilendem Schlag, and 743: es ist ein
Schlagen, das weh tut und zugleich zur Heilung fhrt; similarly also Kaiser, 86.
116
Ibn Ezra, 91; A. Schenker, Jesaja 19,1625: die Endzeit Israels rekapituliert
seine Ursprnge, in: A. Schenker (ed.), Studien zu Propheten und Religionsgeschichte
(SBAB, 36), Stuttgart 2003, 89; Sweeney, 270.
117
In Job 36:11, which is sometimes compared to Isa. 19:25 (Gesenius, 65657),
appears without an object and in relation to God. Nevertheless, in the phrase
the verb does not seem to have the sense to serve (Yhwh),
but it is synonymous to , to listen; to obey. This comes close to the usual sense
of intransitive , namely to work (cf. H. Ringgren, , ThWAT 5.988), to perform (cf. Num. 4:26). The sense of Job 36:11 is that if they listen to what was told
and perform what was requested, they will complete their days in prosperity. has
nothing to do with serving God in a cultic sense, or with Isa. 19:23.
114
115
233
(someone) and not to serve with. A third argument that makes the
translation to serve Yhwh together unlikely is that is not in itself
a cultic term. One has to disagree with Wildberger that the meaning
of would have undergone an evolution from a transitive general
to an intransitive cultic meaning.118 The cultic aspect needs to be made
explicit. Especially in a context in which the world power, Assyria, is
mentioned, the author would certainly be expected to include clearer
indications of any possible cultic connotation. Indeed, had this verse
not appeared in the context of a salvation prophecy, hardly anyone
would strive to show that referred to the cultic
service of Yhwh. The analysis below will argue that the context can
also be interpreted in a different manner.
Hayes and Irvine make use of a different translation for ,
understanding in terms of to work together rather than to worship (in a cultic sense).119 Although can mean to work, is
not generally used in such a context. definitely cannot mean to
co-operate, to trade, a meaning that they propose for its occurrence
in v. 23.
25 i-i . The 3rd masc. sg. suffix poses some problem. If we
assume that it refers to Israel, it is strange that v. 25 mentions all three
nations as blessed and not Israel alone. If it refers to in v. 24,
one would anticipate a fem. form of the suffix. Some exegetes have
proposed emending to .120 Others argue that the sg. suffix
reflects the idea that the three nations would become one.121 However,
it is most convincing to correlate the suffix with , which may occasionally be referred by a masc. grammatical form (suffix, verb, etc.).122
Procksch translated ) ( as der Segen,
mit dem Gott gesegnet hat.123 The problem with this is that Israel
cannot be both the instrument and the object of blessing. must
refer to and not .
118
Wildberger, 744. The noun that Wildberger uses as a paradigm, assuming
that its sense evolved to designate the service of Yhwh, is not an appropriate analogy.
( like )does not mean the service of Yhwh alone (cf. Gen. 29:27; 30:26;
Exod. 1:14). It simply means service, the nature of which is clarified by the context.
119
Hayes & Irvine, 266.
120
Duhm, 147; Procksch, 254; Clements, 172. Cf. in the LXX.
121
Alexander, 365; Sawyer, Blessed, 61; Deissler, Gottesbund, 8.
122
Cf. Gen. 13:6 (masc. ;)Isa. 18:2 ( . . . ;)37:11, 12; 66:8; Ezek. 21:24.
123
Procksch, 254. Cf. Gen. 27:41; Deut. 33:1.
234
chapter five
. LXX translates my people which is

j-j
in Egypt and in Assyria.124 was dismissed by the Greek text.
The Syr. and Targ. Isa. agree with LXX in that they also see this verse
as a promise addressing Israel in the diaspora and not the nations.
5.2 Exegetical Section
5.2.1
1a
1b
1c
1d
1e
2a
2b
2c
2d
3a
3b
3c
3d
4a
4b
4c
Verses 14
The Egypt-pronouncement
Look! Yhwh is riding on a swift cloud
and comes to Egypt.
And the idols of Egypt will tremble in front of him,
and the heart of Egypt will melt in its inside.
And I shall stir up Egypt against Egypt
and they will fight,
each against his brother, and each against his neighbour,
city against city, kingdom against kingdom.
And the spirit of Egypt will be broken in its inside,
and its plan I shall destroy.
And they will inquire by the idols, and by the ittm-spirits,
and by the b-spirits, and by the yiddn-spirits.
And I shall deliver Egypt into the hand of a tough master,
and a powerful king will rule over them,
utterance of the lord Yhwh of hosts.
This prophecy chiefly concerned with Egypt differs from Isa. 18 in its
form as well as its content. The name appears not less than 26
times in Isa. 19 (once as ).125 Though it cannot be excluded that in
19:115, alludes to all of Egypt, the two cities mentioned, Tanis
( in 19:11, 13) and Memphis ( in 19:13), are located in the Delta.
In 19:1, God steps off his throne and is on the move.126 The cloud,
serving as Yhwhs chariot (cf. Ps. 18:1011; 68:5;127 104:3) is not
124
means in Assyria not among the Assyrians, as Van der Kooij
translates (Van der Kooij, Old-Greek, 151; see Brenton; cf. Tob. 14:4 [S]; Hos. 8:13;
9:3; Amos 3:9). See on the other hand in Isa. 19:24.
125
The dispersion of in the first (vv. 115) and second (vv. 1625) half of
the chapter is balanced. As a comparison, the name of Moab appears 16 times in Isa.
1516 and 34 times in Jer. 48.
126
Judg. 5; 2 Sam. 22:716; Ps. 68:78; Isa. 30:2728; Mic. 1:24; Hab. 3:314.
127
For cf. Gen. 41:43; 1 Kgs 22:35. is probably a phonetic variant of
Ugaritic rpt, cloud. Based on Judg. 5:4 and Isa. 40:3, Green argued that interpreting
in Ps. 68:5 as desert would also make sense (A.R.W. Green, The Storm-God
235
standing still as in Isa. 18:4 but moving swiftly (), towards Egypt.
Exegetes often point to the Canaanite origin of the imagery in v. 1.
One of the frequent titles of Baal is the rider of the clouds (rkb rpt).128
It should however be noted that, in Ugaritic, rkb rpt is a title for Baal,
often used parallel with his other names, unlike in the Bible, where
riding on a cloud is a theophany element, appearing with other poetical
pictures, like stepping on the mountain hills, riding on the winds, etc.129
From a strategical and military point of view Egypt was located on
favourable territory, being guarded by sea and desert from all powers of the East and these natural barriers may have given the country
an enhanced feeling of security (cf. Nah. 3:8). Nevertheless, Isa. 19:1b
proclaims that the God of Israel arrives on the clouds and enters the
land without obstacles. Egypts decline begins not by outside intervention of an Asiatic country, but from within as a result of the confusion
caused in the divine and human world by Yhwh. Recalling the time
during the ten plagues when Yhwh brought judgment on all the gods
of Egypt (Exod. 12:12), Egypts gods again tremble in front of him.
The name given the gods of Egypt reflects their feebleness: ,
the noughts, the vanities. , also appearing in Isa. 2:8, 18, 20
(31:7) and 10:11,130 is a theologically loaded term presenting foreign
gods as powerless, falling short of every characteristic of a real divinity.
According to Ps. 96:5 (| 1 Chron. 16:26), there is a clear discrepancy
between of Israel, who is in the heaven, and man-made and
hand-made , who cannot help and are not worthy of their name.131
Like their gods, Egypts inhabitants will lose their courage when
Yhwh arrives in Egypt. Their heart melts ( )in fear, their courage
in the Ancient Near East [BJS, 8], Winona Lake, IN 2003, 240, n. 91). However, the
pl. of appears only in geographical constructions like ( Jer. 52:8);
( Num. 22:1).
128
rkb rpt appears 16 times in the Ugaritic texts. On this title for Baal, cf. N. Wyatt,
The Titles of the Ugaritic Storm-God, UF 24 (1992), 420.
129
This imagery is also attested elsewhere in the Near East. Cf. Enuma Elish iv
5051; K. Tallqvist, Akkadische Gtterepitheta (StOr, 7), Helsinki 1938, 175; M. Weinfeld, Rider of the Clouds and Gatherer of the Clouds , JANES 5 (1973), 42225. In
the Ugaritic context, rkb rpt apparently refers to Baal as the god of natural phenomena, particularly the master of the rainy season (M.C.A. Korpel, A Rift in the Clouds:
Ugaritic and Hebrew Descriptions of the Divine, Mnster 1990, 598). This aspect is
important for Isa. 19:57.
130
Cf. Lev. 19:4; 26:1; 1 Chron. 16:26 (| Ps. 96:5); Ps. 97:7; Ezek. 30:13; Hab. 2:18.
Ezek. 30:13 was inspired by Isa. 19. In Isa. 10:10, means vanity. When used in
connection with gods, appears always in plural.
131
Contrast Isa. 36:1920 and 37:12 with Isa. 10:11, two apparently related texts
with and interchanged.
236
chapter five
to undertake any resistance disappears.132 The literary topos of 19:1 is

very common in Near Eastern accounts of conquest. When Egyptians
and Arabians heard about Sargons coming their hearts palpitated, their
arms collapsed.133 While describing Taharkas defeat, Assurbanipals
scribes state that terror and fright has come upon him (Taharka), and
he lost his mind (Prism E. Stck 10 12; BIWA 211). Again on Prism
B i 8082: The majesty (namrru) of Assur and Istar struck him, and
he became frenzied (illika mahhtta). The splendour of my kingship
(melamm arrtya) overwhelmed him (BIWA, 21213).
Isa. 19:24 is formulated as an oracle in the first person. The arrival
of Yhwh will cause chaos in Egypts pantheon and it will lead to a complete disintegration of the society, described in four concentric circles:
family life (), wider family relationships () , community life ( ) and the entire country () .134 The
language of the prophecy on this point is again stereotypical. Conflicts
among brothers, friends, families, citizens, and kingdoms express distortion of spiritual and moral harmony in human communities. Important closely related examples appear in Isa. 3:5 and 9:1920 (cf. 5.3.1).
This imagery is not restricted to Isaiah or the Bible,135 but it appears with
relative frequency in other predictive texts from the Near East.136 A most
striking parallel is the Erra and Ishum Epic iv 13036.137
132
The verb also has this sense in Deut. 1:28; 20:8; Josh. 2:11; 5:1; 7:5; 2 Sam.
17:10; Ps. 22:15; Isa. 13:7; Ezek. 21:12; Nah. 2:11.
133
Nimrud Prism iv 44. Cf. C.J. Gadd, Inscribed Prisms of Sargon II from Nimrud, Iraq 16 (1954), 19192. The same inscription states that the Cypriots hearts
palpitated, fright fell upon them (iv 35). Cf. also FHN 1.9:30.
134
LXX interpreted as the Hebrew term for Egyptian nomes. For administrative divisions, Hebrew has ( 1 Kgs 4:13), ( Neh. 3:9), ( frequent, only
in late texts). may allude to areas with a king as leader.
135
Cf. Judg. 7:22; 9:23; 1 Sam. 14:20; 2 Kgs 3:23; 2 Chron. 15:6; Ezek. 38:21; Hag.
2:21; Zech. 14:13. See also Mt. 10:21; 12:25; 24:7.
136
Cf. W.H. Hallo, Akkadian Apocalypses, IEJ 16 (1966), 23142; R. Borger, Gott
Marduk und Gott-Knig ulgi als Propheten: Zwei prophetische Texte, BibOr 28
(1971), 324; T. Longman III, Fictional Akkadian Autobiography: A Generic and Comparative Study, Winona Lake, IN 1991, 16778. In Babylon, these compositions show
significant similarities with omen-literature (A.K. Grayson, W.G. Lambert, Akkadian
Prophecies, JCS 18 [1964], 7). Some of these predictive texts were recovered from
omen text archives, probably belonging to libraries of magicians (cf. H. Hunger, S.A.
Kaufman, A New Akkadian Prophecy Text, JAOS 95 [1975], 371, 373). This kind of
predictive literature is also known in Egypt. Cf. N. Shupak, Egyptian Prophecy and
Biblical Prophecy: Did the Phenomenon of Prophecy in the Biblical Sense, Exist in
Ancient Egypt?, JEOL 31 (19891990), 541. Egyptian scholars (hartib) and scribes
(a.ba.me) were present at the Assyrian court in the 7th century (SAA 7 1 rev. i 12ii 7),
explaining why there is such a close relationship between these literary types.
137
This text is variously dated between the 14th (Von Soden) and the early 7th cen-
237
And warrior Erra spoke thus:

Sea (people)138 shall not spare sea (people),139
nor Subartian Subartian, nor Assyrian Assyrian,
nor Elamite Elamite, nor Kassite Kassite,
nor Sutean Sutean, nor Gutian Gutian,
nor Lullubean Lullubean,
nor country country, nor city city,
nor tribe (btu) tribe, nor man man, nor brother brother,
and they shall slay one another.
But afterwards a man of Akkad shall rise up,
and fell them all, and shepherd all (the rest) of them.
This text does not only present a turbulent society but it also ends similarly to Isa. 19:4. The antagonists on this list appear in the reverse order
compared to Isa. 19: kingdoms, cities, neighbours, families.
An Akkadian prophetic-predictive text called Text B describes the
chaotic situation in Mesopotamia as follows: City will rebel against city
(lu itti li), tribe against tribe (btu itti bti), brother will put brother
(ahu ahu) to the sword, friend will put a friend (ra ru) to the
sword, abundance will depart.140 Ln. 19 goes on: The great gods will
consult one another (mithri imtallik; cf. Isa. 19:3b, 11c) and send
words to each other, they will restore the kings reign (cf. ln 26). This
capacity is taken away from the gods of Egypt in Isa. 19:3, as it is Yhwh
who will install a new king.
Another predictive composition, Text A, announces an Elamite
attack against Akkad:141 The sanctuaries of the great gods will be confused . . . There will be confusion, disorder, and unfortunate events in the
land. The great will be made small. (ii 914).
The Marduk Prophecy142 provides a personal account of the god Marduk (cf. Erra in the text above), with a large section of predictive material
(ii 19iii 30). When Marduk went into exile in Elam (i 22), he left chaos
tury (P.F. Gssmann Oesa, Das Era-Epos, Wrtzburg 1955, 89; cf. L. Cagni, Lepopea
di Erra [SS, 34], Roma 1969, 3745, esp. 44). Citations from this poem have been
found on wall inscriptions of Sargon II and Merodach-baladan II, testifying to its
popularity (S. Dalley, Myths from Mesopotamia: Creation, The Flood, Gilgamesh, and
Others, Oxford 1989, 282).
138
tmtim probably alludes to mt tmti, the Sea-land, in the south.
139
The Akkadian text is constructed as a list of accusatives and nominatives (subarta
subartu aura auru [. . .] mtu mta etc.).
140
Text B 1516 (Grayson & Lambert, Prophecies, 1617). Cf. also ln. 26: kuss
kuss idarris, one throne will overthrow the other.
141
Cf. Grayson & Lambert, Prophecies, 1216; Longman, Autobiography, 15263,
24042.
142
Cf. Borger, Gott Marduk, 513, 1620; Longman, Autobiography, 13242,
23335; COS 1.149; and Text D of Grayson & Lambert, Prophecies, 22. The Marduk
prophecy possibly derives from the time of Nebuchadnezzar I (11251104; Borger,
Gott Marduk, 2122; Longman, Autobiography, 13839).
238
chapter five
behind: ahu ahu ikkal ra ru ina kakki irassib, brother consumes
brother, friend strikes his friend with a weapon (ii 34). After returning from exile he predicts that a king of Babylon will arise, and he will
renew the house of announcement (. . .) (ii 19). The restoration-section
reverses the images applied earlier for portraying the chaotic situation:143
brother will love his brother (iii 14). In view of Isa. 19, it is important
to note the abundance in nature that the installation of a pious king will
bring about (iii 121).144
These texts are strongly reminiscent of omen texts. umma Izbu i 82,
one of the birth omen series, states that a certain type of birth will cause
the reign of Nergal (= Erra) to befall the land: a fierce attack; there will
be a mighty person in the land; pestilence; one street will be hostile to
the other; one house will plunder the other.145
Description of a reversed social order is common in Egyptian literature as well. The Admonitions of Ipuwer (COS 1.42) mentions the chaos
caused by the insurgence of foreigners into the Delta: the man looks
upon his son as his enemy, the poor have become owners of wealth,
the noblemen are in mourning and the poor man is full of joy, a man
strikes his maternal brother, etc. (cf. COS 1.42:1.110.5). Even more significant in view of Isa. 19 is The Prophecy of Neferti (COS 1.45). In an
extensive passage (COS 1.45:2071), Neferti, the lector priest of Bastet,
bewails the turbulent situation depressing the land of Egypt.146 It is particularly important in these descriptions that social anarchy is paralleled
by chaos in nature.
The heart melting in fear (v. 3) is often connected to a crushed spirit.

, and belong together.147 is also frequently used with
political overtones. Assurbanipal reports as follows about his Egyptian
campaigns and the counsel(lor)s of Egypt:148
Afterwards, Necho, Sharru-lu-dari and Paqruru, kings whom my father
has installed in Egypt, transgressed the treaty sworn by Assur and the
great gods, my lords, and broke their oath. They forgot the good deeds
of my father, their heart planned evil (ikpud lemuttu), they talked false
143
See W. Schenkel, Sonst-Jetzt: Variationen eines literarischen Formelelements,

WO (1984), 5161; W. Westendorf, Einst-Jetzt-Einst: Oder: Die Rckkehr zum Uhrsprung, WO 17 (1986), 58; A. Blasius, B.U. Schipper, Apokalyptik und gypten?
Erkenntnisse und Perspektiven, A, 28694.
144
See Borger, Gott Marduk, 1415, 2021; Longman, Autobiography, 14246,
23637; and Text C in Grayson & Lambert, Prophecies, 1920.
145
E. Leichty, The Omen Series umma Izbu, Locust Valley 1970, 39.
146
This text is set in the 4th Dynasty, but scholars assume it was written between
19901960 bc. The single complete version dates from the 18th Dyn.
147
For / , cf. Ps. 20:5; 33:11; Prov. 19:21. For / , cf. Isa. 40:13. Cf.
also S. Tengstrm, , ThWAT 7.39798.
148
Compare Isa. 19:11; Jer. 18:18; 49:7 with 1 Kgs 12:8; Ezek. 7:26.
239
speech, and discussed profitless counsels (milik l kuri imlik) among

themselves [. . .] (Prism E. Stck 11 110; BIWA 211, 21314).
Perplexed Egypt will look for help from the gods, the ghosts, and
the spirits of the dead. Egyptians were familiar with various ways of
inquiring about the future, though their methods seem to have been
less sophisticated and exhaustive than those in Canaan or Mesopotamia.149 Amon was the lord of oracles, who foresees the future before
it happens (FHN 1.26). Egypt became first acquainted with oracles
during the 18th Dynasty, but a renaissance in their popularity took
place between the Ramesside and the Saite era.150 Frequent contacts
with Asia in this period possibly account for a Semitic influence.
Most frequently, the gods were interviewed in dreams, although direct
questioning of divinity is also known. The statues of the god moving forwards or backwards represented a positive or negative answer.
Necromancy is ubiquitous in the Semitic world, and its practice was
also known in Egypt. Kings Ahmose, Amenophis I and Ramses II are
mentioned in connection with this form of divination.151 Letters were
sent to dead relatives in order to settle family disputes, assist in matters of everyday life, or mediate on behalf of the living.152
Isa. 19:3 maintains that Egypt will exhaust all its spiritual resources
in its effort to gain insight.153 During critical situations, the gods and
spirits of another world, who are assumed to have been responsible
for everything that happens on earth, were expected to make sense
of history.154 What is hidden from the eyes of Egypt and their gods is
revealed to Judah.
149
Kkosy, Orakel, 4.6006; J.F. Borghouts, Witchcraft, Magic, and Divination in
Ancient Egypt, CANE 3.177585; J.D. Currid, Ancient Egypt and the Old Testament,
Grand Rapids, MI 1997, 21928; Herodotus, Hist. ii 83.
150
L. Kkosy, Az kori Egyiptom trtnete s kultrja, Budapest 1998, 202.
151
Kkosy, Orakel, 4.603.
152
Currid, Ancient Egypt, 222.
153
Cf. 1 Sam. 28:5. The Hittite King Murshili requests dream information from
the storm-god by means of an oracle, prophecy, or incubation oracle (COS 1.60A rev.
4144).
154
According to The Admonitions of Ipuwer, the chaotic situation will lead Egyptians to look for god, but the hot-tempered man says: If I knew where god is, then
I would serve him. In the description of a deep political crisis in Isa. 8, Yhwh is
said to have hidden his face from the house of Jacob (8:17). The prophet and his
sons, whose names have symbolic significance, are left as the only signs regarding the
divine will (8:18). Yet instead of looking at the signs, the people inquire of the dead
( ) on behalf of the living (8:19).
240
chapter five
In this chaotic circumstance, a hard master () , a powerful king ( ) will take over the rule over the country. As already
observed above, social and political disorder ending by the emergence
of a new king supposed to restore order was a familiar literary topos.
The Erra and Ishum Epic foretells the advent of a man of Akkad who
brings peace after upheaval. The king of Babylon from the Marduk
prophecy leads history towards a promising future. In the Prophecy
of Neferti, the disorder caused by foreigners will end when a king
will come from the south (COS 1.45:5859). In Isa. 19:4, however, the
arrival of the new king is not a comforting prediction (cf. Isa. 3:4, 67).
The new leader will be cruel and harsh,155 expressing divine disfavour
towards Egypt.
5.2.2
5a
5b
6a
6b
6c
7a
7b
7c
8a
8b
8c
9a
9b
10a
10b
Verses 510
And the water will be exhausted from the sea
and the river will dry up and be parched.
And the rivers will stink,
and the streams of Egypt will grow lean and dry up.
The reed and the papyrus will get mouldy.
The sedge on the Nile, on the brink of the Nile,
and all the sowing of the Nile
will be dried up, driven away and be no more.
And the fishermen will be moaning,
and mourning all those casting hook in the Nile,
and those who spread nets upon the water languish.
And those working with combed flax will be ashamed
and the weavers will grow pale.
And its pillars will be crushed,
all those working for wages will be distressed.
It is often assumed that the imagery of natural catastrophe differs from

the setting of the previous verses which describe political turmoil. Nevertheless, it should be noted that in the type of literature that parallels
the above passage, the themes of political prosperity or chaos in the
human and divine worlds, the emergence of a king and the welfare or
Cf. in 1 Sam. 25:3; 2 Sam. 3:39; see Ezek. 21:36 ( ;) 30:11

( ;) 31:11 ( ;) Dan. 8:23 ( ;) etc. The theme is not typically
Isaianic, but it appears frequently in Isaiah in connection with Assyria, Babylon and
Media (5:2630; 8:7; 10:34; 13:11, 1718; 28:2; 30:27).
155
241
regression in nature and economy are often interconnected (5.3.1).

One of these texts, viz. Text A ii 28, mentions that
A prince will arise, he will exercise kingship for eighteen years. The land
will remain secure, fare well, and its people will experience prosperity.
The gods will determine good things for the land, the winds will blow
favourably. The [. . .] and the furrow will yield its crops. akkan (god of
the beasts) and Nisaba (god of the grain)156 will [. . .] in the land. There
will be rains and floods. The people of the land will experience joy. The
prince will be defeated in a revolution.157
The emergence of another king will change the existing situation (ii
918). During the reign of a prince who will rule for 13 years, Elam
will attack and defeat Akkad. This event is described as follows:
The sanctuaries of the great gods will be confused. The defeat of Akkad
will be decreed. There will be confusion, disorder, and unfortunate
events in the land. The great will be made small. Another man whose
name is not mentioned will arise. As a king he will seize the throne and
will put to death his officials. He will fill the lowland of Tuplia, plain
and level ground, with half the massive army of Akkad. The people will
experience severe famine. (. . .)
Again, the restoration of the land will be followed later by abundance

instead of famine, safety instead of disorder (iii 18).158 In these
texts, calamity and prosperity are the direct results of what happens
to the divinities of Akkad. In Text A, the disorder is introduced by
the destruction of sanctuaries and the removal of regular offerings.159
Regaining welfare is directly related to the restoration of the demolished temples and the renewal of offerings. Isa. 19:510 fits well this
vision of history subjected to and dependent on the mercy of divinities. When Isa. 19:1, 3 states that Yhwh will cause confusion in the
divine world, the consequences of this disorder are reflected in the
human sphere by a lack of harmony, prosperity and abundance.160
156
According to the Marduk prophecy (i 18ff ), akkan and Nisaba were forced to
leave and go to heaven after Marduk had cut off the nindab offering.
157
Grayson & Lambert, Prophecies, 1214; Longman, Autobiography, 24041. See
also the Marduk Prophecy iii 5-20 (Longman, Autobiography, 235).
158
Cf. Text B 2223 describing the arrival of Erra in the land, i.e. pestilence, famine,
and starvation (Grayson & Lambert, Prophecies, 1718).
159
Cf. in the Admonitions of Ipuwer (COS 1.42:11.111.6).
160
On the Famine Stele, god Khnum, the guardian of the caves of Elephantine,
which the Egyptians held to be the source of the Nile (cf. 5.2), is described as follows:
It is he who governs barley, [emmer], fowl and fish and all one lives on (COS 1.53:10).
242
chapter five
Isa. 19:510 projects these foreseen calamities into an Egyptian context. The Nile was the source of life in Egypt, providing fertile soil for
its agriculture.161 From June to September every year, the Nile rose to
up to eight times its normal level throughout the rest of the year. The
Egyptians sang about the river bringing food and life to the land in
hymns.162 It was well known in most cultures of antiquity (Herodotus,
Hist. ii 5), including Judah, that Egypt was dependent on the periodic
inundation of the Nile.163
Egypt worshipped Nile River in a personified form as the god Hapy.
Quite early in Egyptian thought, Hapy was connected with Nun, the
primeval waters, and Osiris.164 The king of Egypt was the guarantor of
the fruitfulness of the river.165 He may appear as the beloved of Hapy
or even Hapy himself. It was his task to cause the Nile to rise by performing cultic rituals and procession ceremonies (cf. COS 1.53:1718;
Ezek. 29:3, 810) and thus guaranteeing fertility and prosperity to the
land.166 Among other pharaohs, Taharka considered the abundant Nile
as a favourable sign sent by the divinity confirming the legitimacy of
his kingship.167 The emergence of a cruel despot on the throne of Egypt
will be followed by the unfavourable signs in the world of nature
(Isa. 19:4), such as the drying up of the Nile.168
The Prophecies of Neferti which combine social and natural turbulences give a picture from Egypt that is close to Isa. 19:510. The
cause of calamity is mentioned in lns 2526 and 5154: Re, the sun is
For cosmic catastrophe as the result of divinities leaving their dwelling places, see J.F.
Quack, Ein neuer prophetischer Text aus Tebtynis, A, 262.
161
The close parallel between Isa. 19:5 ( ) and Job
14:11 ( ) is striking. But the expressions and
are commonly used in reference to water (Isa. 42:15; 44:27; Jer. 50:38; 51:36; Nah. 1:4),
and there is nothing peculiar in this expression that would suggest that Isa. 19:5 cites
Job 14:11 (contra W. Werner, Studien zur alttestamentlichen Vorstellung vom Plan
Jahwes [BZAW, 173], Berlin 1986, 48).
162
Currid, Ancient Egypt, 24045.
163
Cf. the more detailed descriptions of Tyre and Egypt in Ezek. 2532, testifying to
a thorough knowledge of these countries. See also S. Ahituv, Egypt that Isaiah Knew,
in: I. Shirun-Grumach (ed.), Jerusalem Studies in Egyptology (AT, 40), Wiesbaden
1998, 37.
164
D. Bonneau, Nilgott, L 4.48687; Currid, Ancient Egypt, 24243.
165
B.B. Williams, Nile, Geography, ABD 4.1115.
166
Bonneau, Nilgott, 4.486.
167
FHN 1.26:9. See further Currid, Ancient Egypt, 243.
168
The Nile is low when Thutmosis III dies (Currid, Ancient Egypt, 244).
243
covered and does not shine for the people to see, no one can live when
the clouds cover (the sun) (cf. Isa. 19:1).
The river of Egypt is empty, one can cross the water on foot. One will
seek water for the ships to sail on. Its course has become a riverbank, a
riverbank will be water (?) (. . .) Perished indeed are those good things,
those fish ponds (where there were) those who clean fish, overflowing
with fish and fowl. All good things have passed away. The land is burdened with misfortune because of those looking (?) for food, Asiatics
roaming the land. Foes have arisen in the east, Asiatics have descended
into Egypt (. . .) The land has perished, laws are destined for it, deprived
of produce, lacking in crops (. . .) (COS 1.45).169
When the Assyrian king boasts to have conquered Egypt, he maintains

that he dried up all the water channels of Egypt with his foot (
;Isa. 37:25 | 2 Kgs 19:24).170 In his prophecy on Egypt, possibly
alluding to Isa. 19 (cf. 5.3.1), Ezekiel combines the defeat of Egypt by
Nebuchadnezzar with the desiccation of the Nile (Ezek. 30:1012):
I shall put an end to the wealth ( ;cf. Ezek. 29:19) of Egypt through
King Nebuchadrezzar of Babylon. He together with his army, the most
ruthless of the nations () , will be brought to ravage the land
(. . .) I shall turn the river channels ( )into dry ground, and I shall
deliver the land into the hands of evil men (). I shall lay waste the
land and everything in it by the hands of strangers ().
In a prophecy directed against Babylon, likewise famous for its water

ways, Jer. 50:3537 connects the judgment on the Chaldaeans and its
princes (), wise men (), diviners (), warriors (), etc. with
the drying up of its waters (Jer. 50:38).171 Ps. 72; Isa. 15:19; 24:412;
33:78; Jer. 4:2329; 12:4; 23:10, and Hos. 4:3 give further evidence
how Israel believed that political order was reflected in and reinforced
by tributes from natural order. These examples may suffice to show
that chaos among the divinities, social disorder, foreign rule and natural disaster were seen as being interrelated.
169
See also H. Marlow, The Lament over the River NileIsaiah xix 510 in its
Wider Context, VT 57 (2007), 22942. On such events during the Ptolemaic era, see
L. Koenen, Die Apologie des Tpfers an Knig Amenophis oder das Tpferorakel,
A, 13987, esp. 144 [P2 2, 7; P3 13, 1819], 147 [P2 4347; P3 7279], 17279; Quack,
Ein neuer prophetischer Text aus Tebtynis, A, 25373, esp. 25657.
170
Contrast this with Deut. 11:10.
171
Note the wordplay in / . Cf. also Jer. 51:36
244
chapter five
The wide range of terms designating water in Isa. 19:56 (,

, )depict a total disaster in Egypt.172 The gradually parching
waters ( / / )will stink throughout the land.173 The lack
of water will affect Egypts entire ecosystem. Typical water plants like
papyrus and reed, inseparably linked to the Egyptian landscape, the
hieroglyphic symbols of Lower and Upper Egypt, will wither. The fields
where agricultural plants should grow ( )will also dry up once the
Nile stops flooding. The desiccation of the Nile will affect its fauna as
well. There will be no fish in the rivers, and consequently no work and
food for Egypts fishermen and those relying on their products. Egypt
was world-renowned because of its textile industry. Water is, however,
essential for growing and combing flax. Once the river has dried up,
Egypts textile-workers will lose their jobs. This change in nature will
affect everyone from the most prominent members of society, the pillars of Egypt (), to low-ranking paid workers ().174
5.2.3
11a
11b
11c
11d
11e
11f
12
13a
13b
13c
14
15
Verses 1115
Ah, foolish are the officials of Zoan,
the wisest counsellors of the pharaoh!
The counsel turned out to be stupid.
How can you say to the pharaoh:
I am (a son) of wise men,
(a son) of eastern/ancient kings?
Where then are your wise men? Let them inform you and let you know
what Yhwh of hosts has planned for Egypt!
Silly are the officials of Zoan,
and the officials of Noph deceive themselves,
and the cornerstones of its tribes have led Egypt astray.
And Yhwh has mingled in it the spirit of perversion, so that they make
Egypt stagger in all it is about to do, as the drunken staggers in his
vomit. And there will be no work that Egypt can do, either the head or
the tail, the shoot or the stalk.
172
Most commentators consider to refer to the Nile. This opinion is based on
the parallelism between and ( cf. Isa. 11:15). However, it is more likely that the
prophecy enumerates all water supplies of Egypt, including its sea(s) (the Delta lakes,
the Fayyum, the Yam Suph, etc.).
173
The verbs appear together in Job 14:11; Isa. 42:15; 44:27; Jer. 51:36;
Hos. 13:15; Nah. 1:4; cf. Jer. 50:38; Zech. 11:17 (read ).
174
For this terminology, cf. Isa. 2:9, 11, 17; 5:15; 7:20; 9:13, 15, 16; etc.
245
While the preceding verses focused on Egyptians in general, vv. 1115

comprise a fictional dialogue addressing the social and ruling elites,
already alluded to in v. 10 (). Even those who claim to have
deeper insight into history fail to make sense of the unfolding plan
of Yhwh.
The leaders of Egypt called , who are probably identical with
the , the wisest counsellors of the pharaoh, appear
in parallel. They characterise themselves as and
. The same group of leaders are also referred to as and
.
According to vv. 1113, the task of Egypts leaders ( )is to advise
( )the king. One of the frequent Egyptian terms for high-ranking
officials is sr, phonetically close to Hebrew .175 There is also another
word, sr, that appears in Egyptian prophetic texts and that means to
foretell, to proclaim, to prophesy.176 The prophet might have built
his message on an Egyptian wordplay or semantic ambiguity. It would
be the task of Egyptian leaders (sr) to foretell (sr) the plan of Yhwh,
to foresee the situation and propose preventive measures.
Although Egyptians were acquainted with the verb to prophesy (sr)
and the noun prophecy (srw), they apparently possessed no distinctive term for prophet. Foretelling the future is connected in Egyptian texts with high-ranking functionaries such as sages or priests.177
It is this association that makes sense of and in Isa.
19:1113. In the framework of The Prophecy of Neferti, a text that has
already provided some significant parallels with Isa. 19, Neferti retells
how, while sitting amidst his administrative council, King Snofru gave
the following task:
. . . seek for me a son of yours who is wise, a brother of yours who is
excellent, a friend of yours who has done a good deed, who will tell
me some good words, choice formulations, which should entertain my
majesty on hearing them (COS 1.45:68).
175
It should be noted, however, that the Egyptian sr is composed of two syllables
(cf. the Egyptian personal name p sr, transcribed into Akkadian as Pa-i-ia-ra), and is
reconstructed as *sayyaraw or *seyaro. I am indebted to Dr. Jaap van Dijk, for calling
my attention to this issue. For Egyptian sr as Frst, Herrscher, see WS 4.188. Cf.
also G.P.F. van den Boorn, The Duties of the Vizier: Civil Administration in the Early
New Kingdom, London 1988, 80, 20912.
176
WS 4.18990; Shupak, Egyptian Prophecy, 25.
177
Shupak, Egyptian Prophecy, 2528.
246
chapter five
When Neferti is brought in front of the king, he is told to speak not of

things that had happened, but to foretell (sr) what was about to happen (COS 1.45:1516). Neferti is introduced as a sage (rh-jht) from
the east (COS 1.45:17),178 called earlier the chief lector priest, hrj h b,
an abbreviated form of hrj h b h rj tp, chief celebrant of the ritual. This
same term later appears as h rj tb and h rj tm, the Egyptian cognate of
Hebrew .179 In fact, all Egyptian works associated with prophecy
also belong to wisdom literature.180 Papyrus Chester Beatty IV, dating
to the 19th Dynasty, mentions eight classical Egyptian sages of ancient
times, three of them also connected to Egyptian prophetic-wisdom
texts: Hardedef, Neferti and Khakheperre-sonb. Papyrus Chester
Beatty IV links prophecy more explicitly with wisdom when it speaks
of these ancients as the sages (rh-jht) who foretold the future.181
The Egyptian and , who are supposed to foretell the future,
are unable to do so.182 After recounting the natural disasters in Egypt,
the prophet Neferti says: No one knows the result, what will happen
is hidden . . . (COS 1.45:37).183 Khakheperre-sonb, while meditating on
the land in confusion, complains similarly: none is wise (enough) to
recognise it, none is angry (enough) to cry out (COS 1.44: verso 34;
178
The eastern origin of Neferti is made explicit in the Egyptian text: one belonging
to Bastet . . . a child of the Heliopolitan nome (COS 1.45).
179
Shupak, Egyptian Prophecy, 25 n. 46; Muchiki, Proper Names, 245.
appears in connection with foretelling the future. In Gen. 41:48, and
are expected to reveal the pharaohs dream. In contrast to Joseph, the Hebrew
prophet, they cannot decipher the significance of the dream-oracle (41:24).
appear as opponents of the prophet Moses (cf. Exod. 7:11 with , wise men and
, magicians; 7:22; 8:3, 14, 15; 9:11). Cf. also the Chaldaean in Dan.
1:20; 2:2, 10, 27; 4:4, 6; 5:11.
180
The Eloquent Peasant (COS 1.43); The Admonitions of Ipuwer (COS 1.42); The
Complaints of Khakheperre-Sonb (COS 1.44). Like Neferti, Khakheperre-sonb also
appears as a Heliopolitan priest (COS 1.42: recto 1; but he is called an wb-priest, as
also noted by Shupak, Egyptian Prophecy, 25). According to The Famine Stele (COS
1.53), on a similar occasion when the Nile failed to arrive in time for seven consecutive years, King Djoser inquired after the causes by consulting the chief lector-priest
Imhotep (!).
181
Shupak, Egyptian Prophecy, 26. Cf. also The Instructions of Merikare (COS
1.35:69). For the connection between sages and prophecy, refer to Hos. 14:10 (cf.
Khakheperre-sonbs complaint in COS 1.44: verso 34).
182
For the rhetoric of the passage, cf. Isa. 47:1213; Jer. 8:8; 48:14; 49:7.
183
Shupaks translation in COS 1.45:26 suggests that an inability to foretell future
is mentioned in ln. 26 of Nefertis prophecy. However, the line I cannot foretell (sr)
what has not yet come, should be rendered I shall never foretell what is not to come
(so correctly Shupak, Egyptian Prophecy, 27).
247
cf. Hos. 14:10). In Isa. 19:11,13, the sages appear as foolish (), silly
( niphal), deceived ( niphal), misleading the people.
The rhetorical question addressed to Egypts wise men fits well into
Egyptian traditions, in particular the one associating prophecy with
high-ranking officials ( )and wise man (). makes
a great deal of sense in an Egyptian context. The family background of
an Egyptian sage holds the secret to his personality. The provenance of
sages is usually mentioned when their literary work is being presented.
in Isa. 19:11 can be translated in three ways. (1) First, may
mean ancient. An Egyptian prose narrative which deals with prophecy, Papyrus Westcar, specifically refers to the ancient King Kheops
and the magicians. Hardedef, one of the sons of pharaoh Kheops,
appears in the Chester Beatty Papyrus IV as one of the eight famous
ancient sages, who foretold the future (cf. ).184 Following
this interpretation, v. 11 questions the boasting of Egypts sages who
claim to derive from eloquent families of ancient heritage. (2) Second,
may also be rendered as former (kings), the possible historical
significance of which I shall explore in 5.3.3. (3) Third, can also
have a geographical connotation, referring to the eastern Delta. The
advisors of Zoan present themselves as descendants of eastern kings.
Neferti, the famous sage, also originated from the east, from the Heliopolitan nome, as mentioned in his prophecy.185
Zoan ()186 is one of the Egyptian cities frequently mentioned in
the Old Testament (Num. 13:22; Ezek. 30:14). It is the city from where
the exodus originated (Ps. 78:12, 43),187 and to which Israel sent messengers (Isa. 30:4). It was a relatively young city, the capital of the 19th
184
Shupak, Egyptian Prophecy, 78. A similar tradition appears in Assyria where
the scholars of the royal court were seen as the successors of the mythical antediluvian
sages, the apkallu (M.J. de Jong, Isaiah among the Ancient Near Eastern Prophets: A
Comparative Study of the Earliest Stages of the Isaiah Tradition and the Neo-Assyrian
Prophecies [VT.S, 116], Leiden 2007, 317). The relation between and
is illuminated further by one of Assurbanipals texts, SAA 10 174:79:
Assur, in a dream, called the grandfather (Sennacherib) of the king, my lord (Assurbanipal ), a sage (apkallu). The king, lord of kings (Assurbanipal), is an offspring of a
sage and Adapa (= the ancestor of all sages): you have surpassed the wisdom of the
Abyss and all scholarship.
185
The sages origin is also mentioned in The Eloquent Peasant (COS 1.43 r1).
186
Greek , Egyptian D nt, Assyrian Snu, today San el-Hagar. Cf. Num.
13:22. Zoan was formerly erroneously identified with Avaris and Pi-Ramesse. Cf.
W. Wycichl, gyptische Ortsnamen in der Bibel, ZS 76 (1940), 9193; M. Romer,
Tanis, L 6.19495.
187
, Egyptian sht D nt, the place where the sea was split (Ps. 78:13)?
248
chapter five
nome of Egypt in the Third Intermediate Period. During the reign of

the kings of the 21st22nd Dynasties, Tanis functioned as a northern
Thebes. Its important temples were dedicated to the principal deities of
Thebes, and priestly functionaries bore titles from Thebes. Most kings
of the 21st22nd Dynasties were crowned, built their monuments, and
were buried in Zoan.188 On the Victory Stele of Piye commemorating
the Kushite conquest of Egypt in the 8th century, Zoan is probably
included in the dominion of Osorkon IV, who appears as the king
of Bubastis ( ;Ezek. 30:17) and Ranofer. Osorkon IV (ilkanni
ar mt Musri) brought tributes to Sargon in 716 bc.189 Esarhaddon
(re)appointed King Petubastet II (Putubiti) in Snu sometimes after
671. The name of Petubastet IIs predecessor, Gemenef-khonsu-bak,
has been recovered from building blocks on the site of Tanis.190 Due
to their long experience in dealing with Asians, the leaders of eastern
Zoan proved to be the pharaohs wisest counsellors. If there was anyone in Egypt able to advise a pharaoh threatened by Asian foes (cf. Isa.
19:4) then a leader of Zoan certainly was a suitable candidate.
Noph ( ;Memphis),191 the balance of the two lands (mht-twj)
(i.e. Upper and Lower Egypt), as the Egyptians called it, was the most
important city of the Egyptian Delta. From ancient times, it often functioned as the capital of Egypt. During the 8th7th centuries, Memphis
was the royal residence of Tefnakht, Bakenrenef, Shabaka, Shabataka,
Taharka, Tanutamani, Psametik I.192 The temple of Ptah from Memphis, H wt-k-Pth ,193 is the etymological precursor of . Memphis is probably the seat of the unnamed pharaoh of Isa. 19:12.
188
Romer, Tanis, 6.196. According to K.A. Kitchen, The Third Intermediate Period,
London 21986, 129, Shoshenq II, Osorkon II, Takeloth II and Shoshenq III were buried in Tanis, and there are major building works by Osorkon II, Takeloth II, Shoshenq
III and V.
189
Cf. Assur prism lns. 111 (A. Fuchs, Die Annalen des Jahres 711 v. Chr. nach
Prismenfragmenten aus Ninive und Assur [SAAS, 8], Helsinki 1998). Osorkon IVs
predecessor, Shoshenq V, was probably the king to whom the rebellious Philistine
Hanunu had fled. It was likely Shoshenq V or Osorkon IV who brought gifts to
Tiglath-pileser III as mentioned on three fragmentary Summary Inscriptions of the
Assyrian king (SI 8:2021; SI 9: rev. 2325; SI 13:12). Cf. H. Tadmor, The Inscriptions of Tiglath-pileser III, King of Assyria, Jerusalem 1994; Kitchen, Period, 37274.
190
R.G. Morkot, The Black Pharaohs: Egypts Nubian Rulers, London 2000, 232,
274, 28485.
191
Egyptian Mn-nfr, Assyrian Mimpi or Mempi. In Hos. 9:6, the name of the city is
written as . For cf. Jer. 2:16; 44:1; 46:14, 19; Ezek. 30:13, 16.
192
The seat of Necho I was Sais (cf. Assurbanipals Prism A ii 1618).
193
Akkadian H ikuptah (EA 84:37; 139:8), Ugaritic H kpt (KTU 1.17 v 21).
249
The term may remind one of the sages and wisdom literature
for which Egypt was famous (1 Kgs 4:30). But as noted above, in Egypt
Egyptian wisdom sometimes implies a prophetic capability. Biblical
probably refers to prediction in Num. 24:14; Isa. 45:21; Jer. 38:15.
certainly has a political undertone as well, as in 2 Kgs 18:20; 2
Sam. 15:22; 16:23.
In Judg. 20:2 and 1 Sam. 14:38 is used for the chiefs of Israels tribes.194 The term mentioned in Isa. 19:13 is of particular
interest. The Targ. Isa. understood this as a reference to the Egyptian
nomes, or administrative divisions, but both and may hint
at the Lybian-type structure of Egypts ruling society and its nomadic
background.
V. 14 reveals that Yhwh mingled ( )the spirit of perversion and
twisting in Egypt ( ; cf. 1 Kgs 22:1923; Isa. 28:7; 29:910).
is used in connection with drinking (Prov. 9:5; Isa. 5:22), a context that fits the images of staggering and confusion in our prophecy. The verb from which derives means to pervert, to
twist, likewise appearing in the context of wisdom (Prov. 12:8).
hiphil is semantically close to . The prophet reproaches the leaders for leading Egypt astray (19:13, 14). They make Egypt stagger as a
drunken man (Job 12:25; Isa. 28:7), twisting its paths. A similar charge
is brought against Manasseh (2 Kgs 21:9 | 2 Chron. 33:9), leaders in
general (Isa. 3:12; 9:15; Jer. 50:6), or prophetic advisors (Jer. 23:13, 32;
Mic. 3:5).
V. 15 emphasises once again the failure of Egypt to undertake anything. may be simply translated as to do anything.
does not refer to specific jobs that Egypt would not be able to
do, but it is probably a synonym of .195
refers to the leaders and to those being led (Deut. 28:13, 44;
Isa. 9:13). The parallelism of with suggests that
the two expressions refer to similar things. Eventually may designate the stalk as opposed to the leafage. If has anything to
194
Note also in Isa. 19:10 and in Isa. 31:9. Cf. in Gal 2:9. The
assumption of A. Niccacci, Isaiah xviiixx from an Egyptological Perspective, VT
48 (1998), 218, that alluded to the symbolic name of Memphis (Noph),
mht-twj, balance of the two lands, is not convincing.
195
Cf. and in 2 Sam. 16:20; 17:6; Isa. 5:19. For in the sense of ,
see J. Fichtner, Jahwes Plan in der Botschaft des Jesaja, in: Idem, Gottes Weisheit:
Gesammelte Studien zum Alten Testament, Stuttgart 1965, 29.
250
chapter five
do with , to bend, to bow down, may be a symbol for the

elderly people. According to DNWSI 529, Jewish Aramaic describes
an elderly person. All this, however, is hardly more than speculation.
5.2.4
16
17
Verses 1617
On that day Egypt will be like women, and it will shiver and tremble
because of the raising of the hand of Yhwh of hosts that he raises against
it. And the land of Judah will become a dizziness for Egypt. Everyone
to whom one mentions it (Judah) will tremble because of the plan that
Yhwh of hosts plans against it.
Vv. 1617 have a similar structure () | .196 Egypt

will tremble in front of its enemies like a woman (Nah. 3:13; Jer. 50:37;
51:30). The raising of the hand of Yhwh is a familiar gesture in Isaiah,
although the verbs used in this connection may differ.197
The expression is strange. Country names are rarely
constructed with , mainly because has the more specific
meaning of agricultural land.198 alluding to Israel as a country
is more frequent in the book of Ezekiel, while in other cases, suffixes
attached to may express a similar geographical connotation.199
In this connection, possibly denotes the homeland as opposed
to a foreign country (cf. Dan. 11:9; Jon. 4:2), which would explain the
word choice in Isa. 19:17.200
196
Although the word appears in connection with sacrifices (Exod. 29:24;
Lev. 7:30), is void of ritual connotations in Isa. 19:16. The object of is not an
offering, but the hand of Yhwh (cf. 2 Kgs 5:11; Job 31:21; Isa. 10:32; 11:14; 13:2; Zech.
2:13). does not mean the waving of hands like with an offering, but simply
waving or lifting up (see Auvray, 191, in contrast to Fohrer, 1.229; Wildberger, 732;
Deissler, Gottesbund, 14).
197
See especially in 5:25; 9:11, 16, 20; 10:4; 14:26, 27; 23:11. For the parallel
sense of and , cf. Isa. 11:15 and Exod. 14:16, 21, 26, 27, or Isa. 10:32; 13:2 and
Josh. 8:19; Isa. 23:11. See further 5.3.2.
198
Cf. in Gen. 47:20. See H.H. Schmid, , THAT 1.58.
199
Cf. Deut. 29:28; 2 Kgs 17:23; 25:21; 2 Chron. 7:20; Ps. 137:4; Isa. 14:1, 2; Jer.
12:14; 16:15; 23:8; 27:10, 11; 52:27; Ezek. 34:13, 27; 36:17, 24; 37:14, 21; 39:26, 28;
Amos 7:11, 17; 9:15; Jon. 4:2; Zech. 2:16; 9:16. The most frequent idea is the exile of
Israel from its homeland () , in which the metaphor of uprooting recalls
the agricultural connotations of .
200
The distinction between homeland and foreign country is common in the
Ancient Near East. Cf. G. Steiner, Der Gegensatz eigenes Land, Ausland, Fremdland, Feindland in den Vorstellungen des Alten Orients, in: H.J. Nissen, J. Renger
(eds), Mesopotamien und seine Nachbarn: Politische und kulturelle Wechselbeziehun-
251
The disputed question of these verses concerns the exact nature

of the threat being indicated. The formulation of Isa. 19:17 does not
seem to presuppose a political or military threat caused by Judah itself.
Egypt will be afraid when hearing about Judah because it reminds one
of the plan of Yhwh against Egypt (). From the point of view
of an Egyptian foreigner, Judah is associated with Yhwh, the God of
this land.201
5.2.5 Verse 18
18
On that day there will be five cities in the land of Egypt speaking the
language of Canaan and swearing to Yhwh of hosts. City of destruction
will be called each one of them.
Isa. 19:18 is generally regarded to be a salvation oracle on Egypt.

As mentioned in note 18 c-c above, it is for this reason that most
scholars uphold the reading instead of . As far as
this translation has become questionable from textual and semantic
points of view (cf. notes 18 c-c and d-d), it remains to be clarified how
, city of destruction fits its context.
Is v. 18 a salvation prophecy? If Isa. 19:18 is regarded (as it often is)
as an independent addition to 19:117 and 19:1925 (cf. 5.3.1), then
this latter can hardly determine the primary sense of v. 18.
Isa. 19:18 mentions five Egyptian cities which speak Canaanite and
swear to Yhwh of hosts. Is five a real or a symbolic number? Some
commentators have argued for the literal sense of the five cities. So
Hitzig, and following him Fohrer, believe that Jer. 43:13 and 44:1 provide the key for Isa. 19:18. Jer. 44:1 mentions four locations with Jewish (i.e. Canaanite-speaking) inhabitants, namely Migdol, Tahpanhes,
Memphis and the land of Pathros. Jer. 43:13 adds to this list
as one of the places in Egypt destined for destruction, which Hitzig,
Fohrer and other authors understood as a reference to Heliopolis.202
However, Jer. 43:13 is a prediction, while Jer. 44:1 describes historical
gen im Alten Vorderasien vom 4. bis 1. Jahrtausend v. Chr. (BBVO, 1/2), Berlin 1982,
63364.
201
Note the Victory Stele of Piye: It is your valor that gives strength of arm; one is
frightened when your name is called to mind (FHN 1.9:15).
202
Fohrer, 1.230. Pesikta De-Rab Kahana 7:5 and Pesikta Rabbati 17:4 identified the
five cities as No (Alexandria!), Nof (Memphis), Tachpanes (Chupianas), ()
and .
252
chapter five
events. There is some question whether Isa. 19:18 can be related to

these texts. Note that while Jer. 44:1 mentions places in connection
with Jewish residents, Jer. 43 has little to do with Jews, as its vision
concerns the destruction of Egyptians. Furthermore, ( Jer.
43:13) does not refer to Heliopolis, but to the temple of the Egyptian sun-god.203 Moreover, Jer. 44:1 mentions only three cities, since
, Upper Egypt, is not a city.204 Finally, the Egyptian diaspora
was much larger than suggested by Jer. 44:1.205 Whether or not five is
a real number in Isa. 19:18, it is unlikely that this verse has anything
to do with Jer. 43:13 and 44:1.
In Kissanes opinion Isa. 19:18 alludes to Josh. 10 and the first
five cities conquered in Canaan. This conquest was the beginning of
a total occupation of Canaan. Here the spiritual conquest of Egypt
also begins with five cities. One of the five cities conquered by Joshua
was Jerusalem, the city of righteousness (Isa. 1:26). Kissane assumed
this explains ( which he accepts as the correct reading for
) .206 No doubt, the history of Israel plays a significant role in
Isa. 19:1625, yet the analogy between Josh. 10 and Isa. 19:18 remains
doubtful. The more so since Josh. 10 is actually not the beginning of
the conquest of Canaan, as the fall of three other Canaanite cities, Jericho, Ai and Gibeon mark the beginning of the Israelite conquest.
V. 18 does not provide any explanation why only five cities would
speak the Canaanite language. While five can be used in a literal sense,
it can also acquire symbolic significance. For instance, five can represent a whole,207 it may symbolise a handful instead of a large number,208
203
Cf. the Vulg.; Aq.; Sym. ( the pillars of the house of the Sun)
is paired in MT with , just as is paralleled by . For
, cf. also in 2 Kgs 16:2021.
204
The possibility that specifically alludes to the military colony at
Elephantine is questionable, given the fact that there were more Jewish settlements in
Upper Egypt than Elephantine.
205
V. Tcherikover, Hellenistic Civilization and the Jews, Peabody, MA 1999 (repr.
from 1959), 28486.
206
Kissane, 21819. Cf. Feuillet, Sommet, 26466; N.K. Gottwald, All the Kingdoms of the Earth: Israelite Prophecy and International Relations in the Ancient Near
East, New York 1964, 226; Vogels, gypte, 503; S. Erlandsson, The Burden of Babylon: A Study of Isaiah 13:214:23 (CBOT, 4), Lund 1970, 78; Sawyer, Blessed, 5960;
Berges, 16768; Wodecki, Heights, 18889.
207
Joseph chooses five of his eleven brothers to appear before the pharaoh on behalf
of his family (Gen. 47:2).
208
A handful (five people) can chase a hundred (Lev. 26:8). See also Judg. 18:2, 7,
14, 17; 2 Kgs 1:9.
253
or the idea of totality can be expressed by this number.209 Accordingly, the five cities of Isa. 19:18 may represent the many thousands of
Egyptian settlements, i.e. the entire land of Egypt, which according to
the following verses will share the same experience.210 A different possibility is to take into account the contrast between a large and a small
number, as in Lev. 26:8 or Isa. 17:46. From the hundreds of Egyptian
cities and thousands of villages, only five towns (a few) will be left after
execution of the previously described judgment (cf. 2 Kgs 13:7). When
Ezek. 29 pronounces judgment over the Egyptians, it proclaims that
Egypts cities will be destroyed, its inhabitants scattered among the
nations (Ezek. 29:12). When they will gather again after forty years
(note again the numeric symbolism), they will form a small kingdom,
( Ezek. 29:14).
As a consequence, the number five may be understood symbolically, in addition to its literal sense. Notably, the number five appears
frequently in the Egypt-related Joseph-narratives (Gen. 41:34; 43:34;
45:22; 47:2, 24, 26) and it may have been deliberately chosen in these
passages.211
How and why will these Egyptian cities speak Canaanite? Under
the influence of Jer. 4344, it is often believed that Isa. 19:18 refers
to Canaanite-speaking Jews of Egypt rather than to native Egyptians.212
Yet, beyond the problems noted above with respect to connecting
these texts with each other, the religion of the immigrants of Jer. 44
could have hardly served as a model for Isa. 19:18 (cf. Jer. 44:1530).213
Isa. 19:18 was clearly written as an extension to the previous prophecy, 19:117, which is concerned with Egyptians, rather than Jews. I
doubt therefore that would have a different meaning in v. 18.214
209
Num. 31:8; Josh. 10:5; 13:3; Judg. 3:3; 1 Sam. 6:16.

For exaggerated numbers of Egyptian cities, note Herodotus, Hist. ii 177; Diodorus i 31; Theocritus xvii 8284.
211
Note the five titles of the Egyptian pharaoh (cf. U. Kaplony, Knigstitulatur,
L 3.64161). The reign of the ideal king will last 55 years in the Potters Oracle P2
3940; P3 6364 (Koenen, Die Apologie des Tpfers an Knig Amenophis oder das
Tpferorakel, A, 14647, n. 51, 52, 63, 82). Esarhaddon mentions that he wounded
the Kushite king five times with his arrow (IAKA 57:9; 65:40).
212
Cf. Duhm, 14445; Marti, 156; Gray, 337; Von Orelli, 79; Procksch, 252; Fohrer,
1.230; Kaiser, 86; Schoors, 121; Clements, 171; Sawyer, Blessed, 60; Hffken, 158;
Blenkinsopp, 318.
213
Motyer, 168.
214
Cf. also Penna, 188; Vogels, gypte, 496; W. Gro, Israel und die Vlker: Die
Krise der YHWH-Volk-Konzepts im Jesajabuch, in: E. Zenger (ed.), Der Neue Bund
im Alten: Studien zur Bundestheologie der beiden Testamente (QD 146), Herder, 1993,
210
254
chapter five
The fact that Egyptians (not Judeans in Egypt) will turn to Yhwh also
seems evident in the closing verses (compare them in LXX and the
Targ.).
The name Canaan is used variously in the Bible, a full discussion
of which is neither possible nor necessary at this time. The geographical Canaan could include the whole region of the Mediterranean coast
(Philistia, Phoenicia), but it can also refer to the territories of Judah
and Israel on the left side of the Jordan. In view of in
19:17, it is probable that the language of Canaan is to be identified
here with the language of Judah. Although this name for Hebrew is
unique,215 it may be explained in relation to the Egyptian element in
this prophecy: this is how Egyptians referred to the language spoken
by Judeans.216 The language of Canaan is not Aramaic, which was the
common language in the Near East and not specific to Canaan.
This verse which is usually understood as a salvation prophecy concerning Egypt reveals how problematic this categorisation can be. In
antiquity language is one of the important elements by which ethnicity
and foreignness are defined (Gen. 10:5, 20, 31).217 According to Herodotus, the Egyptians (as many other nations, indeed) called everyone
speaking a foreign language barbarian.218 Therefore, it is important
to pay particular attention to Isa. 19:18 noting that Egypt (from its
point of view) will speak a barbaric language. There is nothing in Isa.
159 n. 14; J. Kraovec, Healing of Egypt Through Judgment and the Creation of a
Universal Chosen People (Isaiah 19:1625), in: I. Shirun-Grumach (ed.), Jerusalem
Studies in Egyptology (AT, 40), Wiesbaden 1998, 299.
215
For , cf. 2 Kgs 18:26 (2 Chron. 32:18); Neh. 13:24; Est. 8:9.
216
Cf. Marti, 156. On the Israel stele of Merneptah, Canaan is mentioned with
Lidya (Anatolia), Hatti (North-Syria), Ashkelon, Gezer, Yenoam (south of the Galilean Sea), Hurru (Syria) (cf. COS 2.6). p knn designates the territory of the later land
of Judah (cf. J.K. Hoffmeier, Israel in Egypt: The Evidence for the Authenticity of the
Exodus Tradition, Oxford 1996, 2729). The name used in Isa. 19:18 from the
viewpoint of a foreign nation can be compared to as an ethnic identifier in Exod.
3:18; 5:3; 7:16; 9:1, 13; 10:3.
217
For language as ethnic identifier in Assyria, see C. Zaccagnini, The Enemy in
the Neo-Assyrian Royal Inscriptions: The Ethnographic Description, in: H.J. Nissen,
J. Renger (eds), Mesopotamien und seine Nachbarn: Politische und kulturelle Wechselbeziehungen im Alten Vorderasien vom 4. bis 1. Jahrtausend v. Chr. (BBVO, 1/2),
Berlin 1982, 41415.
218
Hist. ii 158. For The Story of Sinuhe as an example of how ethnicity and language
played a role in Egyptian life, see K.L. Sparks, Ethnicity and Identity in Ancient Israel:
Prolegomena to the Study of Ethnic Sentiments and Their Expression in the Hebrew
Bible, Winona Lake, IN 1998, 7879; cf. also W. Weinberg, Language Consciousness
in the Old Testament, ZAW 92 (1980), 185204.
255
19:18 which would suggest that Egypt opts for Canaanite language on
its own free will. This is rather a language imposed on the Egyptians
by an overlord. This verse reminds one of similar threats uttered to
Israel if they disobey Yhwh. In such event, they will have to listen
to (and speak) a language they do not understand, namely that of an
occupying force whose vassal the nation will become.219 The adoption
of the Canaanite language should therefore be seen as a political necessity after Yhwh, the Canaanite-speaking overlord, has conquered and
subdued the country (cf. 19:1). That is, in contrast to how this passage
is usually interpreted, I believe that from Egypts point of view the
adoption of the foreign Canaanite language by Egyptians has negative
rather than positive connotations. It is not a development that Egypt
itself has long been looking for. This conquest of Egypt is presented as
an analogy to the conquest of Canaan by Israel (cf. 5.3.2). The language of Canaan may have even evoked this past.
The political overtone mentioned above becomes particularly
emphatic when oaths are sworn to Yhwh in Canaanite. Although
some scholars pay little attention to this phenomenon,220 two different prepositions can be used in connection with niphal, with
different connotations. means that the oath is made by (the
life of ) a particular person or concept.221 The preposition indicates
the person to whom the oath is addressed.222 Again, this aspect of Isa.
19:18 is also understood as part of a salvation oracle, in which the
swearing of oaths implies that the Egyptians are converted to Yhwh.
However, it is not until 19:20b21 that the text begins to describe the
favour that Yhwh grants to Egypt by making himself known to them.223
The self-revelation of Yhwh is essential to religion (cf. Exod. 3 and 6),
so that one may speak of Egypts adoption of the cult of Yhwh only
after he has made himself known to Egypt (19:21). If one can speak of
a turning point in Isa. 19:1625, it comes no earlier than v. 20b, with
Yhwhs change of attitude concerning Egypt. For the moment, swearing to Yhwh only means that Egypt has become subdued as his vassal,
219
Cf. Deut. 28:49; Jer. 5:15; Pss 81:6; 114:1; Isa. 28:11; 33:19.
E.g., Deissler, Gottesbund, 15; Berges, 168.
221
E.g., , he swore by (the life of ) God, i.e. uttered ( Jer.
12:16; cf. Gen. 21:23; 31:53; Lev. 19:12; Deut. 6:13; Isa. 45:23; 62:8).
222
E.g., , he swore to me, etc. (e.g., Gen. 21:23; 24:7, 9; 25:33; 26:3; Deut.
9:5; Josh. 9:19; Judg. 15:12; for an oath between God and men as in Isa. 19:18, cf. 2
Chron. 15:14; Ps. 132:2; Zeph. 1:5).
223
Cf. Schenkers view of v. 21 as Achse und Wendepunkt (Jesaja 19, 6).
220
256
chapter five
swearing allegiance to him in the same way that a nation occupied by

the Assyrians or Babylonians would swear allegiance to the foreign
overlord (Ezek. 16:59; 17:13, 16, 18, 19).224 Therefore the message of
v. 18 actually continues vv. 1617 in which Yhwh appears as a fearful
lord to the Egyptians. Yhwhs takeover of Egypt in v. 18 appears thus
far without substantial positive effects. Obviously, this reading of the
prophecy implies that the -extensions are added sequentialy
and reveal the consecutive development of events, an issue to be discussed below in more details (5.3.1).
It is therefore most likely that still reflects the situation
in which the previous prophecy of judgment reached its fulfilment.
, city of ruins makes it clear that the threat of vv. 1617
has actually become a reality. Isa. 19:1617 reads like a prelude to
a coming destruction, but makes the reader aware of the
fulfilment of the prediction.
In Assyrian accounts of conquest, cities overrun by Assyrian kings
are often compared to ruined hills. One example concerns the following text in which Shalmaneser III describes a campaign against the
countries on the shore of the Mediterranean Sea:
I captured the great cities of the Patinean. I overwhelmed the cities on
the shore of the Upper Sea of the land of Amurru, also called the Western Sea, so that they looked like ruin hills (created by) the deluge (til
abbe). I received tribute from the kings on the seashore. I marched
about by right of victory in the extensive area of the seashore. I made an
image of my lordship [. . .] (RIMA A.0.102.1 7377).225
The idea that Egypt will submit itself to Yhwh standing on the ruins of
its cities is not unique. A notable example appears in Isa. 25:23: For
you have made the city a heap, / the fortified city a ruin; the palace
of aliens is a city no more, / it will never be rebuilt; therefore strong
peoples will glorify thee, / the city (sg!) of ruthless nations will fear
thee. The destruction of the city of the ruthless nation will lead its
inhabitants to praise Yhwh while dwelling amidst its ruins. Likewise,
after Yhwh punishes Egypt, the survivors will subject themselves to
Yhwh.
224
Even though the term is not mentioned explicitly in these texts (cf.,
however, in Ezek. 17:13), the act of taking an oath was part of covenant ( )ceremonies in general to which these texts refer. See in this respect Gen.
21:23; 31:53; Josh. 9:15, 18, 19, 20, and 5.3.3 below.
225
Cf. P. Machinist, Assyria and Its Image in First Isaiah, JAOS 103 (1983), 72526.
257
The renaming of Egyptian cities reminds one of an Assyrian policy

documented in various inscriptions. When a city was conquered, the
king occasionally changed its former name into an Assyrian name. Shalmaneser III renames Til-Barsip to Kar-Shalmaneser, Napiggu to LitaAssur, Alligu to Asbat-la-kunu and Rugullitu to Qibit-Assur (RIMA
A.0.102.2 ii 3435). Likewise, Sennacherib renamed the conquered city
of Elenzash as Kar-Sennacherib (Rassam Cylinder ii 2526). One of
Assurbanipals texts maintains that, after conquering Egypt, Esarhaddon gave Assyrian names to Egyptian cities.226 This practice underlines
again that Isa. 19:18 presents Egypt as an overpowered vassal kingdom
now under the royal jurisdiction of Yhwh (cf. 5.3.3).
To conclude, Isa. 19:18 cannot be considered a salvation prophecy.
The five cities of Egypt will be destroyed and its inhabitants will have
to submit themselves to Yhwh, their new overlord, whose language
they will have to learn and to whom they will swear allegiance.
5.2.6
19
20
21
22
Verses 1922
On that day there will be an altar of Yhwh in the midst of the land of
Egypt, and a stele of Yhwh beside its border. And this will be asign and
a witness of Yhwh of hosts in the land of Egypt.
For they will cry to Yhwh before their oppressors, and he will send them
a saviour and he will strive and save them. And Yhwh will make himself
known to Egypt, and the Egyptians will recognise Yhwh on that day.
And they will prepare sacrifice and food offering, and they will make
vows to Yhwh and they will fulfil them. And Yhwh will smite the Egyptians, but heal (them), and they will turn to Yhwh and he will respond
their plea, and heal them.
In this -section a shift takes place from the judgment to the

salvation of Egypt. On the debris of Egypts cities a new altar emerges,
one built for Yhwh () . While some scholars believe that
this altar was not supposed to be a place of offering but function only
226
Cf. B. Pongratz-Leisten, Toponyme als Ausdruck assyrischen Herrschaftsanspruchs, in: B. Pongratz-Leisten et al. (eds), Ana sad Labnni l allik: Beitrge zu altorientalischen und mittelmeerischen Kulturen (Festschrift fr W. Rllig) (AOAT, 247),
Neukirchen-Vluyn 1997, 32543; I. Ephal, Esarhaddon, Egypt, and Shubria: Politics
and Propaganda, JCS 57 (2005), 10910.
258
chapter five
as a symbol similar to the altar built near the Jordan in Josh. 22:10, 25,227
sacrifices are explicitly mentioned in v. 21.228 However, in a context
echoing motifs common in Assyrian royal inscriptions (cf. v. 18 above),
a foreign altar should probably be understood as a sign of submission
(cf. 2 Kgs 16:1014): the altar of Yhwh in Egypt was the symbol of
Egypts submission to Yhwh after Egypt became Yhwhs territory.
The altar gifts represent the tributes brought to the vassal overlord.
When Esarhaddon conquered Egypt and established the rule of the
god Assur there, Assyrian authority was symbolised in various ways.
He installed new heads of the nomes and cities and changed the names
of several cities. One of its inscriptions (IAKA 65:4853) states that
I established regular offerings (sattukku) and cultic offerings (gin) for
Assur and the great gods, my lords, forever. I imposed upon them tribute and obligation of my lordship, every year continually. I let a stele
(nar) be made with my name, and the praise of the heroism of my
lord, Assur, my mighty deeds (that I accomplished when I was) walking
in reliance upon Assur, my lord, and the victorious achievements of my
hands I let be written on it. I let (it) be erected to the wonderment of all
the enemies forever after.
This is close to what we read in Isa. 19, where Yhwh takes on the role
of god Assur from the Assyrian texts, to whom offerings are made.
can have a cultic function in the Bible (cf. Exod. 23:24; Lev.
26:1), but does not mean a cultic pillar; the cultic connotation
is not inherent to the word itself.229 may also refer to a memorial stone marking a grave (Gen. 35:20) or reminding onlookers of a
person or an event (2 Sam. 18:18; cf. 1 Sam. 15:2). The story of Gen.
31:4354 is particularly interesting for Isa. 19:19. This text recounts the
making of a covenant between Laban and Jacob. The and a heap
( )of stones set up at the border between the territories of Laban and
Jacob are the visible evidence of and witness ( )to a treaty restating
certain regulations agreed by Jacob and Laban (Gen. 31:5152).230 It
is most likely that the function of the in Isa. 19:19 is similar to
such a commemorative treaty-stele. It has cultic dimensions insofar
227
Cheyne, 121; Procksch, 252.

Feuillet, Sommet, 267; Penna, 190; Young, 2.37; Gro, Israel, 153.
229
See Dillmann, 178; Knig, 204; Penna, 190; Schoors, 123, over against Duhm,
145; Wildberger, 740; Kraovec, Healing, 299.
230
In Josh. 22, the altar built to affirm the religious connections of the Transjordanian tribes is placed on the border between the tribes on the two sides of the Jordan.
228
259
as it is a stele of Yhwh, but not because it is venerated as a cultic

object.
The Assyrian text of Esarhaddon cited above in connection with the
establishment of an altar as a symbol of foreign rule also explains the
function of the stele of Yhwh ( ) set up beside Egypts
border. The altar built for the god Assur in Egypt is supplemented
by a stele (nar) with Esarhaddons name written on it. When Assyrian kings conquered foreign territories and subdued a nation, they
set up steles (nar or salmu) commemorating campaigns and fixing
covenantal regulations. These steles often appear in the border zones
demarcating the expansion of the Assyrian empire.
The stele is called salmu, image, statue (e.g., the stele marking the northern border in the land of Nairi beside the sea in RIMA
A.0.102.1:35), salam arrtya (my royal image in Aramaean territory
RIMA A.0.102.1:63; A.0.102.2 i 49), or salam bltya (my lordly image
along the Mediterranean sea (RIMA A.0.102.1:76). The kings Tiglathpileser III (SI 8:1617) and Esarhaddon are known to have set up steles
on the border of Philistia with Egypt. Similar steles appear not only on
the borders of the empire, but sometimes inside the conquered region
or even in the temple of the occupied nation (RIMA A.0.102.2 ii 6263;
RIMA A.0.102.16:285). According to RIMA A.0.102.10 iv 2234, Shalmaneser III erected two steles in the land of Que, indicating that both
the nearest and furthest cities of the land were Assyrian property.
As for the content of the text on the stele, Shalmaneser III writes: I
made manifest the heroism of Assur and the god Shamash for posterity,
by creating a colossal royal statue of myself (and) writing thereupon my
heroic deeds and victorious actions. (RIMA A.0.102.2 i 4950; cf. IAKA
65:5053 for Esarhaddon and Sennacheribs Rassam Cylinder ii 45).
Elsewhere the stele establishes fame for eternity (RIMA A.0.102.2 ii 8)
or praises Assur (RIMA A.0.102.2 ii 44).231
To conclude, in Isa. 19:19 is a commemorative treaty-stele with

a role similar to the Assyrian kings salmu or nar. Above I suggested
that v. 18 describes a campaign against Egypt in the course of which
the Nile land is subdued to the status of a vassal kingdom. The oath of
231
For secondary literature, see I. Winter, Art in Empire: The Royal Image and the
Visual Dimensions of Assyrian Ideology, in: S. Parpola, R.M. Whiting (eds), Assyria
1995: Proceedings of the 10th Anniversary Symposium of the Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus
Project Helsinki, September 711, 1995, Helsinki 1997, 35981; S. Parpola, Assyrias
Expansion in the 8th and 7th Centuries and Its Long-Term Repercussions in the
West, in: W.G. Dever, S. Gitin (eds), Symbiosis, Symbolism, and the Power of the
Past: Canaan, Ancient Israel, and Their Neighbors, from the Late Bronze Age through
Roman Palaestina, Winona Lake, IN 2003, 1001.
260
chapter five
Egypt in v. 18 is like the oath of a vassal uttered towards his overlord.

The altar and the stele are built for the conqueror Yhwh. After Yhwh
defeated Egypt and the country had become his vassal, the , the
stele, identifies the new territory as his kingdom. As I shall discuss in
5.3.3, the treaty-stele of Yhwh may implicitly hint at a stele of Assur
erected in Egypt by one of the Assyrian kings, possibly also celebrated
with offerings and festal meals as described in Gen. 31.232
In Isa. 19:19, is mentioned together with the altar of Yhwh.
Near the borders ( )and amidst ( )the land could
refer to different places. However, may also have a similar connotation to and ,233 so that and can also designate the same place close to the border of Egypt. Explicit reference
to the border zone also reflects Assyrian terminology. The scribes of
Assurbanipal mention that after the conquest of Lower Egypt, Esarhaddon counted the subjugated land as the new border of his country
([ana] misir mtu).234
in v. 20 can be interpreted in two different ways. (a) The altar
and the stone is a sign to/for Yhwh prepared by (?) the Egyptians.
(b) These objects can be signs concerning Yhwh, i.e. a testimony to
Egyptians and others.235 It is more likely that the stele and the altar are
signs and markers aimed at the Egyptians and others indicating the
extent of Yhwhs power in a manner that closely parallels Esarhaddons nar itir umya, a stele with my name written on it (IAKA
65:50).
Isa. 19:20b is the point where the text describing judgment on Egypt
turns into a prophecy of salvation. From this moment on, Egypt will
experience the protective benefits of being a vassal of Yhwh. From
232
H. Spieckermann, Juda unter Assur in der Sargonidenzeit (FRLANT, 129), Gttingen 1982, 33144, enumerates several examples of treaty ceremonies celebrated by
Assyria and its vassals in which there were festal meals and offers brought to the
Assyrian gods as a sign of submission.
233
Cf. Van Hoonacker, Deux passages, 302. Van Hoonackers view that the altar
and the stele refer to the same object is, however, unconvincing.
234
Prism A i 6062; Prism B i 6162; Prism C i 1315; cf. Isa. 10:13. It is not likely
that Isa. 19:20 would allude to the temple of the Jewish colony of Elephantine, as suggested by B. Porten, Settlement of Jews at Elephantine and the Arameans at Syene, in:
O. Lipschits, M. Oeming (eds), Judah and the Judeans in the Neo-Babylonian Period,
Winona Lake, IN 2006, 461.
235
For a discussion, cf. Monsengwo-Pasinya, Isae XIX 1625, 19495. See Gen.
9:13; Josh. 24:27. See also Isa. 8:2 and 55:4.
261
among its ruined cities, Egypt will request the help of Yhwh, its new
overlord.236
The conjunction in v. 20b is not temporal,237 but explicative, illuminating how the stele will function as a witness. Reminding the reader
of Egypts oppression, (19:115), Yhwh shall heed the cry ( )of its
vassals suffering oppression (), and he will send them a saviour.238
God will plead their cause and he will save them. The language adopted
here alludes to narratives from Israels early history (5.3.2).239
Yhwh will fulfil the commitments of a vassals overlord in lending support to Egypt. The coming will bring salvation from the
oppressor of Isa. 19:4. The emergence of a saviour in time of need is
an extensively wide-spread theme in Near Eastern literature but is also
evidenced throughout the Bible (cf. 5.3.2).
means to quarrel, to dispute; to strive, to fight (but not to
wage war). Among its many occurrences in Hebrew, is related
to conflicts between nations only in a few texts: Judg. 11:25 (cf.
Ps. 35:1); 12:2, and perhaps 1 Sam. 15:5. In these cases, designates the dispute (negotiation) preceding a battle. This is most clear in
Judg. 11:25 and 12:2, where is used in connection with a debate
concerning the ownership of Ammonite territories (Judg. 11:13). In
1 Sam. 15:5, marks the dispute taking place between Sauls army
and the Amalekites preceding the military conflict described in the
following verses. It is probably this sense of which is used in
Isa. 19:20. In this case, Yhwh is the one leading the dispute (cf.
1 Sam. 24:16; Ps. 18:44; Isa. 63:1).
Egypts cry for help was motivated by fear, in response to which
Yhwh will reveal himself to Egypt, who will get to know him. The
relatively rare form of the niphal of is being used in connection
with a foreign nation.240 Most often, nations recognise Yhwh only as
236
Philistia was delivered from a plague in a similar way (1 Sam. 56).

Despite the arguments of Gray, 340; Wildberger, 727; Van der Kooij, OldGreek, 139.
238
The human character of the deliverer ( )is emphasised in LXX as
. is probably avoided because this was only used in connection
with God in Isaiah (Van der Kooij, Old-Greek, 141).
239
The suggestion that 19:1920 concerns Jews in Egypt oppressed by Egyptians
and ultimately delivered from them is unconvincing. There is no reference to Jews in
these verses, and their presence is only indirectly inferred as part of an explanation
for the Canaanite language and the five cities of v. 18.
240
Cf. Exod. 6:3; 1 Kgs 18:36; Ps. 76:2; Ezek. 20:5, 9; 35:11; 38:23.
237
262
chapter five
their judge,241 but Egypt will, in this case, get to know Yhwh as a
deliverer (contrast Exod. 5:2). Yhwh will reveal himself to Egypt as he
has previously done only to his own people.242 The parallel experience
of Egypt and Israel is particularly interesting. Egypts history bears all
the hallmarks of the history of Gods people. The way is paved here to
becoming an ( cf. v. 25).
The recognition of Yhwh as God by the Egyptians in v. 21 results
in preparing offerings ( ) and fulfilling vows (
). This activity resembles the reaction of Jonahs travel companions after recognising the power of Yhwh and being delivered from
the sea (Jon. 1:16). The vows indicate that Egypt not only expresses its
thankfulness to Yhwh for its deliverance, but commits itself to him
in the future.243
The precise role of Isa. 19:22 is disputed. This verse mentions the
smiting and healing of Egypt, its turning to God, who listens to its
prayers. What is meant by smiting the Egyptians and healing them?
Undergoing a process of punishment in the form of being smitten
by Yhwh and healing in the form of restoration to well-being is a
prominent theme in prophetic books as well as in the exodus narratives.244 The disobedient Judah is often told to be sick. According to
Isa. 6:10, seeing, hearing, turning to Yhwh (), and grasping the
prophetic word would bring healing ( )to Gods people.245 may
refer to some kind of plague as a form of punishment (1 Sam. 25:38;
2 Chron. 13:20), to illness (2 Sam. 12:15; 2 Chron. 21:18), but it can
signify military defeat as well. This last option makes the most sense
in Isa. 19:22.246
A significant number of scholars understand the events of 19:22
as temporally following those previously described. Yhwh will smite
241
Ezek. 28:22; 30:8; 32:15; 33:29; 39:6; see also Exod. 7:5; 14:4, 18.
1 Kgs 20:13, 28; 2 Chron. 33:13; Isa. 45:3; 49:23; 60:16; Ezek. 16:62; 20:42, 44. Cf.
also Monsengwo-Pasinya, Isai xix 1625, 198; Goldingay, 120.
243
H. Tita, Gelbde als Bekenntnis: Eine Studie zu den Gelbden im Alten Testament (OBO, 181), Freiburg 2001, 204. For in the Latter Prophets, cf. Jon. 1:16;
Jer. 44:25; Nah. 2:1; Mal. 1:14.
244
Cf. Jer. 3:22; 30:17; 51:89; Hos. 5:13; 6:1; 7:1; 11:3:14:4. See Z. Kustr, Durch
seine Wunden sind wir geheilt: Eine Untersuchung zur Metaphorik von Israels Krankheit
und Heilung im Jesajabuch (BWANT, 154), Stuttgart 2002.
245
See Deut. 32:39; 1 Kgs 8:3334; Isa. 9:12; 30:26; 57:1719; Jer. 30:17; 33:6; Lam.
2:13; Hos. 5:13; 7:1; 11:3; 14:5; cf. also Jer. 3:22; Hos. 6:1.
246
Deut. 1:42; Judg. 20:35; 1 Sam. 4:3; 2 Chron. 13:15; 14:11; Ps. 89:24. For in
the sense of restoration, cf. Jer. 30:17; 33:6; 51:89; Hos. 5:13; 6:1; 7:1.
242
263
Egypt to correct faults committed after its conversion to the true

religion.247 Others take it as a purposeful discipline of the Lord in
part of life under his care.248 Yet a prophecy envisaging a bright future
for Egypt leaves no room for the idea that they may turn away from
Yhwh again in the future.249 It makes the most sense therefore if
is taken to refer to the punishment of Yhwh that the Egyptians had
to face in the past, as described above.250 The healing ( )of Egypt
refers to their deliverance.
5.2.7
23
Verse 23
On that day there will be a highway from Egypt to Assyria, and Assyria
will go to Egypt and Egypt will go to Assyria, and Egypt will serve
Assyria.
On the day when Egypt is healed, there will be a highway ()251

between Egypt and Assyria (the latter is mentioned here for the first
time). As a matter of fact there has always been a highway from
Egypt to Assyria (Gen. 25:18). Why then is this pronouncement so
remarkable?
While some exegetes relate the -motif to texts mentioning
the return of Israel from the exile,252 Isa. 19:23 is not a text about
the diaspora. What is common to all contexts is that alludes
to the end of chaos, symbolised either by the desert, a place without
roads (Ps. 104:4, 40; Job 12:24; Isa. 35:78), through which the dispersed Jews will return, or war and mutual hostility. When there is
war, travelling is unsafe, the roads become empty (Judg. 5:6; Isa. 33:8).
Assyria and Egypt have been opposing powers for a long time, but a
247
Wade, 131; cf. Kissane, 22021; Hffken, 159; Wodecki, Heights, 184.
Motyer, 169; cf. Z. Kustr, Ein Gottesvolkoder mehrere Vlker Gottes? Ein
Konzept aus der Peripherie der biblischen Eschatologie in: E. Noort, W. Wischmeyer,
Europa, Minderheiten und die Globalisierung: Theologische berlegungen zu der sich
erweiternden Welt, Groningen 2006, 29.
249
Clements argues that punishment after conversion is inadequate and seems to
represent the work of an expansive editor, who felt that the Egyptians should not be
let off without punishment (Clements, 172). The problem with his reading is that the
editor should have already noted the punishment of the Egyptians mentioned in the
preceding verses.
250
Cf. Gesenius, 656; Cheyne, 121.
251
D.A. Dorsey, The Roads and Highways of Ancient Israel, Baltimore 1989, 228.
252
E.g., Blenkinsopp, 319. is indeed frequently used in this sense (Isa. 11:16
[cf. in Isa. 51:10]; 40:3; 49:1112; 62:10).
248
264
chapter five
peace-treaty between these powers will turn the world into a safer
place. A similar motif is used on the Dream Stele of the 7th century
Kushite king, Tanutamani:
(And from that time on) the southerners have been sailing northwards,
the northerners southwards, to the place where his Majesty is (i.e. Memphis), with every good thing of South-land and every kind of provision
of North-land (. . .) (FHN 1.29:4142)
Motyer calls attention to the fact that vv. 1625 inverts ideas from
vv. 115.253 Instead of chaos (vv. 115) the order is restored, instead
of cruel kings (v. 4) a just saviour arrives, social disorder (vv. 23) is
replaced by prosperity. The restored route between Egypt and Assyria
may be considered the reversal of the chaos scene of 19:115.
While is most often translated as Egypt
and Assyria will serve Yhwh (see note), this widespread agreement
is regrettably based on theological and literary critical premises and
not sound linguistic arguments. Three crucial points make this reading
highly unlikely: is not intransitive, always means to serve
someone and is not a religious term which could refer to the
service of Yhwh without any further clarification. One would expect
a clear formulation in order to avoid misunderstanding, especially
in a context where the world power Assyria is mentioned. While the
context of v. 23 is argued to cast doubt on the translation Egypt will
serve Assyria, it is strange that none of the ancient versions follow the
above-proposed translation (LXX; Syr.; Vulg., Targ. Isa.). After all, is
the representation of a new world under Assyrian control (cf. 5.3.3)
difficult to reconcile with the promised salvation of Egypt in the previous verses?
A particularly interesting text, 2 Kgs 13:45, contains many terms
and themes familiar from Isa. 19:1923 (cf. 5.3.2). After Jehoahaz,
king of Israel, prays to Yhwh ( )to deliver his country from Aramaean oppressors (), Yhwh heeds his prayer and sends ()
Israel a deliverer, a ( cf. Isa. 19:20). This can historically
be identified as a foreign king, the Assyrian Adad-nirari III, who was
the overlord of the Israelite Jehoahaz, since Jehu, the latters father
253
Motyer, 167.
265
had submitted to Assyrian power. Yhwh showed his favour towards

Israel in a world under Assyrian supremacy, using the Assyrians as
his instrument.
Following the invasion of Judah in 597 by the Babylonians, Jeremiah had to put a yoke around his neck as a symbol of subordination
to Babylon (Jer. 27:2). The message attached to this symbolic act was
this: Yhwh, the ruler of the world, sovereignly decided to whom he
gave it. He chose to hand over all the lands of Judah, Tyre, Sidon,
Ammon and Moab to his servant, Nebuchadnezzar. Any nation that
did not serve the Babylonian king would be wiped out, but any nation
that will bring its neck under the yoke of the king of Babylon and serve
him, [will be left] on its own land, to till it and dwell there (27:11).
According to this view, subordination to the Babylonian king resulted
in a prosperous if somewhat confined future. Keeping peace with the
dominant power established by Yhwh and living under its rule should
not necessarily be considered a proclamation of judgment.
On another occasion Cyrus is called the shepherd (Isa. 44:28) and
messiah of Yhwh (45:1), the man of his counsel (46:11), the one
whom Yhwh loves (48:14). Although these texts are first of all salvation oracles about King Cyrus, Israel and the other nations under his
patronage are clearly also guaranteed a prosperous future life.
Although elsewhere the book of Isaiah does not explicitly refer to
Assyria as a liberator, it certainly views this power as an instrument
through which God establishes his rule in the world (10:515). This
view must also be the reason why the Isaianic prophecies so often
discourage any rebellion against Assyria, i.e. implicitly against a world
order established by Yhwh. Isa. 19:23 is different insofar as it makes
explicit what is implicit in those other texts (cf. Jer. 27; Isa. 45). In
other words, a prophecy which proclaims the rule of Yhwh through a
foreign servant of Yhwh should not be considered a judgment speech,
at least not as long as the relationship between the dominant power
and its subordinate is peaceful. As the last two verses of Isa. 19 make
clear, the Assyria that Egypt will serve is no longer a harsh master (cf.
19:4) but a nation under the patronage of Yhwh. The observation that
19:23 does not reiterate certain types of eschatological visions is correct
(cf. 5.3.2) but hardly legitimates emendation. Instead, it raises questions about the appropriateness of the eschatological interpretation of
Isa. 19:23.
266
chapter five
5.2.8
24
25
Verses 2425
On that day Israel will be the third beside Egypt and Assyria, blessing in
the midst of the earth, which Yhwh of the hosts will bless saying:
Blessed be my people, Egypt,
and Assyria the work of my hands,
and Israel my inheritance.
The pronouncement mentioning Israel as the third ( )to receive

blessing, after Egypt and Assyria, is remarkable, sometimes even considered unparalleled.254 While other passages portray the future as an
Israel-centred world in which foreigners serve Yhwhs chosen nation,255
here Egypt, Assyria and Israel appear side by side. The countries of
Moab, Ammon, Edom, Philistia, and Aram vanish from the map of
the future world (cf. Isa. 11:1416).
In the history of Judah and Israel, Egypt and Assyria are the two
neighbours against which they struggle for national independence (Jer.
2:18; Lam. 5:6; Hos. 7:11; 12:2). Egypt and Assyria are the instruments
of Yhwh (Isa. 7:18; 10:24; Zech. 10:11) or homes for Gods nation during captivity (Isa. 27:1213; Hos. 9:3; 11:5, 11; Mic. 7:12; Zech. 10:10).
Kilian has astutely argued that, in Isa. 19:2425, Egypt and Assyria,
the north and the south, represent the whole world.256 Israel between
them, the centre of the earth (cf. Ezek. 38:12), will become a blessing for the whole world. Far beyond being a tiny province or satrapy
of a world empire, it will enjoy the fame of the mightiest nations on
earth. Isa. 19:24 obviously alludes to the promise of Gen. 12:23, given
to Abraham, Israels ancestor, who himself made this journey from
Assyria (Mesopotamia) to Egypt and finally back to Canaan.257
I shall make of you a great nation () , and I shall bless
you (), and I shall make your name great () , so that
you will be a blessing () . I shall bless those who bless you, and
him who curses you I shall curse; and by you all the families of the earth
will bless each other () .258
254
I. Wilson, In That Day: From Text to Sermon on Isaiah 19:2325, Int. 21
(1967), 82; Gro, Israel, 157.
255
Isa. 14:12; 49:23; 60:3, 10, 16; 66:12.
256
Kilian, 125.
257
Cf. also Gen. 18:18; 22:1718; 28:14.
258
The niphal form of should better be rendered in the reciprocal sense and
not as a passive, as usually done, which corresponds to the pual. Cf. K. Berge, Die
Zeit des Jahwisten: Ein Beitrag zur Datierung jahwistischer Vtertexte (BZAW, 186),
267
The great nation ( ) that Abraham will become does not only
refer to the increased number of his descendants, but also to political
significance (cf. Deut. 4:7, 38; 9:1; Jer. 6:22; 50:9, 41), a point made
even more explicit by use of the expression , and I shall
make you famous. This agrees with Isa. 19:24 when it mentions Israel
as the third member of the most powerful nations on earth. However,
this power will not be misused at anybodys expense. The verse refers
to peaceful cohabitation, as was Abrahams sojourn in Canaan. Blessing is nation-friendly and not militant.259
What does it mean to be(come) a blessing? It is assumed that Israel
will become the beneficiary,260 the source,261 or the channel262 of blessing, through which blessing is poured out on nations. These interpretations are unlikely, however. While becoming a blessing is a rarelyused expression in the Bible, Zech. 8:13 suggests that )(
is the antonym of )(, to become a curse. This second
phrase is used more frequently, and its analysis may help us elucidate
the meaning of the first.263 As the texts suggest, becoming a curse
(individually or collectively) does not mean that an individual or a
community becomes a source of a curse, nor that others would curse
the respective individual or group. Becoming a curse means that a person or group will be mentioned in cursing formulas, songs, proverbs,
or oaths as an individual or a community with an undesirable fate.264
The person who has become a will be sung of, as in a prophets
song.265 The names of those who become a curse are mentioned in
Berlin 1990, 50; Cs. Balogh, Mit grt Isten brahmnak? Megjegyzsek 1Mz 12,3b
rtelmezshez, Reformtus Szemle 102 (2009), 16585.
259
This intertextual hint at the blessing of Abraham is perhaps the reason why the
name Israel rather than Judah is used here (cf. v. 16). The promise to Abraham was
realised in the empire of David, with its borders reaching from Assyria on the Euphrates to the Nile of Egypt, with Moab, Ammon, Edom, Philistia, and Aram as its vassal
kingdoms. Cf. Gen. 15:18; 2 Sam. 8:3; 1 Kgs 4:21; 1 Chron. 18:3; 2 Chron. 9:26.
260
in the LXX means blessed, but not blessing as does the Hebrew
( also in Gen. 12:2; Van der Kooij, Old-Greek, 149).
261
Deissler, Gottesbund, 11, 18.
262
Gro, Israel, 156; Wildberger, 745.
263
Cf. Num. 5:21, 27; 2 Kgs 22:19; Jer. 24:9; 25:18; 26:6; 29:18; 42:18; 44:8, 12, 22;
49:13. The verb is occasionally interchanged with .
264
Cf. K.N. Grneberg, Abraham, Blessing and the Nations: A Philological and Exegetical Study of Genesis 12:3 in its Narrative Context (BZAW, 332), Berlin 2003, 170.
265
Num. 24:20, 21; Isa. 14:4; Joel 2:17; Hab. 2:6; see also Ps. 44:15; 69:12.
268
chapter five
curse formulas,266 as Jer. 29:22 shows: And from them (the two false
prophets) will take a curse ( . . . )all the exiles of Judah in
Babylon: May Yhwh make you like Zedekiah and Ahab, whom the
king of Babylon has roasted in fire.
Conversely, becoming a blessing ( ) means that an individual (Gen. 12:2) or a nation (Isa. 19:24) is mentioned in a blessing
formula as people with a desirable fate, as exemplified in Gen. 48:20
(cf. Ruth 4:1112): So he (Jacob) blessed ( )them (the sons of
Joseph) that day, saying: By you Israel will bless each other (
),267 saying, God make you as Ephraim and as Manasseh (. . .).
Accordingly, in Isa. 19:24, when blessing each other, the people from
different nations will utter the formula: may dn (=Yhwh?) make you
like Israel!268 This is indeed the fulfilment of a promise specific to
Israel.
In the famous blessing formula of Isa. 19:25, Egypt is called , my
people, a term usually reserved for Israel.269 During Israels sojourn
in Egypt, God distinguished his people by treating them with love
and care (cf. Exod. 8:21, 22, 23). In the future, Egypt will also become
the people of Yhwh. Being the people of someone implies a strong
(family) relationship (1 Sam. 5:10; 15:30). As 1 Sam. 26:19 makes it
clear, the unity of worship (cf. Isa. 19:1922) means the unity of the
nation.
Assyria is blessed as , the work of my hands, an expression attested in the Bible in connection with Israel.270 Similarly to
, means ownership. Yhwh made Assyria, it is the work of
his hands, it belongs to him. In Assyrian texts, the king often appears
as the work (creation) of the hands of Assur (bint qtu), Mulissu,
or Istar, a motif particularly favoured in the texts of Assurbanipal.
Assurbanipals coronation hymn celebrates his enthronisation with
the words: Assur is king, indeed Assur is king! Assurbanipal is the
representative of Assur, the creation of his hands (SAA 3 11).271 While
266
Cf. Sodom/Gomorrah in Isa. 1:9, 10; 3:9; Jer. 23:14; Lam. 4:6.
Reading niphal, not piel. Cf. Berge, Zeit, 4950; Balogh, Mit grt, 170.
268
Cf. H. Gunkel, Genesis, Gttingen 1966, 164; Gro, Israel, 156. This interpretation questions Berges opinion that Assur und gypten haben als eigenstndige
Jhwh-Vlker nicht nur Anteil an der , sie sind selbst ein Segen inmitten der
Welt (169).
269
Israel is first called in Exod. 3:7. Cf. Exod. 5:1; 7:4; Isa. 1:3; 3:15; etc.
270
Cf. Isa. 29:23 (= ;)60:21; 64:7.
271
Cf. Assurbanipals Prism A vii 9596.
267
269
citing a dream revelation of Istar of Arbela, Assurbanipals Prism A

says: I myself will walk before Assurbanipal, for the king is the creation of my hands (vv. 1001).272
The third nation mentioned in the blessing, Israel, is called Yhwhs
inheritance (). This well-known description in the Old Testament273 emphasises Yhwhs ownership of Israel. According to Deut.
32:89, when Elyon gave inheritance to the nations, when he fixed
the boundaries of the nations according to the sons of El (cf. LXX;
4QDeutj), Israel became the inheritance of Yhwh.274
Some exegetes argue that is theologically more significant than
and , thus claiming a special position for Israel.275 Yet in
view of Gen. 48:20, the stated order of the nations would rather suggest
that Egypt receives greater prominence in Isa. 19:25; the one blessed
first inherits a greater blessing (cf. Gen. 27:36). Nevertheless, and
appear often in synonymous parallelism,276 suggesting that the
theological difference between the first and the last line of the blessing
is minor or insignificant. The same may also be true for .
As mentioned, all three terms include the connotation of ownership.
Egypt is Yhwhs people, but so are Assyria and Israel. Assyria is the
work of his hands, but so are Egypt and Israel as well. Israel is his
inheritance, but so are Egypt and Assyria to a similar extent. The threefold formula reminds us of the threefold blessing in Num. 6:2426.
5.2.9
Conclusion
In Isa. 19, a pronouncement of judgment against Egypt is gradually

transformed into a prophecy of salvation. The exegetical analysis concluded that the turning point in this text appears in 19:20b21 and not
in v. 16 or 18, as it is usually presupposed. The judgment on Egypt is
272
This is how Assurbanipal is addressed in many oracles of Mulissu and Istar of

Arbela (Mulissu was the wife of Assur, a manifestation of Istar [of Arbela], with whom
she is often united), as seen for instance in PPANE 94:5; 94: rev. 2 (= SAA 9 9:5; 9:
rev. 2). In his prayer to the Lady of Arbela, Assurbanipal says: O Lady of Arbela! I
am Assurbanipal, king of Assyria, creation of your hands, whom Assur, the father
who made you, desired and whom he called by name . . . (PPANE 101:2931 [= Prism
B v 2931]).
273
Exod. 34:9; Deut. 4:20; 9:26; Ps. 28:9; 33:12; 74:12; Joel 2:17; Zech. 2:16.
274
Ps. 82:8 may reflect a similar view if is vocalised as a hiphil .
275
Duhm, 147, assumed that this text made Assyria and Egypt Kinder zweiter Ordnung. Cf. also Procksch, 254; Fischer, 146.
276
Deut. 9:26, 29; 1 Kgs 8:51; Ps. 28:9; 78:62, 71; 94:5, 14; 106:40; Isa. 47:6.
270
chapter five
presented in the form of a Yhwh theophany (v. 1), which will negatively affect the divine (vv. 23), natural (vv. 57) and social world
of the land of the Nile (vv. 24, 810). The leaders and wise men on
which society relies are described in a way that resembles the Egyptian
perception of the upper stratum of society (v. 11). As v. 4 makes clear,
beyond the divine dimension of Yhwhs arrival to Egypt, there is also
a historical human element at which the prophecy hints in recounting
the supposed arrival of the unnamed tough master and powerful king.
The fulfilment of this ominous prophecy is alluded to in Isa. 19:18,
which mentions five ruined cities, each one of those called .
Vv. 1820 strongly resemble Assyrian literature. Swearing allegiance,
speaking a foreign language, renaming the cities, establishing an altar
and stele for a foreign god in the land of Egypt reflect the view that
Egypt has become a subdued vassal of Yhwh. The turning point in
the prophecy appears at v. 20b when Yhwh changes his mind with
regard to Egypt and the name of Yhwh is revealed to the Egyptians.
By submitting to Yhwh, the Egyptians will share the benefits of being
the vassal of Yhwh. The experience of Egypt (vv. 20b22) is similar
to that of Israel in the days of Moses. When Egypt is adopted into
the family of God, to which Assyria, its human master (cf. in
v. 23) and staff in Gods hands (Isa. 10:5), as well as Israel also belong,
peace will be restored on earth, which will share the blessing of the
one God.

5.3.1
R.D. Weis suggested that the prophecies form a certain type of

literature in the Bible. is not a Yhwh word (like the messenger
speech), but it represents a prophetic exposition of a previous revelation, explained according to new historical situations and addressed
to a new community.277 However, Weis reliance on the final form
of the texts and his implicit assumption that the final form and the
277
R.D. Weis, A Definition of the Genre ma in the Hebrew Bible (Ph.D. diss.),
Claremont, CA 1986; Idem, Oracle, ABD 5.2829. Cf. also M.H. Floyd, The
(Maa) as a Type of Prophetic Book, JBL 121 (2002), 40122; cf. also Sweeney in
his Isaiah-commentary.
271
original form coincide are problematic points in his thesis.278 Furthermore, Weis contention that a is not a Yhwh word also remains
doubtful.279 The characteristics he considers specific for the -texts
are vague and without much practical relevance when defining specific
types of prophetic texts. The assumption that -prophecies reinterpret earlier divine oracles (which are included in the same prophecy)
remains another matter of debate if one is reluctant to treat all contradictory examples as exceptions.280 In fact, the -compositions
diverge from each other to such a large extent that a common literary
form for these prophecies remains unlikely.
The Integrity of Isaiah 19
Isa. 19 contains several significant structural markers: (a) the change
from 3rd person to 1st person in 19:2; (b) the oracular formula,
, closing the section 19:24; (c) Isa. 19:111, 13
being written as poetry, unlike vv. 12, 1415, 1625; (d) the five
-formulas in 19:1625; (e) the negative predictions in vv. 120a,
and the proclamation of salvation in vv. 20b25. Due to these divergences, it is difficult to read Isa. 19 as an original unified composition
written on one particular occasion.281 Most exegetes separate either
vv. 115 and 1625 or vv. 117 and 1825 into two distinctive textual
blocks.282 Nevertheless, 19:(1617)1825 is not treated as an independent prophecy (cf. Isa. 20), but as an expansion of 19:115(1617)
written for its present position.
Beyond the caesura at v. 16 or 18, the coherence of the two great
constitutive parts of Isa. 19 has also been questioned. Isa. 19:115 is
usually divided into three subsections: vv. 14, 510, 1115: vv. 14
deal with Yhwhs arrival in Egypt and the chaos caused in the life of
278
For the criticism of Weis, see also B. Jones, Howling over Moab: Irony and Rhetoric in Isaiah 1516 (SBL.DS, 157), Atlanta, GA 1996, 6574; M. Boda, Freeing the
Burden of Prophecy: Ma and the Legitimacy of Prophecy in Zech 914, Bib. 87
(2006), 34750.
279
and Yhwh are connected in Jer. 23:3340 and and El are related in
the Deir Alla-text. Ezek. 12:1016 is also a Yhwh-speech, and not a prophetic exposition (contra Weis, ma, 14748). Similarly, in 2 Kgs 9:2526 is the
alternative to , a Yhwh-speech.
280
In contrast to, e.g., Weis, ma, 229.
281
Delitzsch, 240; Ridderbos, 13738, 143; Young, 2.48; Oswalt, 27475; Hayes &
Irvine, 263; Motyer, 167.
282
For the former, see Gray, 318; Procksch, 244; Wildberger, 7034; Schoors, 118.
For the latter, see Watts, 255.
272
chapter five
Egyptians; vv. 510 describe the desiccation of the Nile and its consequence; vv. 1115 present Egypts leaders as incapable of dealing
with the chaotic situation. Loretz considered these three sections of
different origin, brought together by a final author living in Egypt.283
More often, however, it has been argued that vv. 510 are secondary
interpolations between 19:14 and 1115.284 The concern of vv. 510
for nature and economy rather than politics is assumed to support
this opinion.
It is indeed remarkable that the otherwise frequently-occurring
does not appear in vv. 510 (though cf. in v. 6b). Nevertheless, the reference to typically Egyptian realia (e.g. the Nile) may
explain why the name is missing in 19:510. Second, the imagery of Yhwh as riding on a cloud and arriving in Egypt (19:1) already
introduces a divinity of nature, ruling over rain and drought (cf. Ps.
104). The effects of his coming are portrayed in vv. 510.285 Third, theophanies are often coupled with massive changes in nature.286 Fourth,
given that v. 1 describes Yhwhs arrival in Egypt as a source of confusion among the Egyptian gods, the drying up of the Nile (Hapy),
whose inundation is regarded as a divine gift of Nun, Amon, or Aton,
may symbolise a further aspect of this conflict among the divinities.
Sixth, as remarked in 5.2.2, the installation of a harsh ruler is often
paralleled by decay in the natural habitat. In Egyptian religion, the
person of the king (pharaoh) is strongly connected to welfare in the
land and the inundation of the Nile. This belongs to the basic Egyptian
concept of mt, social order and justice, but the notion is not typically
Egyptian (cf. Ps. 72; SAA 3 11). Seventh, Isa. 19:10, by mentioning the
ordinary men (wage workers) and the leaders (pillars) of Egypt, forms
an excellent bridge between vv. 510 and 1115, which deal with these
leaders in more detail.
283
O. Loretz, Der Ugaritische Topos bl rkb und die Sprache Kanaans in Jes 19:1
25, UF 19 (1987), 11011.
284
T.K. Cheyne, The Nineteenth Chapter of Isaiah, ZAW 13 (1893), 127; Marti,
155; Vermeylen, 1.322; Wildberger, 703; Clements, 168; Hffken, 143.
285
Yhwhs drying out the rivers and seas seems like a historicised version of Baals
fight with Yam / Naharu in Ugarit. Baal (Seth) was particularly well-known in the
eastern Delta.
286
Judg. 5:45; 2 Sam. 22:716; Ps. 68:78; Mic. 1; Hab. 3.
273
We may conclude that vv. 510 can hardly be considered an independent text.287 These verses fit well the current context in which they
stand. Nevertheless, the possibility that this passage was taken over
as a fragment from an earlier source cannot be excluded (see further
discussion below). The case might be comparable to Isa. 15, which
also appears to include an earlier lamentation concerning Moab with
metaphors strikingly similar to Isa. 19:510 adapted for the purposes
of a prophecy (cf. 3.2.3). But even so, vv. 510 could have been interpolated by the same author who wrote 19:14, 1115. This process
may eventually explain both the foreignness and the coherence of
the present passage.
Attention also needs to be paid to the peculiar character of vv. 24.
These verses contain a speech by Yhwh spoken in the 1st person using
a typical oracular formula () .288 Vv. 1, 12, 14 on
the other hand are formulated in the 3rd person. As we have seen in
Isa. 18, such changes are typical when prophetic comments are added
to a received revelation. It cannot be excluded that the first-person
formulation and characteristic closure of vv. 24 indicate that an earlier prophecy was integrated into Isa. 19, but this view is again conjectural. It is nevertheless important that the name
is typically Isaianic, appearing in passages commonly ascribed to the
8th century prophet.289
The prosaic Isa. 19:15 is occasionally considered to be a later addition to 19:114.290 However, if poetry is considered a sign of earlier origin, then vv. 12 and 14 must also be regarded as secondary additions.291
Parallelism is mostly absent in these verses (cf., however, v. 15b).
To conclude, Isa. 19:115 forms a literary unit that also includes vv.
510. If the prose-poetry distinction is taken to be a sign of editorial
intervention in the text of Isa. 19, then vv. 12, 1415 can be regarded
as later additions, though this remains uncertain.
Opinions also differ regarding the integrity of vv. 1625. There is
some dispute about whether this was attached as a unit to 19:115 or
287
Hffken, 143. On the coherence of 19:510, see W. Werner, Studien zur alttestamentlichen Vorstellung vom Plan Jahwes (BZAW, 173), Berlin 1986, 4041, 4849;
Sweeney, 269.
288
Duhm, 141, Loretz, Ugaritische Topos, 105, and Hffken, 143, are suspicious
about the change of speaker in these verses.
289
Cf. Isa. 1:24; 3:1; 10:16, 33.
290
For instance, Procksch, 248; Wildberger, 72425; Clements, 169; Schoors, 120.
291
Loretz, Ugaritische Topos, 109, believes that 19:12b, 14b15 is prose.
274
chapter five
whether it was a collection of shorter pieces distinct from each other

in terms of time and possibly authorship.292 It is sometimes assumed
that the subsequent expansions were intended to contrast and correct
former theological viewpoints,293 but others maintain that these verses
contain theological ideas that are gradually developed and that culminate in the final verse.
Ancient witnesses do not hesitate to distinguish various sections in
vv. 1625 any less than modern exegetes. 1QIsaa inserts division signs
after vv. 15, 18, 21, 23. At v. 17, the end of the verse and the end of the
column coincide. The Aleppo Codex has delimitation markers after
vv. 17, 18, 22, 23. The Cairo Geniza manuscript gives section markers
after vv. 17, 18, 23. Codex Sinaiticus marks the transition after vv. 15,
17, 18, 20, 21, 22, 23. The Syriac Codex Ambrosianus contains division markers after vv. 17, 18, 22, 23, 25. It is noteworthy that 1QIsaa,
Codex Leningradensis and Sinaiticus consider the beginning of v. 16 a
new section, while others do not. It is likewise important that v. 18 is
delimited from the next verse in all variants. Some of these witnesses
follow a strict logic in textual division. For example, 1QIsaa usually
marks off passages beginning with ,294 a principle evident at
v. 21, where was regarded by the copyist as the beginning
of a new section.
Whether vv. 1625 form one coherent unit or whether they are the
result of gradual growth is largely dependent on presuppositions concerning the rhetorical significance of the -formula, which is
often assumed to start editorial sections in prophecies. The question is
how the expression functions in this specific case?
Although may appear in texts dealing with past events
(e.g., Josh. 8:25; 1 Sam. 3:2; 2 Kgs 3:6), it is quite clear that such occurrences of are integral to the passages in which they occur.
While exegetes occasionally make a difference between narrative and
292
Exegetes distinguish two (19:1617, 1825; Kilian, 123; Sweeney, 27071; Kustr, Ein Gottesvolk, 27), three (19:1617, 1822, 2325; Procksch, 249; Schoors, 121),
or five paragraphs (according to ; Fohrer, 1.211; Kaiser, 86; Hffken, 146;
Blenkinsopp, 318). Some argue that one author composed 19:1625, but elaborated it
in five steps (Duhm, 144; Wildberger, 730; Feuillet, Sommet, 262; Vogels, gypte,
497; Berges, 165).
293
Kaiser, 86; Kilian, 122.
294
J.W. Olley, Hear the Word of Yahweh: The Structure of the Book of Isaiah
in 1QIsaa, VT 43 (1993), 32; O.H. Steck, Die erste Jesajarolle von Qumran (1QIsaa)
(SBS, 173), Stuttgart 1998.
275
prophetic texts on this point, there is a common element here: in both

cases is used in a descriptive context, with events presented
in temporal relation, regardless whether past or future. It is important
to observe the integral character of the texts in Exod. 8:18
(Exod. 8:1619); Deut. 31:1718; 1 Sam. 3:12 (3:1114); 8:18 (8:11
18); 1 Kgs 22:25 (| 2 Chron. 18:24). These examples appear outside
prophetic books but, as known from the Latter Prophets, remain close
to prophetic texts.295 Although the study of Munch on was
rightly criticised on some points, his contention that should
not be labelled automatically as a term introducing eschatological passages is valid.296
In principle, there are at least four possible explanations with regard
to : (a) may represent a mere shift in the logical
structure of a text without implying a secondary origin for the verse in
which it appears. (b) may function as a gloss, but not so the
verse to which it was added. (c) As a related option, may
not necessarily introduce an expansion of a previous prophecy but
connect two originally independent textual blocks. (d) Finally,
may introduce a text that was entirely written as a reinterpretation of a previous prophetic passage.
A case like Isa. 19:1625, with six expressions following
each other is not commonly attested in the Bible, but it should not be
considered a unique phenomenon either. In theory, it is possible that
several temporal transition markers follow each other without urging
us to take each individual verse containing as a secondary addition. There must be other more reliable arguments that would
warrant such a conclusion. As part of a text of undisputed coherence,
295
In his detailed analysis of temporal transitions in prophetic texts, De Vries

acknowledged that the verses mentioned above show remarkable similarities in structure and function with the classical prophecies, but he failed to take advantage of
this observation (S.J. De Vries, From Old Revelation to New: A Tradition-Historical
and Redaction-Critical Study of Temporal Transitions in Prophetic Prediction, Grand
Rapids, MI 1995, 1089).
296
P.A. Munch, The Expression bayym hh: Is It an Eschatological Terminus
Technicus? Oslo 1936. Cf. A. Lefvre, Lexpression en ce jour-l dans le livre dIsae,
in: Mlanges bibliques rdigs en lhonneur dAndr Robert, Paris 1957, 17479. One
has to disagree with De Vries, Old Revelation, 17, that can be considered
integral to the text only when it does not appear at the beginning of a verse. The location of can be a matter of syntax.
276
chapter five
appears in successive verses in historical texts,297 but also

in prophecies. The integrity of Deut. 31:1718 can hardly be questioned, yet here, too, is attested three times. The textual
unity of similar prophetic passages in the Latter Prophets has been
subject to debate. Most notable are Isa. 7:18, 20, 21, 23; 17:4, 7, 9;
Hos. 2:18, 20, 23; Zech. 12:3, 4, 6, 8, 9, 11; 13:1, 2, 4; 14:4, 6, 8, 9, 13,
20, 21. While it is likely that introduces a secondary editorial section in these prophetic books, it is much less certain that each
inside such editorial expansions would have originated at
different times, from different sources. Ifin order to avoid circular
reasoningwe leave the expression out of consideration,
one way of determining the integrity of the respective verses would be
to look at internal coherence and tensions.
These general observations prove insufficient when we wish to condense them into concrete literary critical conclusions. (a) As I have
argued in the textual analysis of vv. 1625, we have a consistently developing line of thought in these verses, with no contradicting elements.
(b) Isa. 19:17 mentions the land of Judah as a source of threat for the
Egyptians, but the name Israel is used in v. 24. This might point to
the secondary origin of vv. 2425 with respect to 19:17, though it must
be acknowledged that the historical Judah (v. 17) and the ideal future
Israel (v. 2425) are not necessarily contradictory ideas. (c) The image
of Assyria in v. 25 is somewhat less triumphant than v. 23 presupposes, and this might be a further argument for the different origin of
the two verses. I have to admit, however, that this modest evidence can
also be interpreted otherwise, namely as referring to peaceful cohabitation of the nations. The nations Egypt and Assyria (as well as Israel )
are presented as equals from Yhwhs point of view in that they belong
to him. But that does not necessarily imply equal political significance
(cf. Ps. 87). (d) There is no clear indication that vv. 23 and 2425 must
be connected.298 (e) It is also conceivable that the text retrospectively
describes the history of Egypt from a moment mentioned in v. 23. In
that case judgment could be part of the past just like salvation.299
297
E.g., Judg. 20:15, 21, 26, 35, 46 (5x); 1 Sam. 6:15, 16 (2x); 1 Sam. 14:23, 24, 31
(3x); 2 Sam. 18:7, 8 (2x); 19:3, 4 (3x).
298
Contra Wildberger, 730, and Clements, 170.
299
Contra Sweeney, 270. His distinction between singular forms in 19:16-17 and
plural forms in 19:1825 is problematic. Cf. ( v. 18), ( v. 19), ( v. 23),
( v. 24), ( v. 25). For the interchange of sg. and pl., see also vv. 115.
277
To conclude, the examples provided by other biblical texts in which
appears several times and the textual coherence of Isa.

19:1625 question the idea that this passage contains five independent additions. If the interchange of the names Judah / Israel and the
nuanced view of Assyria in v. 25 is allowed to play a role, vv. 2425
could be considered as secondary additions to vv. 1623. I am inclined
to treat vv. 1623 as a unity, but this question must ultimately be kept
open.300
The Intertextual Connections of Isaiah 19
The intertextual connections of Isa. 19 provide additional insight
into its literary formation. There are some striking thematic and lexical similarities between Isa. 19:115, Isa. 2:223:7, 12 and Isa. 9:720
relating to the following subjects:
the common divine name, ( Isa. 3:1; Isa. 19:4),
occurs rarely and only in the book of Isaiah;
the theme of the unfavourable ruler (Isa. 3:4: ;
Isa. 19:4: )
the imagery of chaos (Isa. 3:5; Isa. 19:1);
the idea of misleading officials (Isa. 3:12: ; Isa. 19:13:
;)
the idea of destroying the plans or ways of the people (cf. Isa. 3:12:
; Isa. 19:3: ;) piel occurs in
Isa. 139 only in 25:78 and hiphil is found elsewhere only
in Isa. 30:28.
the removal of incompetent leaders (Isa. 3:2, 4; Isa. 19:3, 11, 13);
citation of the words of the addressed (Isa. 3:67; Isa. 19:11).
Another text, closely related to Isa. 19 in its ideas and vocabulary is
Isa. 9:720, a prophecy addressed to Northern Israel. Note especially:
the verb is used only in Isa. 9:10 and Isa. 19:2;
the expression is also unique to Isa. 19:13
and 15;
300
Vogels, gypte, 513, deciphered a chiastic structure in 19:1625: (a) curse (vv.
1617) (b) peace (v. 18) (c) covenantal promise (vv. 1921a) (c) covenantal promise
(vv. 21b22) (b) peace (v. 23) (a) blessing (vv. 2425). But his scheme is often problematic, especially at 19:18 and 22.
278
chapter five
the idea of misleading officials (Isa. 9:13: ;

Isa. 19:12: ;)
destruction or confusion of the leaders (Isa. 9:15: ;
Isa. 19:3: ;)
the imagery of chaos in close social units (Isa. 9:19, 20; Isa. 19:2).
The even distribution of the common vocabulary in Isa. 19:115
strengthens the literary critical conclusion of the previous section
that, at the very least, vv. 14, 1115 were not originally independent
from each other. At the same time, it is remarkable that the direct
parallels to Isa. 19:510 seem to be missing in either Isa. 3 or 9. This
absence of common vocabulary might suggest that vv. 510 would be
of a separate origin for which Isa. 19 was not the original context (see
discussion above). I admit though that the lack of common theme
could also be explained to a certain extent with the typically Egyptian
focus of 19:510. It would be unrealistic to expect the appearance of
vocabulary designating Egyptian realia in a non-Egyptian setting and
vice versa. Moreover, the theme of lack of water and food as a consequence of judgment could also be considered common to Isa. 3:1,
7; 9:19, on the one hand, and 19:510, on the other, even though this
motif is obviously treated in a different way in the Judaeo-Israelite and
the Egyptian contexts.
The prophecies of Ezekiel concerning Egypt contain common elements with Isa. 19, although some of these motifs are stereotypical.301
The parallels with Isaiah are rarely literal, but general characteristic
of the book of Ezekiel is the fact that its allusions to other books are
often thematic rather than literal. Ezek. 30:119 contains the following
parallels:
the cloud (Isa. 19:1: ;Ezek. 30:3: ;)
Yhwh / the sword enters Egypt (Isa. 19:1; Ezek. 30:4);
the gods of Egypt (Isa. 19:1: ; Ezek. 30:13:
;)
301
See also L. Boadt, Ezekiels Oracles against Egypt: A Literary and Philological
Study of Ezekiel 2932 (BibOr, 37), Rome 1980, 174. Note also in the context of Ezekiels Egypt-related prophecies the expressions in Ezek. 29:6, alluding
to Isa. 36:6 and in Ezek. 30:3, which appears only once more in Isa. 2:12
( is never used in Ezekiel).
279
deliver Egypt to . . . (Isa. 19:4: ;

Ezek. 30:12: )
reference to divine revelation (Isa. 19:4: ;
Ezek. 30:12: ;)
desiccation of rivers (Isa. 19:5; Ezek. 30:12);
destruction of the pillars of Egypt (Isa. 19:18: ;
Ezek. 30:4: ;)
city of destruction (Isa. 19:18: ; Ezek. 30:7:
).
The similarities between the two texts suggest that the author of Ezek.
30:119 was familiar with Isa. 19:115, perhaps even 19:122.302 Ezek.
29:1315(16) also contains a prophecy of salvation for Egypt, although
this is different from the salvation prophecy closing Isa. 19 and more
strongly resembles Jer. 46:26b (missing from Jeremiah in LXX).
5.3.2
Exegetes who believe that Isa. 19 was composed in the 8th century
argue thatlike most oracles dealing with Egyptthis one also criticises Judah on the subject of anti-Assyrian alliances. The fall of Egypt,
which the text announces, implicitly predicts doom for Judah.303 Given
that Isa. 19 nowhere refers to 8th century freedom movements, Kilian
and Werner consider 19:115 an implicit salvation prophecy addressed
to Judah, formulated against the background of a later conflict between
Judah and Egypt. Werner admits though that this is not made explicit
either.304
Isaiah 19:115
One of the recurring motifs in 19:115 is in 19:3, 11 (cf. v. 17) and
its verbal form in 19:11, 12 (cf. v. 17). While and appear
302
The selective citation of judgment passages can be one reason why the prophecies deemed to be positive about Egypt in Isa. 19:1625 were left out in Ezekiel.
303
Kissane, 210; Erlandsson, Burden, 76; G.R. Hamborg, Reasons for Judgement
in the Oracles against the Nations of the Prophet Isaiah, VT 31 (1981), 148; Sweeney,
271.
304
Kilian, 12223; Werner, Plan Jahwes, 52. Cf. also P.E. Dion, Dieu universel et
peuple lu: luniversalisme religieux en Isral depuis les origines jusqua la veille des
luttes maccabennes (Lectio Divina, 83), Paris 1975, 108, on 19:1617.
280
chapter five
outside the FNPs, we find them at key places in Isa. 1323.305 Fichtner
distinguishes between a plan of Yhwh against his people (5:19; 30:1)
and a plan against other nations (7:5; 8:910; 10:515; 14:2427; 19;
23).306 It is important to observe, however, that the plan of Yhwh constitutes a divine intention prevailing over human endeavours. Whether
this appears in relation to Israel or a foreign nation is less important.
The plan of Yhwh is a counter-plan against human undertaking. As
far as these human plans have concretemostly politicalobjectives
in view, the plan of Yhwh is also related to his concrete historical
manifestation in the near future. It refers to an occasional rather than
a well-fixed, century-long determined, consistent and unchangeable
divine project.307
This motif also appears in the Assyrian inscriptions. When Assurbanipal discloses the plans of his Egyptian enemies, he writes: they
(the three leaders of Egypt) talked false speech, and discussed profitless counsels (milik l kuri imlik) among themselves [. . .].308 The
contrast between the intentions of Egypt and Yhwh in Isa. 19:3, 11,
12 might be the theologised version of a historical conflict, similar to
the clash between Egypt and Assurbanipal.
As for the context of the -motif in the FNPs of Isa. 1323, one
should note close formal similarities, such as the use of rhetorical
questions in Isa. 14:27; 19:12 and 23:89:
Isa. 14:27
Isa. 19:12
Isa. 23:89
For Yhwh of hosts has plannedwho will annul it?

His hand is stretched outwho will turn it back?
Where then are your wise men? Let them inform you and
let you know what Yhwh of hosts has planned for Egypt!
Who has made this plan concerning Tyre? [. . .]
Yhwh of hosts has planned this [. . .]
305
appears in 14:26; 16:3 (cf. 5:19; 8:10; 11:2; 25:1; 28:29; 29:15; 30:1; 36:5),
in 14:24, 26, 27; 23:8, 9 (cf. 1:26; 3:3; 7:5; 8:10; 9:5; 32:78). Note also the synonyms
, , . Werners suggestion that all plan of Yhwh texts (Jer. 49:20; 50:45;
etc.) imply a common origin is unconvincing (see his comments on, e.g., Isa. 5:19, or
30:15 in Werner, Plan Jahwes, 20, 9293).
306
Fichtner, Jahwes Plan, 37.
307
Cf. G. Fohrer, Wandlungen des Jesajas, in: Ibid., Studien zu alttestamentlichen
Texten und Themen (19661972) (BZAW, 155), Berlin 1981, 1112. However, Isa.
37:26 and 46:1011 presuppose a more enhanced view of the plan.
308
Fragment 82-5-22,10 (BIWA, 2627); Prism E iv 2980. Cf. also below.
281
In 3.1, it was argued that the connection between the prophecies concerning Egypt (Isa. 19) and Tyre (Isa. 23) was more evident before
Isa. 2122 was inserted into its present context. The ties between the
two countries were particularly strong throughout history. They were
allied against Assyria during the rebellion of 701, as well as during the
reigns of Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal. The stele of Esarhaddon from
Zenjirli (IAKA 65) pictures the crown prince of Kush and Egypt,
Ushanhuru, and Baal, king of Tyre, kneeling before the colossal figure of Esarhaddon, who holds the two small-sized monarchs on ropes
(Figure 2).309 Isa. 23:5 seemingly connects the destruction of Tyre with
Egypt. This pair of prophecies in Isa. 19 and 23 is paralleled by a similar Tyre-Egypt-structure in Ezek. 2632.
The presumption that Isa. 19:115 warns against allying with Egypt
is not positively confirmed by the prophecy. However, even in other
prophecies, this background is rarely mentioned explicitly, since it
would have been apparent to the community reading or hearing those
texts.310 The intertextual relationship between Isa. 19:115 and 2:22
3:7, 12, which probably also addresses the theme of political support
from Egypt, might point to this function of Isa. 19:115.311 If this latter
is assumed to derive from the 8th century bc, this explanation would
make the most sense.
However, it is also possible that Isa. 19:115 addresses the theme
of Egypt from a different angle. The text may sound like a theological
treatise dealing with Egypts role in the unfolding plan of Yhwh concerning all the worlds nations, especially if v. 12 is seen as integral to
the text. From this point of view, the text may reflect on attempts to
subdue Egypt by one of the Assyrian monarchs without any particular
309
Cf. also AOB 144 Tafel LXIII. For the identification of the kneeling Kushite figure with Ushanhuru, see D. Kahn, Taharqa, King of Kush and the Assyrians, JSSEA
31 (2004), 116.
310
While Egypt offered support for the Judaean kings against Babylon, most prophecies of Jeremiah and Ezekiel against Egypt fail to mention this fact in their prophecies. Cf. Jer. 46:112, 1323; Ezek. 29:16a, 9b12, 1720. Egypt as a false source of
hope is mentioned in Jer. 46:2526a; Ezek. 29:6b9a, 16.
311
Isa. 2:22 questions the attitude of the people of Yhwh in relying on man ()
instead of God. That is exactly the point made in Isaiahs early anti-Egyptian prophecies (31:3). in 3:1 (glossed by: ) recalls
Israels reliance ( )on Egypt (Isa. 10:20; 30:12; 31:1). It is therefore tempting to
relate the two pericopes not only with regard to their common vocabulary, but also
in terms of their rhetorical intention.
282
chapter five
Figure 2
The Zenjirli stele of Esarhaddon
283
implication concerning anti-Assyrian alliances. At any rate, there is

no positive support that the intention of Isa. 19:115 is to denounce
Egypt because of a threat against Judah, as Kilian and Werner presupposed. Biblical prophecies concerning Egypt nowhere link judgment
against Egypt with any attempt to occupy Judah.
Isaiah 19:1625
In connection with Isa. 19:1626, we need to discuss two important
theological questions. First, as I noted above, part of 19:1625 seems
to be constructed in reference to Israels past. Second, the type of universalism that appears in 19:1625 is particularly intriguing, and will
be further investigated.
Where do the theologically significant expressions found in 19:16
25 occur in the Old Testament in a similar context?312 The word
in 19:16 refers to the fear that Israel instils in foreigners and is used in
a similar manner in Judg. 8:12, in the war of Gideon against Zebah and
Zalmunna, in 1 Sam. 14:15, in the war between Jonathan (Saul ) and
the Philistines. The verb in Isa. 19:16 is found in a similar context in Exod. 15:16; Deut. 2:25; 11:25; 1 Chron. 14:17; 2 Chron. 14:13;
17:10; 20:29; Est. 8:17; 9:2; Ps. 105:38; Jer. 33:9; Mic. 7:17. These texts
emphasise that the nations fear of Israel is caused by Yhwh. Deut.
2:25 is particularly interesting in connecting the fear of all nations
under the sky with the report they hear about Israel as in Isa. 19:17
() .313
The hand raised against the enemy ( + ( )Isa. 19:17) appears in
Isa. 10:32 (Assur/Yhwh against Jerusalem); 11:15 (Yhwh against the
Euphrates); Zech. 2:13 (against the nations). However, in Isa. 19:16
17 the motif of the raised hand is connected with the plan of Yhwh
() . The same connection of the two elements appears in Isa.
14:2627 as and as well as in Isa. 23:89,
11. The notion of the stretched outhand ( + )is frequent in the
Egypt stories (Exod. 7:5, 19; 8:1, 2, 13; 9:22; 10:12, 21, 22; 14:16, 21,
312
Concordance-like comparison of the vocabulary of 19:1625 is only meaningful
if the parallel occurrences involve a similar context.
313
For other expressions of fear, cf. Exod. 1:12; 14:25; 15:1416; Deut. 28:10; Josh.
2:911; 5:1; 9:24; 2 Kgs 7:6; Neh. 6:16; Ps. 48:56.
284
chapter five
26, 27; cf. Josh. 8:19),314 but also a recurrent theme in Jeremiah, Ezekiel
and Zephaniah.315
As noted in 5.2.5, may have been chosen because it
reminded the reader of the Judaean history, the conquest and the settlement of the land. Canaan appears rarely after the book of Judges.
When it does, it refers either to Israels past (Ezek. 16:3; Hos. 12:8)
or to the Phoenicians on the seacoast (Isa. 23:8, 11; Obad. 20; Zeph.
2:5).
The need to make an offering (Isa. 19:19) was the primary reason
for which the Israelites in Egypt asked permission from the pharaoh
to leave for the desert (Exod. 5:3; 8:2526). Sacrifices performed by
foreigners are described in 1 Sam. 6; 2 Kgs 5:17; Jon. 1:16. As for the
function of the altar and the stele as a sign and witness, Isa. 19:20a can
be compared to Josh. 22, with its altar built near the Jordan as a witness to the faith of the Transjordanian tribes (22:27, 28, 34).
Nowhere is the literary parallel to Israels history as strong as in Isa.
19:20b21.316 The cry for help by Egypt ( )echoes Israels cry ()
when suffering under its Egyptian oppressors in Exod. 2:23. Both
and appear together in Exod. 3:9 (cf. Isa. 19:20), where Moses (cf.
in Isa. 19:20), is told: The cry ( )of the Israelites has come
to me. I have also seen how the Egyptians oppress ( )them. The
verb appears in Exod. 3:8 and in 3:10 (cf. Judg. 6:14). The
cry of suffering under oppression and the call for a deliverer (judge/
king) is particularly favoured by Deuteronomy and related literature.317
I already mentioned above the interesting case of 2 Kgs 13:45, where
Jehoahaz, king of Israel, is delivered from Aramaean oppressors ()
byan Assyrian .
The revelation of Yhwh to Egypt recalls Exod. 3 and 5:2. The idea of
serving Yhwh in Isa. 19:21 is also close to the promise and sign ()
given to Moses in Exod. 3:12.
314
For , cf. Exod. 6:6; Deut. 4:34; 5:15; 7:19; 9:29; 11:2; 26:8; 1 Kgs 8:42; 2
Kgs 17:36; Ps. 136:12. is used in, e.g., Exod. 3:20; 9:15; (24:11).
315
Against his people: Isa. 5:25; 9:11, 16, 20; 31:3; Jer. 6:12; 15:6; Ezek. 6:14; 14:9,
13; 16:27; Zeph. 1:4. Against other nations: Isa. 10:4; 14:26, 27; 23:11; Jer. 51:25; Ezek.
25:7, 13, 16; 30:25; 35:3; Zeph. 2:13.
316
See also Vogels, gypte, 5058.
317
Note Deut. 26:7 ( / ;)Judg. 2:18 ( / / ;)4:3 ( / ;)6:7, 9
( / / ;)10:12 ( / / ;)Ps. 106:4244 ( / / ).
appears again in a Deuteronomistic context in 1 Sam. 10:18; 2 Kgs 13:22, or otherwise
in Amos 6:14. Cf. also Ps. 42:10; 43:2; 44:25.
285
The verb ( 19:22) in connection with Egypt appears in the Exodus narratives (Exod. 7:27; 12:13, 23, 27; Josh. 24:5), while Yhwh as
the healer of Israel, who will not bring the diseases of Egypt upon his
people, is found in Exod. 15:26 (cf. Deut. 28:27, 35).
Israel becoming a blessing amidst the earth in 19:24 appears as the
fulfilment of a promise given to Abraham in Gen. 12:3. The name of
Israel appearing in 19:2425 as the third between Egypt and Assyria,
may be reminiscent of the land promised to Abraham, reaching from
the river of Egypt to the Euphrates (Gen. 15:18; cf. 1 Kgs 4:21).
This portrayal of Egypts future based on Israels past reminds anyone reading the book of Isaiah of the theology expounded in other
passages of this book where future vision is constantly formulated by
analogy to the past. Isa. 8:239:6 mentions Yhwh breaking the rod
of the oppressor of Israel as he did in the days of Midian, alluding
to Judg. 7. The child ruler of 9:56 will reign on the throne of David.
Isa. 10:20 alludes to Israels servitude in Egypt, which is called the
one who struck them. Similarly, Isa. 10:24, 26 compares the defeat of
Assyria to the defeat of the Midianites in Judg. 7:25 and to the humiliation of the pharaoh by Yhwh in the stories of Exodus. The exodus
story also provides the background for Isa. 11:1112:6, as does 14:1
4a, which we have already discussed in 3.2.1. One may also observe
a close relationship with the theology of Assyrian prophecies, which
promise Esarhaddon that the future shall be like the past (urkte l
k pnte),318 that is, as glorious, as the past.
Since Isa. 910 focus on the deliverance from the oppression of
Assur while Isa. 11:1112:6 on the return from the exile, one may
conclude that this presentation of the future by analogy to the past
appears in both pre-exilic and post-exilic literature. Because the idea
of the new exodus is emphatically present in exilic and post-exilic literature, scholars often tend to date Isa. 19:1625 to after the exile.319
It is, however, important to note that at least the core of the story of
Israels deliverance from Egypt is earlier than the exilic era. Furthermore, while the deliverance from Egypt is seen as an analogue to the
return from Babylon for the exilic and post-exilic authors, 19:1625
has little to do with the deliverance from Egypt (i.e. a second exodus)
but is far more concerned with the stories of Exodus (among others)
318
319
PPANE 71 ii 37; cf. PPANE 79 i 1718.

Vogels, gypte, 496.
286
chapter five
as such. This means that Isa. 19:1625 is more closely related to Isa.
910, than to 11:1112:6.
To conclude, the theological investigation of Isa. 19:1625 has led
thus far to two significant conclusions. First, Isa. 19:1625 makes use
of expressions and words that remind the reader of Israel-related texts.
By this presentation of the future of Egypt, the author underlines that
Egypt will get to know Yhwh in the same way as Israel did. Second,
making use of the analogy of the past in order to present the future
is a characteristic of several pericopes in Isaiah, one of which is Isa.
19:1625.
The second problem is the universalistic perspective of this prophecy.
Universalism in the Bible is often related to the exilic and post-exilic
periods. For this reason, Isa. 19:1625 is frequently dated to the Persian or Hellenistic era. Parallel texts frequently mentioned include Isa.
66:1821; Jon. 1:16; 34; Zech. 14:20; Mal. 1:11.320 It must be emphasised from the start that, while the Babylonian captivity facilitated the
development of universalistic ideas (cf. Isa. 4055),321 the idea of the
supremacy of Yhwh over all other gods and nations originated in an
earlier period. To avoid unhelpful generalisations, we should consider
more closely the type of universalism expounded in 19:1625. I am not
so interested in universalism in the sense of Yhwhs universal rule, but
in the direct relationship between foreigners and Yhwh. The texts to
be investigated can be subdivided into three groups.322
(a) Foreigners acknowledging Yhwhs awesomeness. On different
occasions, we find foreigners implicitly or explicitly acknowledging
Yhwh:323 the Egyptians (Exod. 8:19; 9:20, 27; 10:7), the foreign travel
mates of Jonah (Jon. 1:16), Nebuchadnezzar (Dan. 2:47; 3:2833), Darius (Dan. 6:2427). These texts mostly deal with specific individuals or
groups, rather than entire nations. A close parallel to Isa. 19 appears
in 1 Sam. 56, a story proclaiming the superiority of Yhwh above the
god Dagan. Essentially the same is suggested by Zeph. 2:11, which
mentions nations bowing down before Yhwh each in its own place
() . The cause for this reverence of Yhwh is,
320
Feuillet, Sommet, 27477; Schoors, 12021; Berges, 167.

A. Gelston, The Universalism of Second Isaiah, JTS 43 (1992), 37798.
322
I exclude Exod. 18 from these passages. Jethros previous relationship with
Yhwh is not clarified by the text (neither rejected nor presupposed).
323
On the general topic of foreign worshippers of national deities, cf. D.I. Block,
The Gods of the Nations: Studies in Ancient Near Eastern National Theology, Grand
Rapids, MI 22000, 7172.
321
287
however, not a direct self-revelation of Yhwh to those nations (cf.

in Isa. 19:21), but it is rather induced by his awesomeness and
the judgment that he passes on their national gods (cf. Ps. 22:2829;
95:3; 96:4; 97:9). In most cases, the recognition of Yhwh (including
bringing him offerings) does not imply that the nations or persons will
have a positive, long-standing relationship with Yhwh. These stories
confirm the superiority of Yhwh to an Israelite audience rather than
to foreigners. This idea cannot be constrained to the post-exilic era.
The concept of Yhwhs superiority above the nations and their gods
can therefore be traced back to the pre-exilic period (cf. Isa. 6:3).324
(b) There is only one God, whom the foreigners also revere. A somewhat related yet still a different idea is formulated in Mal. 1:11, a text
often mentioned in connection with Isa. 19:1625. Malachi speaks of
nations bringing offerings to Yhwh in all places (). Two
important aspects distinguish this text from Isa. 19:1625. First, like
the former group, Mal. 1:11 also appears in a polemic context, only in
a reversed sense: Israel should learn to fear Yhwh from the examples
of other nations. Second, one wonders whether this foreign worship
of Yhwh should not be understood as indicating, in Malachis view,
that Yhwh is actually the true God of the world, so that every sacrifice offered by other nations is actually brought to him. This inclusive
monotheism may also be the idea behind the story of Jon. 34, which
is clearly different from Isa. 19:1625. While Jonah, serving the God
of the Hebrews (Jon. 1:9) is ordained by Yhwh, the name plays
no role whatsoever in relation to the people of Nineveh. They are not
Yhwh-fearing nations but god-fearing. They believe in ( Jon.
3:5, 8, 9, 10). They do not return to Yhwh and do not recognise him
as a new God as in Isa. 19:21.325 Indeed, Gods name is not even an
issue in this story. Yhwh is here the universal ruler of the world and
has, therefore, direct relationships with other nations through creation
324
Ps. 82 is recognised as one of the oldest psalms. Note, however, 82:8, which presents Yhwh (?) as the uppermost judge of the entire world (reminiscent of the Canaanite Elyon). Kraus notes that der Universalismus in der Theologie der Psalmen nicht
das Sptprodukt eines religisen Entwicklungsprozesses innerhalb der Geschichte
Israels, sondern vielmehr ein im Typos der Verehrung des hchsten Gottes bereits
vorgegebenes Element der kanaanischen Welt ist (H.J. Kraus, Psalmen [BKAT, 15],
Neukirchen-Vluyn 51978, 97). Amos 9:7 is another striking example, which refers to
concrete nations, whose history is governed by Yhwh. This text parallels the exodus
(!) of Israel with the exodus of other nations. For the pre-exilic origin of Amos 9:7, see
A.S. van der Woude, Amos-Obadja-Jona (T&T), Kampen 1993, 1034.
325
Contra Feuillet, Sommet, 275.
288
chapter five
(cf. Jon. 1:9; 4:1011), not through covenant.326 It is the same concept
as the one underlying the book of Job.
(c) In order to get to know Yhwh, one has to go to Israel. The cases
of Rahab (Josh. 2:913) and Ruth (Ruth 1:16) are also mentioned in
connection with Isa. 19:1625. However, these texts can be considered
universalist only insofar as Israel is the centre of the universe. The stories of Rahab and Ruth convince the reader that experiencing the benefits of worshipping Yhwh is only realised by leaving former national
and religious identities behind and joining the people of Yhwh. This
is also the idea reflected in the story of Naaman (2 Kgs 5:15, 17), and
more importantly in the Israel-centred texts concerned with foreign
nations (Isa. 66:2023; Jer. 12:1417; Zech. 2:1516; 14; etc.). Zeph.
3:910, which is closest to Isa. 19:1625, may also be seen as part of
this group. According to v. 9 Yhwh will gather the foreign nations
for judgment, he will change the lips of the nations into pure lips
( ) so that they may call on the name of Yhwh
( ) and serve him with one accord (
). Isa. 19:1625 may have been the source of Zeph. 3:9, as Zeph.
3:10 is also clearly built on Isa. 18:7 (cf. 2.4.4; 4.3.1). A notable difference between the two texts is, however, that according to Zeph.
3:10, the other nations will worship Yhwh in Jerusalem and not in
their homeland, unlike in Isa. 19:1625.
Therefore, the above mentioned texts hardly represent complete
parallels for the ideas raised in Isa. 19:1625, and they are unlikely to
have played a role in the formation of this text. Isa. 19:1625 is not
merely about the fear of Yhwh characterising foreigners but the particular experience of Egypt with Israels God, who will be revealed to
Egypt as he was revealed to Israel. Egypt will honour Yhwh, not Elohim; not the creator of the world, but Yhwh, who had smitten them,
and healed them. They will not worship him in Jerusalem, but in their
own land. Despite claims to the contrary, this type of universalism has
no parallels in the texts mentioned above.
In my view, it is an essential point that Isa. 19:1625 does not present
an eschatological scene in which nations stand in front of the throne
of Yhwh but a scene set on historical soil, with actions that may have
326
I doubt that Jon. 34 would have had any influence on Isa. 19:25 in describing
Assyria as the creation of my hands, as Feuillet assumes. As argued, this literary topic
connects Isa. 19:25 to Assyrian theological conventions, where the king appears as
the creation of Assurs or Istars hands. This does not allude to a creation story, but it
expresses strong relationship with the divinity.
289
been part of a nations history. This is a key issue in understanding

the theological background of 19:1625. The figure of the deliverer in
v. 20 presupposes that Yhwh will act through human mediation, i.e., he
will exercise his power and theocracy indirectly (cf. v. 4). This human
involvement is absent in many texts describing Israels future in the
exilic or post-exilic period. Indeed, texts such as Isa. 11:1116; 25:69;
27:1, 12 use a heavily metaphorical language, often with mythological
undertones. Moreover, the future of Egypt is portrayed here in clear
historical terms as determined by its subjection to Assyria (v. 23).
These considerations turn our attention towards another type of
literature, the royal psalms, which likewise speak about the reverence
that foreigners have for Yhwh, Israels God. According to these texts
the foreigners worship Yhwh by acknowledging the human representative of his dominion (Ps. 2:1011). An Israelite/Judaean king who
is the ruler of the world (Ps. 2:8; 45:17; 72:811; 110:6) represents a
God who himself is the ruler over all nations. This concept has close
connections with the Assyrian royal ideology, and it should most certainly be considered a pre-exilic response (whether an echo or retroversion depends on the situation) devised by Judahs theologians based
on Assyrian principles.327 According to Isa. 10:515, Assyria is the
staff in the hands of Yhwh by which he punishes other nations in the
same manner as Jeremiah considered Nebuchadnezzar the servant of
Yhwh (Jer. 27:6) and Deutero-Isaiah recognised Cyrus as the messiah
of Israels God (Isa. 45:1). In this view, Yhwh actually takes over the
role of the principle deity of the foreign nation, Assur, Marduk, or
Ahura Mazda, so claiming the right to be honoured as the God of the
entire world.328 Through the occupation of a foreign country by his
representative, Yhwh establishes his dominion in the occupied territory (cf. Jer. 49:38).
327
This is most obvious in Ps. 72:8, which describes the empire of the Israelite king
as reaching from one sea to the other, a motif similar to the one appearing in texts
impregnated by Assyrian royal ideology which present the empires boundaries as
bordered by the Upper Sea and the Lower Sea (cf. 3.4).
328
Shalmaneser III writes: when Assur, the great lord, chose me in his steadfast
heart and with his holy eyes, and named me for the shepherdship of Assyria, he put
in my grasp a strong weapon, which fells the insubordinate [. . .]. (RIMA A.0.102.2 i
12). The same god he maintains placed in my hands the sword, scepter, (and) staff
appropriate for (rule over) the people, and that Assur and Ninurta placed firmly
in my hands all lands (and) mountains (RIMA A.0.102.5 ii 12; cf. also A.0.102.9
1517). Essentially the same is assumed by Esarhaddon according to his Zenjirli Stele
(IAKA 65:3037).
290
chapter five
While one could argue that, in Isa. 19:19, Egypt serves Yhwh
directly by presenting him offerings (eschatological explanation),
there is another more convincing historical reading of this text: Egypt
serves Yhwh in an indirect way by subjecting itself to Gods appointed
human king and by presenting offerings on the altars prepared by the
Assyrians, for instance (vv. 19, 21). As the ultimate over lord of the
Assyrian ruler, Yhwh regards these offerings as actually presented to
him. Although serving Assyria does not appear explicitly in a positive sense elsewhere in Isaiah, this is certainly neither foreign to nor
incompatible with the theology of this book. When Isaiah strongly
and repeatedly rejects attempts to rebel against Assyria, he implicitly
acknowledges the supremacy of this empire. Judahs commitment to
paying tribute as a faithful vassal coincides with Yhwhs present purpose ( )for the world: all nations should serve Assyria. Moreover,
as I noted above, this idea is clearly present in other prophetic books
as well. Jer. 25 and 27 consider the actual plan of God to entail the subordination of all nations to Nebuchadnezzar, while rebelling against
Babylon is no lesser offence than rebellion against Israels God. This
explanation has the advantage that it makes sense of Isa. 19:23 and
of a world under Assyrian supremacy without forcefully assigning a
meaning to v. 23 which is not supported philologically.
To conclude, the Hebrew Bible version of Isa. 19:1625 has some
very particularthough not uniqueviews on the relationship
between Yhwh and the foreign nations that must be carefully considered in order to avoid hasty conclusions unwarranted by the text of
the prophecy. The manner in which vv. 1625 describe the relationship between Egypt and Yhwh, as well as the fact that they allude to
episodes in human history (vv. 20, 23) in which human agents act as
Yhwhs instruments suggest that Isa. 19:1625 is most closely related
to the universalism of the royal psalms and those sections of the Bible
which present a foreign ruler as the means by which Yhwh exercises
his dominion (2 Kgs 13:45; Isa. 45:1; Jer. 27; etc.).
5.3.3
The Historical Background of Isaiah 19
The reconstruction of the historical background of prophetic texts is

generally problematic. One of the questions to be clarified is whether
Isa. 19 is a prediction or a post-eventum prophecy? Since the two
parts underwent a different literary history, they will be analysed
separately.
291
Isaiah 19:115 and History

There is much disagreement concerning the Isaianic authorship and
consequently the 8th century origin of Isa. 19:115. Erlandsson claims
that vv. 115 are nowadays usually considered to be Isaianic, while
Becker argues that the authenticity of Isa. 19 is almost unanimously
rejected.329 This diverging information about the communis opinio
derives among others from a selective use of secondary literature,
but it certainly illustrates two radically different opinions regarding
the provenance of the prophecy (cf. 1.3.2). It may be observed that
scholars favouring an 8th century date rely mostly on historical arguments, while those contesting this dating base their contentions on
literary-theological considerations.330 Since the presented literary critical arguments are insufficient to question an 8th century derivation for
the prophecy (cf. 5.3.1), we need to look at what date the historical
information favours the most. The following details may contribute
to a reconstruction: (1) Isa. 19:2 describes conflicts among kingdoms
( )in Egypt. This inner-Egyptian conflict is often mentioned as
an important reference for dating this text to the 8th century.331 (2)
According to v. 4, Egyptians will be handed over to a harsh lord and
a powerful king. (3) Vv. 11 and 13 mention that the leaders of Zoan
(Tanis) and Noph (Memphis) act as the counsellors of the pharaoh
in v. 11.
Towards the end of the New Kingdom (15501070), Egypts glory
came to be shaded by two significant political developments: the continuous wars with the sea peoples and the incursion of Libyan tribes
into the Eastern Delta. This latter was particularly significant with
regard to Egypt future, since the integration of subjugated Libyan
warriors into the Egyptian army by the Ramessides ultimately became
fatal for the Egyptian throne. The Libyans gradually took over the
Delta through intermarriages and land grants gained in reward for
their military accomplishments.332 These events mark the beginning of
Egypts so-called Third Intermediate Period (1070728).
329
Erlandsson, Burden, 271.

E.g. parallel ideas with Isaianic passages (Kaiser, 83; Kilian, 120) or lack of an
Isaianic style (Dillmann, 17071; Loretz, Ugaritische Topos, 103).
331
D.B. Redford, Egypt, Canaan, and Israel in Ancient Times, Princeton, NJ 1992,
335; J.D. Currid, Ancient Egypt and the Old Testament, Grand Rapids, MI 1997, 239;
Sweeney, 271; Blenkinsopp, 314.
332
A. Kuhrt, The Ancient Near East. c. 3000330 bc, vol. 2, London 1995, 62627;
Kkosy, Egyiptom, 170; J. Taylor, The Third Intermediate Period (1069664 bc), in:
330
292
chapter five
In the north, Tanis and Memphis become the centres of the 21st
Dynasty, but the gradual deterioration of the relations with Thebes
contribute to the further fragmentation of Egypt, including the Delta
region, between the pharaohs of 23rd and the 22nd Dynasties ruling
in parallel.333 By the end of the 8th century, a further 24th Dynasty of
Libyan origin was claiming royal titulature in Lower Egypt (Sais). By
the time the Kushite Piye arrived in Memphis around 728, the country
was divided among more than a dozen kings, princes and Mashwash
chiefs (a Libyan tribe).334
It has been argued though that this political situation should not be
characterised as chaotic or anarchic. The 22nd24th Dynasties were of
Libyan origin. To a certain extent, they had assimilated and adopted
Egyptian culture, but the Libyans clearly retained a significant measure of authentic tradition. Their names were Libyan, even after several generations. Libyan statues and funerary objects preserved large
lists of genealogies, atypical for Egyptian pharaohs and characteristic
of non-literate societies of nomadic or semi-nomadic origin.335 The
boasts by the pharaohs counsellors concerning their descent from
historic royal families in Isa. 19:11 can also be understood against this
background.336
This internal situation proves to be particularly fragile whenas a
third important factor in shaping the history of Egyptthe Nubian
kings of Napata, the city founded once by Egyptians as the seat of
their administration in Kush, invade and take over the entire Egypt.337
I. Shaw (ed.), The Oxford History of Ancient Egypt, Oxford 2000, 339. Cf. also F.
Goma, Die Libyschen Frstentmer des Deltas, vom Tod Osorkons II. bis zur Wiedervereinigung gyptens durch Psametik I (BTAVO, B6), Wiesbaden 1974.
333
Manetho calls the 22nd Dynasty Bubastite because it originated with Bubastis,
while the 23rd Dynasty is called Tanite, since it derived from Tanis, though seated in
Leontopolis (Tell-Moqdam) (K.A. Kitchen, The Third Intermediate Period, London
2
1986, 12830).
334
Cf. Piyes Victory Stele (FHN 1.9); see also R.G. Morkot, The Black Pharaohs:
Egypts Nubian Rulers, London 2000, 19195.
335
Taylor, Third Intermediate Period, 34041.
336
Note, however, prism fragment Bu 9159, 218 (col. a ln. 6), which also mentions the descendants of his [Taharkas] fathers house, sons of former kings (zr bt
abu mr arr mahrte). H.-U. Onasch, Die assyrischen Eroberungen gyptens, Bd.
1 (AT, 27), Wiesbaden 1994, 20.
337
See, e.g., K.-H. Priese, Der Beginn der kuschitischen Herrschaft in gypten,
ZS 98 (1970), 1632; D. OConnor, Ancient Nubia: Egypts Rival in Africa, Pennsylvania, MA 1993; L. Trk, The Kingdom of Kush: Handbook of the NapatanMeroitic
Civilisation (HdO, 1/31), Leiden 1997; Morkot, Black Pharaohs; K. Jansen-Winkeln,
293
The Great Triumphal Stele (or Victory Stele) of Piye (747717), the
first pharaoh of the 25th Dynasty, gives a detailed account of the
political history of Egypt around 728 bc.338 According to this text,
the rulers in the small kingdoms of Egypt acknowledged the supremacy
of the Kushite Piye mostly voluntarily. Memphis, which was the seat
of one of the most powerful kings of the Delta, Tefnakht of the 24th
Saite Dynasty, refused to do so and was taken by force, although the
rebellious prince managed to flee. While Piye returned to Napata after
this incident, his brother and successor, Shabaka, chose Memphis, the
balance of the two lands, as the seat of his large Egypto-Kushite
Kingdom.
Indeed, the sphere pictured in Isa. 19:2 complies well with the situation in Egypt in the late 8th century. However, the following elements
need serious consideration before driving presuppositions further
than v. 2 actually permits. First, it is far from certain that Isa. 19:115
is a post-eventum prophecy.339 If it is read as a predictive text (I shall
stir up Egypt against Egypt . . .), then the 8th century historical situation may have served in the best case as an inspiring terminus post
quem. Second, as mentioned in the exegesis, the civil war setting is so
common in ancient literature that it cannot be tied to one particular
moment in Egypts history. What we can at most say is that Isaiah
seems to have favoured this motif (cf. Isa. 3), and the fact that it is a
literary topos does not exclude the possibility of it having some historical reality, as indeed the texts mentioned in this connection often
go back to real historical situations. Third, the scenario in 19:2 was not
just typical for the period before the campaign of Piye in 728, but it
reappeared on different occasions. The conflicts between the princes of
Lower Egypt with Taharka and Tanutamani, the last two Kushite pharaohs of the 7th century, are particularly important. Nevertheless, the
use of expression in a domestic Egyptian context is
striking. Unless it belongs to stereotypical phraseology, it may point to
an era of relative independence for and conflict between the Egyptian
nomes (), which was the case before 664 bc, when Psametik I,
Alara und Taharka: zur Geschichte des nubischen Knigshauses, Or. 72 (2003),
14158.
338
Cf. N. Grimal, La stle triomphale de Pi(nkh)y au Muse du Caire (JE 48862 et
47086 47089): tudes sur la propagande royale gyptienne (MIFAO, 105), Caire 1981;
R.H. Pierce, Great Triumphal Stela of Piye, Year 21 (FHN 1.9); M. Lichtheim, The
Victory Stela of King Piye (Piankhy) (COS 2.7).
339
Contrast Hayes & Irvine, 260 (ex eventu); Procksch, 246 (pre-eventum).
294
chapter five
a descendant of the Saite Dynasty, was installed by the Assyrians as the

new pharaoh of Egypt (26th Dynasty).
In the prophecy of Isa. 19, the fall into chaos is followed by the
installation of a harsh lord and a powerful king. In identifying this
, scholars have often made use of the possibilities provided by history, recognising here Piye, Shabaka, Sargon II, Sennacherib, Nebuchadnezzar, Cambyses, Xerxes, Artaxerxes II, III, or Antiochus III.340
Some exegetes do not search for one specific person behind the text
but consider it a prediction.341 This latter view does not, of course, rule
out that the author had one specific king of his era in mind, even if his
name is not mentioned.
Nevertheless, as noted in the exegesis, the installation of a ruler after
a period of crisis appears as a widespread topic in Near Eastern texts.
Again, this does not rule out that the prophet indeed envisages real
events here. Second, a Judaean prophet and his audience had arguably
a very limited knowledge about Kushite kings in a period before the
Kushites invaded Egypt, so that it is unlikely that he would have spoken about a Kushite king as a harsh lord. Actually, the Kushite kings
proved to be very Egypt-friendly. They appeared as true Egyptian pharaohs in every respect and, with a few exceptions, they remain admired
even in much later times.342 Third, Isa. 19:11 mentions the leaders of
Zoan as the wisest counsellors of the pharaoh. This means that there is
one pharaoh in Egypt, advised especially by Zoan (Tanis). This again
excludes the possibility that Isa. 19 describes the first Kushite invasion of Piye (728). As argued, the role of Tanis as a border town on
the east is particularly significant. The emphasis on the eastern border
probably means that the ruler mentioned in v. 4 comes from Asia.
Fourth, the rather general profile of the king could apply to many
foreign rulers. Assyrian and Babylonian kings were generally known
as particularly harsh monarchs.343 The Medians also appear as cruel
340
For Piye, cf. Hayes & Irvine, 260; Niccacci, Isaiah xviiixx, 218. For Shabaka,
cf. Currid, Ancient Egypt, 240. For Sargon II, cf. Procksch, 246; A. Feuillet, tudes
chronologique des oracles quon peut dater, in: Idem, tudes dexgse et de thologie
biblique: Ancien Testament, Paris 1975, 51. For Nebuchadnezzar, cf. Vermeylen, 1.321.
For Cambyses, cf. Dillmann, 17071. For other Persian rulers, cf. Kilian, 121.
341
Kissane, 215; Penna, 184; Young, 2.16; Oswalt, 368.
342
Cf. C.J. Chimko, Foreign Pharaohs: Self-Legitimization and Indigenous Reaction in Art and Literature, JSSEA 30 (2003), 2328.
343
The term is particularly suited to the Assyrian king, Esarhaddon, who is
called lord rather than king on his ascension treaty tablet fragments from Nineveh.
295
enemies (Isa. 13:1718), but this period may be irrelevant for us if

Ezek. 30 is assumed to refer to Isa. 19:115, as argued above (5.3.1).
Ezek. 30 identifies the harsh master with Nebuchadnezzar (Ezek.
30:10; cf. 28:7; 30:1112; 32:12), which may be considered a terminus
ante quem for Isa. 19:115.
Tiglath-pileser III, Sargon II and Sennacherib managed to extend
the Assyrian Empire to the borderland of Egypt.344 Anyone of these
could have been viewed as a potential source of threat for the future
of Egypt. It was Esarhaddon who first succeeded in conquering Egypt.
Following a futile attempt in 674, Esarhaddon finally took control over
the Delta in 671 (IAKA 65).345 The invasion of the African continent
was a shocking incident, legitimising Esarhaddons expansion of his
tile by listing some new elements: king of the world, king of Assyria,
governor of Babylon, (. . .), king of the kings of Lower Egypt, Upper
Egypt and Kush (IAKA 8:27; 24:23; 44:15).
The city of Tanis, the source of wise council for Egypt concerning foreign affairs, flourished during the 22nd Dynasty. One of its
kings, Osorkon IV, brought tribute to Sargon in 716, and Shoshenq
V, Osorkons predecessor, may have been the ruler who honoured
Tiglath-pileser III around 734733 in a similar way. Tanis is the city
to which the Israelites sent their messengers according to Isa. 30:4.
There is little information concerning the role of Tanis after 716, but
Cf. S. Parpola, Neo-Assyrian Treaties from the Royal Archives of Nineveh, JCS 39
(1987), 17074. Though note in Isa. 26:13; Jer. 27:4.
344
Tiglath-pileser III established a bt kri, custom office, at the border of Egypt
SI 4:14 (ITP, 14041); SI 9: rev. 16 (ITP, 18889). On bt kri, see M. Elat, The Economic Relations of the Neo-Assyrian Empire with Egypt, JAOS 98 (1978), 2627; J.N.
Postgate, Taxation and Conscription in the Assyrian Empire, Rome 1974, 39091. An
Egyptian king (Shoshenq V?; so Kitchen, Period, 37274) is probably mentioned as a
tribute bearer of Tiglath-pileser in SI 8:20-21; SI 9: rev. 2325; SI 13:1-2. Cf. ITP,
178; N. Naaman, R. Zadok, Sargon IIs Deportations to Israel and Philistia (716708
B.C.), JCS 40 (1988), 43. It is unclear whether Nimrud letter ND 2765 mentioning
Egyptian horse tribute to the Assyrians should be dated to Tiglath-pilesers or Sargons
reign. Sargons texts also clearly refer to threat to Egypt. His activities in relation to a
kru (identical with the bt kri above; cf. ISK, 88) at the border are well-known (Khorsabad Annals 1718). He receives tribute from Osorkon IV, king of Egypt (ilkanni
ar mt Musri), in 716 (Assur prism 111), and from Piru (Pharaoh?), king of Egypt
(Piru ar mt Musri), in 715 (Khorsabad Annals 12325, Great Display Inscription
2527, etc.). For the texts, cf. A. Fuchs, Die Inschriften Sargons II. aus Khorsabad,
Gttingen 1994; Idem, Die Annalen des Jahres 711 v. Chr. nach Prismenfragmenten
aus Ninive und Assur (SAAS, 8), Helsinki 1998. Sennacheribs battle with Egypt was
already discussed in 4.3.3.
345
For the details, see A. Spalinger, Esarhaddon and Egypt: An Analysis of the First
Invasion of Egypt, Or. 43 (1974), 295326; Onasch, Eroberungen.
296
chapter five
sporadic references suggest that it preserved its significance at least

until the emergence of Psametik I (664610). The names of three kings,
Gemenef-khonsu-bak, Pedubast II (Sehetepi-benre) and Neferkare are
known from this period.346
Memphis, the other city mentioned in the prophecy, must have been
the seat of the pharaoh referred to in Isa. 19:11. When a pharaoh ruled
in Lower Egypt, Memphis was the centre of the monarchy. The ascension of Shabaka (the first among the Kushite pharaohs to rule from
Memphis) can be considered a terminus post quem for Isa. 19:115.
As I noted above, has increasingly lost its significance after
Psametik I ascended the throne of Egypt in Memphis in 664 bc. The
apparent lack of interest in cities beyond Memphis in Isa. 19 provides further evidence for a date after the takeover of Upper Egypt by
Shabaka (717/716?). Since the deliverance of Egypt into the hands of
a harsh master is presented as an unprecedented experience for
Egypt, this means that the latest date has to be before the invasion of
Esarhaddon in 671 bc, provided that the prophecy is considered predictive, or otherwise not long after this event. Taken together, from the
sporadic historical references in the prophecy we may safely conclude
that Isa. 19:115 was composed in the period between 716671 bc.
Isaiah 19:1625 and History
Working with the hypothesis that 19:125 is a coherent text, Hayes and
Irvine presuppose an 8th century background for the prophecy. They
argue that the threat by Judah (v. 17) resonates with 1 Chron. 4:4043,
according to which the Simeonites in the days of Hezekiah drove away
the sons of Ham (Meunites), who are identified with Egyptians. In
a similar manner, the commercial centre (kru) of Sargon II in the
neighbourhood of Gaza, and his mingling of Egyptians and Assyrians
to trade together was supposed to explain Isa. 19:2325.347 However,
this interpretation rests on certain textual assumptions and a translation, especially of v. 23, which is not followed here. Those who date
vv. 1625 to the Persian or Seleucid era care little for the historical
information in the text, and concentrate mostly on theological ideas,
mainly the above discussed universalistic perspective of these verses.
346
347
Kitchen, Period, 129, 137, 153, 396.

Hayes & Irvine, 26364. Cf. Nimrud Prism (D) iv 4249.
297
The in Isa. 19:1625 introduce a series of pronouncements which appear to be related to concrete and imminent historical situations. This is especially obvious in v. 23, where the described
subordinate relationship between Assyria and Egypt reflects the political realities of the authors time, when the world was subjected to
Assyrian supremacy. Unlike other proclamations which envisage the
destruction of the Assyrian superpower, this verse is more neutral
about this empire. Further, the conclusion that we are at least partially
dealing here with already evident historical situations is unavoidable
if vv. 1622, 1623 or 1625 are regarded as one literary unit. Such a
view of the composition would imply that the transition from judgment to salvation occurs at a moment when judgment has been passed
and salvation is available. It should also be noted that, occasionally,
the text pays great attention to specific details in a way suggestive of
historical description.348
At the same time, there is a certain amount of the text that is not
historically true. The Egyptians never trembled on hearing the name
of Judah; there never were five Canaanite-speaking towns in Egypt
swearing an oath to Yhwh; there never was a Yhwh altar in Egypt,
nor a stele dedicated to Yhwh on its border, at least not in a literal
sense. Questions may also arise concerning the ordaining of the ,
and the pledges and offerings of the Egyptians. Finally, vv. 2425 are
also far from any basis in historical reality.
The question is whether Isa. 19:1625 should be understood literally
or should we rather assume that any underlying historical facts are
veiled here in prophetic-poetic language? In discussing the theological
background of vv. 1625 (5.3.2), I suggested that this text may be
read as a Judaean view of Egypts history. Assyria, Babylon, Persia, or
whoever enters Egypt, does so under the guidance of Yhwh, just as
his cloud chariot in Isa. 19:1 was drawn by flesh and blood Assyrian
horses. If we approach this passage with these considerations in mind,
they could reveal some historical information to us.
As mentioned in 5.2.56 above, Isa. 19 coincides with other
texts of Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal at some striking points.349 The
Babylonian Chronicle reports that after heavy fighting, Memphis was
348
Cf. Procksch, 254; Fohrer, 1.229 (for Isa. 19:1822); Wildberger, 730.
Isa. 19:1625 is dated to the 7th century by Gottwald, Kingdoms, 22428
(between 660609); R. Nelson, Realpolitik in Judah (687609 bce), in: W.H. Hallo
et al. (eds), Scripture in Context II: More Essays on the Comparative Method, Winona
349
298
chapter five
captured by the Assyrians on the 22nd of Duzu (June/July) in 671

bc. Taharka (690664), the Kushite king, fled southwards, but several members of his family were captured and deported to Nineveh,
including Crown Prince Ushanhuru. The Zenjirli stele of Esarhaddon
provides a detailed picture of this incident (IAKA 65:4853; ANET,
293). The aftermath of the conquest is of particular importance:
The root of Kush I tore out and I left nobody in it to praise me. In
the whole land of Egypt I installed anew kings (arrnu), administrators (pht), governors (aknt), treasury officials (rab kr), prefects
(qpnu) and instructors (pir). I established regular offerings (sattukku) and cultic offerings (gin) for Assur and the great gods, my lords,
forever. I imposed upon them tribute and obligation of my lordship,
every year continually. I let a stele be made with my name, and the praise
of the heroism of my lord, Assur, my mighty deeds (that I accomplished
when I was) walking in reliance upon Assur, my lord, and the victorious achievements of my hands I caused to be written on it. I let [it] be
erected to the wonderment of all the enemies forever after.
Version BM 75977 (iv 3) of the Babylonian Chronicle also mentions

the deportation of the Egyptian gods to Assyria. Egypt became the
property of Assur. In a prophetic view which regarded Assyria as the
tool in Yhwhs hand, the altar of Isa. 19:19 could refer to an Assyrian
altar and the stele to an Assyrian stele. It only requires interchanging
Yhwh with the god Assur, investor of the king according to Assyrian
texts, which is exactly what happens in texts such as Isa. 10:515.
In 671, Esarhaddon only succeeded in occupying Lower Egypt,
along with Memphis, the balance of the two lands, the capital at the
southern border of Lower Egypt. The Assyrian texts do not mention
where the stele with the kings name stood (nara itir umya; cf.
in Isa. 19:19). But as steles in general, this nar also signified that Egypt belonged to the border of Assyria (ana misir mtu;
Prism A i 6062).
Assyrian texts of Esarhaddon suggest and later texts of Assurbanipal
mention explicitly that Esarhaddon changed the names of Egyptian
cities into Assyrian names.350 Esarhaddon was eager to see the root
Lake, IN 1983, 185 (era of Josiah, 627622); Sweeney, 270, 272 (era of Manasseh
[687642]).
350
IAKA 64:25 (e.g., Sais became Kr-bl-mtti); Onasch, Eroberungen, 1.3037,
9495; BIWA, 211 (Assurbanipals Prims E iii 1617).
299
of Kush removed from Egypt. He underlined the legitimacy of the

Assyrian presence in Egypt by introducing himself as the liberator of
Egypt.351
Esarhaddon did not drastically alter the local Egyptian political
order. Later texts of Assurbanipal mention 20 kings over Egypt installed
anew by his father, who committed themselves in a treaty ceremony
to serve their new master.352 Necho (I), the king of Memphis and Sais,
appears as the first among these kings. He seems to have been chosen
by Esarhaddon as the most prominent Egyptian leader.
It was left to Assurbanipal, Esarhaddons successor, to finish the
work begun by his father and to definitively drive Kush out of Egypt.
His army first set foot on the African continent in 667, the earliest
record of which is preserved on Assurbanipals Prism E (BIWA, 177
80). The Assyrians overcame the defence of Taharka at Pelusium and
then marched to Memphis and recaptured it. Taharka fled to Thebes,
which the Assyrians were unable to enclose during this campaign.
The Assyrians military venture was supported by 22 vassal kings of
the Mediterranean islands and the seacoast, including King Baal of
Tyre and King Manasseh of Judah, both mentioned at the top of the
list,353 as well as by the kings of Egypt (LET 3132). This undertaking
is presented as a military intervention in support of Assyrias Egyptian
vassals, who were obliged to flee after the return of Taharka to Egypt.354
Nevertheless the Assyrian presence in Egypt was still experienced as
a burden. This we may infer from an account of the rebellion of the
Egyptian kings found on Assurbanipals prisms.355
351
Cf. Spalinger, First Invasion, 325. Later texts of Assurbanipal concerning the
anti-Assyrian uprising of Egyptian kings mention the good deeds (tbtu) of Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal towards the Egyptians (BIWA, 211).
352
For the list, cf. Prism A i 90109 and Prism C ii 8792.
353
The list of participating kings appears on Assurbanipals Prism C ii 3767.
Prisms E, A, and LET 2933 only mention the involvement of 22 kings giving no
further details. The list of Assurbanipals Prism C is similar to Prism B of Esarhaddon from Nineveh, which also mentions 12 kings of the sea-shore (arrni a kidi
tmtim), among others Manasseh, king of Judah, and 10 Cypriote kings in connection with the kings building operations at Kar-Esarhaddon, on the Phoenician coast
(IAKA 27:5476). Jewish soldiers appear in the Egyptian army of Psametik I (?) in
a war against Kush and in the army of Cambyses, when he invades Egypt (cf. Letter
of Aristeas 13).
354
Prism C ii 85100; Prism B i 8795; Prism A i 90116.
355
Fragment 82522,10 (BIWA, 2627); Prism E iv 2980. Prism A i 118ii 6; C
ii 105130; LET 37-69. Cf. SAA 4 88; Onasch, Eroberungen, 1.151.
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Afterwards, Necho, Sarru-lu-dari, and Paqruru, kings whom my father
has installed in Egypt, transgressed the treaty sworn by Assur and the
great gods, my lords, and broke their oath. They forgot the good deeds
of my father, their heart planned evil (ikpud lemuttu), they talked false
speech, and discussed profitless counsels (milik l kuri imlik) among
themselves as follows: If they drive out Taharka from Egypt, how then
can we stay? They sent their messengers to Taharka, the king of Kush,
to make a treaty and peace (ana akan ad u salme) saying: Let us
make peace with each other, and let us agree with each other. We shall
divide the land among ourselves, so that there is no other (anmma)
lord among us. (Prism E iv 2946).
The plan failed, however. The messengers despatched to Kush were

captured by the Assyrians. Necho, Sarru-lu-dari and other kings as
well356 were charged with breaking their treaty sworn before Assur,
king of the gods, taken to Nineveh and punished. The inhabitants of
Sais, Mendes, Pelusium and some other cities (possibly Pisaptu and
Athribis)357 were cruelly massacred. Yet king Necho was pardoned.
Assurbanipal re-established him in his vassal kingship, dressed him
up in a royal garment, and sent him back to Egypt in a noble company
alongside a permanent Assyrian representative. Nechos son, Nabzi-banni, the later Psametik I, was given the throne of Athribis.358
While Isa. 19:19 speaks about the oath sworn to Yhwh, this may be
considered a theological variation on the oath of Egyptian kings sworn
to the Assyrian kings and their god, who installed them in their office.
That the foreign language of the overlord played a role in this ceremony is beyond question, even if it was not the Canaanite language
of Yhwh in strict sense, as Isa. 19:18 maintains. But if the five cities
can be regarded as symbolic, why should Canaanite be literal?
356
According to Prism A i 130 and ii 57, all 20 kings of Egypt were taken to
Nineveh. Prism C iii 69 mentions only Necho and Sarru-lu-dari, while Prism B ii 36
refers solely to Sarru-lu-dari being taken to Nineveh. While Prism A is generally considered late and less reliable, we have some evidence that Assurbanipals actions were
directed against several rebellious kings. Paqruru is mentioned several times as one of
the rebels. Moreover, the Assyrian texts assign the throne of Athribis later to Nechos
son, Nab-zi-banni. Earlier Bukunranipi occupied the same position (Prism C ii
85109; A i 9095), so that he must have been removed from the throne. The rebellious cities punished by Assurbanipal also include Mendes, whose king, Puyama is
likewise not named whith Necho, Sarru-lu-dari and Paqruru.
357
Prism C ii 130iii 5; Prism A i 134ii 4. Prism B i 95 refers to Tanis (Snu),
which might be a scribal error for Pelusium (Snu) (cf. BIWA, 214).
358
In the Egyptian tradition the ruler of Athribis was the hereditary prince of Egypt
(Spalinger, First Invasion, 320).
301
The son of Necho, the crown prince Psametik (I), bears an Assyrian name (Nab-zi-banni) as an expression of his subordination
to Assyria. The Egyptian kings appointed by Assyria are constantly
referred to as servants (urdu) of Assyria. The cities occupied by Esarhaddon are given Assyrian names in expression of their status. As
argued, this Assyrian practice may underlie the renaming of the five
Egyptian cities as cities of ruins in Isa. 19:18.
Whether the five cities are symbolic or whether 19:18 refers to five
historical cities will remain a riddle. Let it be noted, however, that
the kings of five cities were implicated more than others in the rebellion against Assurbanipal, and they were severely punished thereafter:
Isanti of Paqruru, Sais of Necho, Mendes of Puyama, Pelusium of
Sarru-lu-dari, and possibly Athribis of Bukunranipi, who was replaced
by Psametik I.
Judaeans were well-informed about the political developments not
only as neighbours but even as eyewitnesses.359 As seen above, Judaean
contingents joined the Assyrian forces in their activities in Africa.
However, if Isa. 19:1625 refers to Egypt serving Assyria, how can we
interpret the liberation of Egypt in Isa. 19:20b21? Does it refer to an
Egyptian prince, who will throw off the Assyrian yoke and drive away
the Assyrians? According to Assurbanipals Prism A ii 114, sometime
after Psametik I (Piamilki) (664610) consolidated his force in Egypt,
he allied with King Gyges of Lydia and threw off the Assyrian yoke.
Nevertheless it is difficult to combine this event with Isa. 19:2325.
Another alternative which fits v. 23 (2425) much better is to assume
that Isa. 19:2021 deals with the liberation of Egypt from Kushite
and not Assyrian supremacy. The could refer to Necho I or
Psametik I who drove away Taharka and his successor, Tanutamani,
with Assyrian (and Judaean) support. It is also possible that
can also refer to the Assyrian king himself. It is true that Isa. 19:4
speaks negatively about the Assyrian occupation of Egypt. However,
since vv. 1625 were composed on a different occasion, it is possible
that vv. 1625 reinterpret vv. 115 in a new way. It is particularly
striking that Isa. 19:1625 is strongly related to the Assyrian ideology
on the issue of the legitimacy of Assyrian domination of Egypt. Yet
the same cuneiform texts also present the kings Esarhaddon and
359
Isa. 37:25, composed in the post-Sennacherib era, also refers to the capture of
Egypt and alludes to the desiccation of Egypts rivers () .
302
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Assurbanipal as great liberators to whom Egypt should be thankful in

all ages. Assurbanipal repeatedly refers to the good deeds (tabtu) that
he or his father performed for the Egyptians. Assyrian military operations are presented as freeing Egypt from the Kushites. As I noted in
the exegesis, 2 Kgs 13:45 also mentions another Assyrian king (probably to be identified with Adad-nirari III) as the of Israel against
Aram. From a Judaean author whose country supported Assyria in
establishing its universal rule in Africa, such a theological accommodation is hardly surprising. It is moreover embedded in a decades-long
prophetic tradition which considered the world power Assyria as the
royal sceptre of Yhwh.
To conclude, Isa. 19:1623 presupposes the invasion of Egypt in
671 by Esarhaddon and seems to fit particularly well the early years
of Assurbanipal.360 The in v. 20b is probably a direct or indirect reference to the Assyrian king, who offered support to Necho I
or Psametik I in their struggle against the Kushite kings, Taharka or
Tanutamani. There is little historical information that would help us to
date vv. 2425, which may be seen as a prediction pronounced against
the same historical background. Otherwise, if their unity with the previous verses is disregarded, the two closing verses might derive from
the Persian period.
5.4
Isa. 19 is particularly well-suited to be read in reference to a stele of

Yhwh. As v. 19 makes clear, this prophecy refers explicitly to a stele
( )set up in Egypts borderland, which suggests that the author
was acquainted with the use and function of such monuments.
In the exegetical section, I mentioned many features that this text
shares with Assyrian literature. Among the most important elements,
I noted the approaching threat generated by Yhwh in the form of an
Assyrian military venture (v. 1; cf. also v. 16). According to Assyrian
The final of Isa. 23, which parallels Isa. 19 in many respects, refers to
the restoration of Tyre after 70 years. This motif also appears in Esarhaddons texts
in his description of the restoration of Babylon (IAKA 11 Episode 10). It should be
noted in passing that Isa. 23:18 with its seemingly anti-Deuteronomian echo (cf. Deut.
23:19), is just as striking as Isa. 19:19s apparent pro- stance that some likewise
consider anti-Deuteronomistic.
360
303
texts, the approach of the Assyrian king also causes hearts to palpitate
and people to melt in fear. The portrayal of Egypt as a land losing
its mind when confronted by Yhwh (vv. 3, 11, 13) reminds one of
the effects of the appearance of the glory (namrru) and awesomeness (melamm) of Assur which, according to Assurbanipals Prism B
i 8082, caused Taharka to become frenzied (illika mahhtta).
The reference to the plan against Yhwh is reminiscent of the
Assyrian descriptions of rebellion of subordinated kings. In this sense
( his plans I shall destroy; v. 3) can be compared to the
account concerning the planned evil (ikpud lemuttu) and profitless counsel (milik l kuri) of Egypts leaders against Assurbanipal
(Prism E. Stck 11 110). The related gesture of the raised hand over
the nations (v. 17) was already noted as a recurring motif in Assyrian literature (cf. 3.4). Isa. 10:32 connects this act explicitly with the
Assyrian king.
The harsh lord and powerful king (v. 4) reminds one of the impression made by a salmu-stele, most likely familiar to the audience, which
represented the Assyrian king as an authoritative and powerful ruler.
The desiccation of the Nile (vv. 57) reappears in Isa. 37:25 in a
speech cited from the Assyrian monarch. The Judaean author is
obviously a master of Assyrian rhetoric. It is not only the expression
, which is of particular interest here, but also the fact that
this speech is specifically related to the post-Sennacherib era (Isa. 37:
3738), i.e., the age of the Egyptian campaigns of Esarhaddon and
Assurbanipal.
A long list of motifs typical to Assyrian stele literature appears in
vv. 1822: the change of city names into Assyrian names; comparison
of destroyed cities to ruined hills (cf. here , city of ruins);
the swearing of allegiance to the overlord; the establishment of an altar
to Yhwh on which offerings and tributes are presented ( ,
v. 21); the erection of the stele ( )in the border zone and its
dedication to Yhwh; the offering of support against enemies by the
benevolent overlord. These are clear indications that the author of
these verses was familiar with the literary customs and royal ideology
of Assyrian royal inscriptions.
As for Isa. 19 in the context of the -edition, the chaos caused
by Yhwh among Egypts gods can be compared to Isa. 2:18 (
; cf. 2:8, 20). The inability of the Egyptian leaders to endure
the day of their visitation (19:1114) is similar to Isa. 2:1112, 17.
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chapter five
5.5
Conclusion
From a literary critical perspective, Isa. 19 comprises two text blocks,

19:115 and 19:1625. Despite widespread assumptions to the contrary, we have good reasons to believe that 19:510 is integral to the
text. It was either composed simultaneously with 19:14, 1115, or
derives from an earlier source. The prose form of 19:12, 1415 was
noted as an eventual sign of subsequent addition to the rest of the
prophecy, but these verses do not basically modify the meaning of the
earlier text. It is clear that Isa. 19:1625 derives from a different time.
Its linear structure may suggest it was included in one or at most two
stages (vv. 1623 + 2526).
Although Isa. 19:115 does not mention it explicitly, predicting
the fall of Egypt might have functioned as an implicit warning for a
Judaean community. If the prophecy is dated to the 8th century, it is
only by assuming this rhetorical intention that it can make any sense.
Otherwise, it is also possible that vv. 115 derive from the beginning
of the 7th century. In that case the allusion to Yhwhs plan may suggest that the text is a Judaean theological reflection on the political
realities created by endless Assyrian conquests.
In Isa. 19:1625, the salvation history of Egypt is modelled on that of
Israel, with typical motifs drawn especially from Exodus and Israelite
historical literature. I have argued that this parallelism fits the 7th century expansions of the book of Isaiah, which also predict that the future
of Israel shall be like its past. Unlike most exegetes believe, the universalist view propagated by vv. 1625 has no close parallels in post-exilic
literature but is mostly reliant on the idea of indirectly realised divine
rule, an idea also echoed in the royal psalms. In this case the Assyrian
Empire is the form through which the universal rule of Yhwh manifests itself in the world. This perspective has made it possible to read
Isa. 19 in the context of the prophecies of the stele of Yhwh.
As far as the available evidence allows us to conclude, Isa. 19:115
can be dated to between 717 and 671 bc, and 19:1625 to the early
years of Assurbanipals reign, but no later than about 650 bc. Possibly
though not necessarily, 19:2425 may come from the early Persian
period. Manasseh was the son of a father with strong ties to Egypt,
but he lived in an era when this friendship with Egypt could only
have been maintained under Assyrian supervision, for even Egypt was
serving Assur (v. 23). This historical context may have inspired the
author of Isa. 19:1623(2425) to put pen to papyrus.
CHAPTER SIX
NAKED TRUTH:
The introductory phrase of Isa. 20:16 ties the events it narrates, a symbolic act of Isaiah concerning Egypt and Kush, to a concrete historical
period, the capture of Ashdod by the commander of Sargon II in 711
bc. Although the focus on Egypt and Kush relates this text to Isa. 19,
its location among the FNPs remains unusual in several respects. First,
Isa. 20:16 is a narrative about Isaiah in the 3rd person. Second, Isa. 20
is separated from the preceding prophecy by a new heading, though not
one of the -type as in Isa. 19:1 or 21:1. Third, Isa. 19 ends with
a pronouncement of salvation concerning Egypt. Consequently, the
renewed proclamation of judgment against Egypt and Kush in Isa. 20
would seem to necessitate re-evaluation.
Despite the short and relatively well-preserved text, several issues
in this passage need clarification. First, one should note the cumbersome structure of the introductory sentence, which presents the following verse as the words of Yhwh spoken through Isaiah. However,
the present form of vv. 2 and 3, which use the 3rd person to refer to
Isaiah, raise questions concerning their logical connection to v. 1. Second, the original relationship between the symbolic act of Isaiah and
the fall of Ashdod is subject to debate. Because v. 1 mentions the city
Ashdod and v. 6 speaks about the inhabitant of this coastland, many
scholars believe that the symbolic action of the prophet was originally
intended as a warning to the Philistines and that its connection with
Egyptians and Kushites is a secondary development. Third, it is unclear
whether the three years in v. 3 constitute the interval during which
Isaiah has been walking naked and barefoot or are part of the symbolism itself. Fourth, the retrospective narrative form of the text dealing
with Isaiah presupposes temporal distance from the narrated events.
Consideration therefore needs to be given to the extent to which the
literary form of Isa. 20 as a later-constructed narrative influenced the
meaning of eventually postulated earlier Isaianic oral utterance and
symbolic act.
306
chapter six
The answers to these questions have a direct bearing on discussions concerning the literary integrity of Isa. 20, which has often been
questioned in exegetical literature. From a theological point of view,
it remains to be seen how this text functioned rhetorically and what
message it intended to convey. As for the historical background, the
primary question concerns the manner in which historical information is retold in the narrative and the extent to which any historical
context underlying the written text can be used to explain the text.
6.1
1 In the year when the tartanb came to Ashdod (abeing sent by Sargon
2 the king of Assyriaa) and he attacked it and took it, at that time
Yhwh spoke throughc dIsaiah, son of Amosd. He said: Go, and
loose the sackcloth from your loins and take off the shoes from
3 your feet. And he did so, walking naked and barefoot. And Yhwh
said: Just as my servant, Isaiah, has walked naked and barefoot efor
three years (or: three years is)e as a sign and portent concerning
4 Egypt and Kush, so shall the king of Assyria lead off the captives of
Egypt and the exiles of Kush, young and old, naked and barefoot,
5 fwith the buttocks and the genitalia of Egypt uncoveredf. And they
will be dismayed and ashamed of Kush, gtheir expectationg, and of
6 Egypt, their pride. And the inhabitant of this coastland will say on
that day: Look, this has happened to our expectation where hwe
had fledh for help to be delivered from the king of Assyria. How
then shall we escape? .
1 a-a . . . . Literally this would be when Sargon the king of
Assyria sent him (cf. D 91a; GKC 115k). For further discussion, see
the exegesis.
b . The variant in 1QIsaa probably reflects a different
orthography particular to this scroll.1 is a loanword from
1
For the > change before the , see E.Y. Kutscher, Language and Linguistic Background of the Isaiah Scroll (1 Q Isaa), Leiden 1974, 122, 49697.
307
Akkadian,2 where it refers to a high-ranking military official, a field

marshal or a commander-in-chief . The Akkadian is spelled as tartn,
tartannu, tartnu, turtn, turtannu, turtnu.3
2 c . Modern readers observe inconsistencies in the logical structure of this verse. The preposition one would expect here is rather
than , since the phrase following v. 2a is addressed to the prophet
and not through the prophet. LXX solved this difficulty by rendering . Some Hebrew manuscripts also contain instead of .
Nevertheless, MT is supported by the majority of ancient witnesses,
including 1QIsaa. Deviations from MT should most likely be viewed
as exegetical attempts to make sense of a confusing syntax.
Some modern commentators reject the emendation and explain the
use of as referring to the symbolic action of Isaiah through which
God spoke to the prophets audience.4 However, if was supposed
to mean that God spoke through the act of Isaiah, the inclusion of
is problematic. Moreover, we have other parallels to this syntax
where the motif of speaking through a symbolic act is missing (see
below).
Even though the syntax of Isa. 20:2 is unusual, it is not entirely
without parallels. Hag. 2:12 provides a strikingly similar case:
On the 21st day of the seventh month, the word of Yhwh came through
( ) the prophet Haggai saying (): Speak to Zerubbabel the son of Shealtiel, governor of Judah, and to Joshua the son of
Jehozadak, the high priest, and to all the remnant of the people, saying
( ). . .
Here, too, one would expect either the preposition , or v. 3 to

directly follow v. 1. In Exod. 9:35, seems to stand for , referring to a revelation of Yhwh to Moses (cf. LXX and Exod. 7:34) and
not through him to others. In Num. 27:23, also replaces : He
[Moses] laid his hands upon him [Joshua] and commissioned him, as
Yhwh had spoken through (? ;LXX ) Moses. This verse refers to
Num. 27:18(21), which contains a revelation to (not through) Moses
(cf. also Deut. 34:9). Such examples suggest that , to speak
2
The word is probably of Hurrian origin. See P.V. Mankowski, Akkadian Loanwords in Biblical Hebrew (HSS, 47), Winona Lake, IN 2000, 151.
3
R. Mattila, The Kings Magnates: A Study of the Highest Officials of the NeoAssyrian Empire (SAAS, 11), Helsinki 1999, 11011.
4
Ehrlich, 73; Procksch, 257; Watts, 264; Hffken, 161; Barthlemy, 151.
308
chapter six
through may actually function as , to speak to, or that

and can sometimes be interchanged.5 There is also a third possibility. In both 20:2 and Hag. 2:1, seems to have a broader
context (related verses). It is not unlikely that these introductions were
written to bind together previously existing literary units, and as such,
they postdate them, which may explain the logical break and the double superscriptions appearing in certain texts.6 I shall return to this
problem in the exegesis of vv. 23. Ancient authors were seemingly
less bound by modern logic than one would presuppose.
d-d
. The Syr. adds nby after ,7 LXX omits
( cf. 2 Chron. 26:22).8 It should be observed that, in superscriptions (Isa. 1:1; 2:1; 13:1), the book of Isaiah uses
without , while the title is regularly added in the narratives of Isa. 3639 (2 Kgs 1820; 2 Chron. 32). The phrase
in Isa. 20:2 is therefore consistent with the headings of Isaiah. In
superscriptions of prophetic books, the prophets are rarely called .
Instead, appears in 3rd person narratives about prophets.9
. The atnah at the end suggests that MT regards

as the beginning of a new clause. Consequently, Isaiah
3 e-e
walked naked and barefoot only once but for three years this symbolic act was a sign and a portent for Egypt and Kush.10 The more
5
Cf. further examples of the interchange of and in Jer. 50:1: and
, however Jer. 49:34 (cf. 47:1) has and .
6
See Jer. 25:1 and 2; Jer. 46:1 and 2; Hag. 1:1 and 3. This broader view is likely
the explanation for Hag. 2:1012, where is used in the same manner as the
earlier . For instead of the expected , see other examples in Jer. 11:1;
21:1; Zech. 1:1. In some texts, the later addition of an introduction either resulted in
a double heading or an introduction that had little to do with the immediately following passage to which it was attached (Jer. 27:1[2]; 32:1[6]; 34:8[12]; Obad. 1; Zech.
1:7; 7:1; cf. also Hos. 1:2). Note also Josh. 10:12 ( followed by an
imperative addressed to and ).
7
See also Kennicott nr. 150 as well as 2 Kgs 19:2; 20:1; 2 Chron. 26:22; 32:20, 32.
8
Note, however, Codex Vaticanus and the Lucianic recension, which also mention
the prophet.
9
is absent in Jer. 1:1. As part of a superscription is attested in Jer. 25:2;
45:1; 46:1, 13; 47:1; 49:34; 50:1; 51:59, remarkably concentrated in the headings of the
collection of FNPs, and Jer. 45:1, which is the only heading where a translation of
appears in LXX (= Jer. 51:31). This is striking in view of countless other superscriptions in Jer. where the name Jeremiah is used without the qualifier . Cf. Ezek. 1:3;
Hos. 1:1; Joel 1:1; Amos 1:1; Obad. 1:1; Jon. 1:1; Mic. 1:1; Nah. 1:1; Zeph. 1:1; Mal. 1:1,
missing . appears in Hab. 1:1; 3:1; Hag. 1:1, 3; Zech. 1:1, 7.
10
Cf. also Alexander, 368; Delitzsch, 242; Oswalt, 382.
309
widely held opinion is that Isaiah performed the symbolic act for three
years, arguing that logically belongs to what precedes the
expression.11 For a comprehensive analysis, see the exegesis.
4 f-f
. Procksch considered
an
Aramaism,12 but I adopt the often proposed revocalisation to

(qal part. pass.).13 is often regarded as a gloss.14 Wildberger
considered the entire phrase a later addition, but his arguments are
hardly convincing. Note that all other descriptions of the exiles in v. 4
appear in pairs: | , | , | . The
syntactic pair of is .15
Scholars who try to make sense of in its present location arrive at the translation (with buttocks uncovered) to the shame
of Egypt. This shows the influence of LXX:
, having exposed the shame of Egypt.
generally stands for , but also for .16 However, the Greek is
rather imprecise.17 The constr. state of appears in Gen. 9:22, 23;
Lev. 18:7; 1 Sam. 20:30; Ezek. 23:29. While may be rendered as the nakedness of Egypt, the phrase to [an implicit ]the
nakedness of Egyptmakes no sense.
It seems more likely to me that is related to both and
through an implicit . refers to the buttocks of Egypt, while
to the front, the genitalia from which the covering has been stripped
off.18 and form the pair of words that is so characteristic for
the other expressions in the list of Isa. 20:4. Accordingly, I render Isa.
20:4 as: with the buttocks and genitalia of Egypt uncovered.
5 g-g .
appears once more in Zech. 9:5, in a sentence similar
to Isa. 20:5. 1QIsaa reads in Isa. 20:5, i.e. their trust (not so,
however, in v. 6, where 1QIsaa follows MT). It has been argued (cf. the
11
See, e.g., Duhm, 148; Knig, 208; Schoors, 124; Wildberger, 748; etc.
Procksch, 258. Delitzsch also kept the vocalisation (Delitzsch, 243).
13
GKC 87g, 89d; Gray, 348; Wildberger, 748; Blenkinsopp, 321; etc.
14
Procksch, 255; Fohrer, 1.216; Kaiser, 92; Clements, 175; Schoors, 125.
15
Note also the grammatical parallelism of constr. state endings in and

on the one hand, and and on the other.
16
Isa. 47:3; Ezek. 16:36; 22:10; 23:10, 18, 29; stands for in Nah. 3:5.
17
LXX probably omitted as it also has either or ( cf. in 2 Sam.
10:4, which is however close to at least in form).
18
For in reference to genitalia (and not nakedness in general), see Gen. 9:22,
23; Exod. 28:42; Lev. 18:6; Isa. 47:2; Lam. 1:8; Ezek. 16:8; etc.
12
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chapter six
notes of HUB) that in LXX (which entirely reformulated v. 5)

also presupposes . Be it as it may, the semantic fields of
and are closely related.
6 h-h . 1QIsaa has , i.e. niphal impf. 1st pers. pl. of ) (
we relied upon (Judg. 16:29; 2 Kgs 18:21; 2 Chron. 32:8; Ps. 71:6;
Isa. 36:6; 48:2). Although this reading would provide an appropriate
description of the political situation in Egypt at the time of Isaiah (cf.
2 Kgs 18:21; Isa. 36:6; see also Ezek. 30:6), the verb would require
the preposition and it would make no sense with the adverb . All
versions support MT, as does a syntactical analysis of in the
context of the Hebrew Bible (e.g., Gen. 19:20; Exod. 21:13). The variant in 1QIsaa may be a deliberate revision through which the author
reflects on the events of his time, especially the flight of Judaeans to
Egypt during Onias III (cf. 5.1 n. 20 ee). Apparently, he did not
intend to criticise those who had fled to Egypt ( )with Onias, only
those who relied ( )on the Egyptians.
6.2
Exegetical Section
Isa. 20:12 provides the historical coordinates for a symbolic act and
one of Isaiahs prophecies. The formula followed by a detailed
description is common in historical works and superscriptions, appearing twice more in the book of Isaiah as well (Isa. 6:1 and 14:28).19
The campaign of Sargons commander against Ashdod is welldocumented in extra-biblical sources (see 6.3.3). As the leader of the
army the ( tartn) appears beside other high-ranking royal magnates (ngir kalli, palace herald, masennu, administrator, sartinnu,
chief judge, rab q, chief cupbearer, rab a ri, chief eunuch,
etc.). The tartn owned vast provinces in the Assyrian Empire,20 and
19
E.g., Gen. 7:11; 1 Kgs 15:28, 33; 16:8; 2 Kgs 12:2, 7; 17:6; Dan. 10:1; Hag. 1:1.
The Assyrian system of dating that includes mention of an eponymous official was
unknown in Judah. However, Judaean authors did, in fact, date according to important events of one particular year in a manner reminiscent of the Eponym Chronicles.
See further Z.J. Kapera, Biblical Reflections of the Struggle for Philistia at the End of
the Eight Century B.C. Part II: Analysis of the Chapter xx of the Book of Isaiah, FO
12 (19811984), 27980.
20
For instance, Belu-lu-balat, the tartn of Samsi-adad V, is the governor of
Tabitu, Harran, Huzirina, Duru, Qipani, Zallu, and Balihu. Samsi-ilu, the tartn of
311
led campaigns in the absence of the Assyrian king on various occasions

(e.g., RIMA 3 A.0.104.20:10). One such case is reported in Isa. 20.
The attack against Ashdod described in this chapter was apparently
short and effective. The phrase [ . . .] in v. 1 is common in
descriptions of military accounts with successful outcomes (Judg. 1:8;
9:45; 2 Sam. 12:26, 29; 2 Kgs 12:18).
( 20:2) is a common expression in biblical narratives.
In its present position, it makes the connection between vv. 1 and 2
explicit. The role of v. 1 is to provide additional information on v. 2.21
The temporal distance between the events and their recording cannot
be deduced from this adverb. may denote events in the
remote (Judg. 11:26; 21:14; 2 Kgs 8:22; 2 Chron. 13:18) or recent past
(Neh. 4:16; 6:1; 13:21).
Isa. 20:2b describes a personal encounter between the prophet and
Yhwh during which God orders the prophet to take off his sackcloth
and his shoes and walk naked and barefoot. A short note in v. 2 reports
the fulfilment of this command. The reader is struck by the fact that
Isaiah was wearing a sackcloth (). Because sackcloth is often associated with mourning rituals, some commentators believe that Isaiah
was mourning for the fate of his nation.22 Others assume that wearing the sackcloth may have itself been a symbolic act representing the
future tragedy of Philistia or Judah.23 Most commentators maintain,
however, that was the usual garment of a prophet.24
Sackcloth is worn in times of mourning (Gen. 37:34; 2 Sam. 3:31;
Ps. 30:12; Isa. 3:24; Joel 1:8), tragedy (2 Kgs 6:30; 19:12; Est. 4:14)
and fasting (1 Kgs 20:31, 32; 22:27; Isa. 58:5; Neh. 9:1; Dan. 9:3). In the
prophetic literature, the word is frequently connected to descriptions of lamentation related to a calamity.25 Though the prophets may
Salmaneser IV, is the ruler of Hatti, Guti and all Namri (cf. Isa. 10:8). See Mattila,
Magnates, 114.
21
Cf. 2 Kgs 16:56; 1 Chron. 21:2730. See further A. Niccacci, Isaiah xviiixx
from an Egyptological Perspective, VT 48 (1998), 224 n. 17.
22
Cf. Slotki, 93; Oswalt, 385; Blenkinsopp, 323.
23
Wildberger, 757; Hayes & Irvine, 271. Bronner suggested that Isa. 20 actually
consisted of two different symbolic actions, one performed by a prophet walking in
sackcloth, related to the replacement of Azuri in 713, and another one by removing
the sackcloth, related to the events in 711 (L. Bronner, Rethinking Isaiah 20, OTWSA
2223 [19791980], 36).
24
Duhm, 148; Gray, 34546; Ehrlich, 73; Ridderbos, 147; Hayes & Irvine, 271;
Kaiser, 93; Schoors, 124; Watts, 264; Hffken, 140.
25
Isa. 15:3; 22:12; 32:11; Jer. 4:8; 6:26; Ezek. 7:18; Joel 1:8, 13; Amos 8:10.
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chapter six
have occasionally worn a hairy type of robe by means of which they

were recognised (2 Kgs 1:8; Zech. 13:4; Mat 3:4), appears to be
different from this prophetic garment.26 Consequently, the sackcloth
worn by Isaiah before being taken off should probably be related to
a previous or subsequent sorrowful event experienced by the prophet
and his nation. Notably in Isa. 22:4, Isaiah bewails the future destruction of his nation in anticipation of which he may have been wearing mourning clothes, symbolising the fate of a nation now rejoicing
irresponsibly, but soon to weep and wail, tear out hair and put on
sackcloth (Isa. 22:12).27
The question is whether Isaiah indeed walked naked and barefoot, or
this act was only a visionary experience? Did the prophet walk naked
every time he appeared in public or did he do so on certain occasions
only? Is it possible to perform such a symbolic act regularly under the
climate conditions of Canaan? Does Isa. 20 refer to total nakedness?
may express total or partial nakedness.28 In either case, it symbolises shame (2 Sam. 6:20). According to Isa. 32:11, mourning implied
stripping off all clothes (), including underwear, and girding oneself around the waists ( ) with sacks (cf. Gen. 37:34;
1 Kgs 20:31; Jer. 48:37).29 If Isaiah was wearing a garment of mourning, he must have been totally naked when he took it off (cf. Mic.
1:89). The oral message supplementing the symbolic action, namely
that Assyria will deport the African captives stripped of clothing in the
manner of Isaiah, makes most sense if the prophet was indeed walking
totally naked.
The question concerning the real life setting of this symbolic action
is very significant in relation to the present passage. Although scholars
generally assume that the story goes back to a real event, Knig has
26
Elijah, the prophet, is called in 2 Kgs 1:8, which probably corresponds to , one with a hairy robe (cf. Gen. 25:25). His ,
robe (1 Kgs 19:13, 19; 2 Kgs 2:8, 1314) may denote any type of robe, including
those worn by prominent people. It is rather the , hairy robe, which seems
to have been typical for the prophets (Zech. 13:4). Extra-biblical texts make no distinction between a type of prophetic garment and the dressing of other persons (cf.
PPANE 54, 55, 56, 58, 59).
27
For a short analysis of Isa. 22, see 3.2.8 above.
28
For the first, see Gen. 2:25; Job 1:21; Eccl. 5:15; Hos. 2:3, for the second, 1 Sam.
19:24 (?); Job 22:6; 24:7, 10; Isa. 58:7.
29
For ( Isa. 20:2) as a synonym of ( Isa. 32:11), see Isa. 11:5.
313
argued that it was only a vision.30 If Knig is right, many questions

related to the symbolic act become irrelevant.
The fact that Isa. 20 reports on the prophet obeying Yhwhs command ( ) is not in itself proof that Isaiahs act was performed in
reality. A similar command to the prophet Jeremiah ordering him to
take the cup of wrath from the hand of Yhwh and make all the nations
drink from it is likewise followed by a short description of its symbolic
execution (Jer. 25:1517). Yet this could hardly have been a real performance. It is not the symbolic action itself that serves here as a message but the description of the symbolic act that is intended to catch
the attention of the readers or audience of Jer. 25. This may actually
be the case with many (though not all) symbolic actions in prophetic
literature. Some of those are not real historical events, but functioned
as symbols in textual form alone. As prophetic narratives, they did not
address an audience from the time of any symbolic enactment but a
later generation not requiring any first-hand experience of the event.31
It is possible or even probable that Isa. 20 is another case similar
to Jer. 25:1517. The primary function of the story in Isa. 20 is not to
inform the reader of what actually happened when Ashdod was captured but to convey a message to a later audience living under similar
circumstances. This reading makes the most sense of the text, as it
does not require verses to be abandoned in order to establish a historical counterpart to all the actions narrated in the chapter (cf. 6.3.1).
The (imagined) enactment of the symbolic action is followed by its
explanation. The prophet is called , my servant, Isaiah, a
term often applied to prophets in Deuteronomistic literature or writings assumed to have been influenced by this theology.32 However,
30
Knig, 210.
E.g., Jer. 13:111 (note the temporal distance in 13:6); Ezek. 4:117 (Ezekiel has
to prepare and eat his food while being bound and unable to move [4:89]). Jer. 18:1
10 reveals the theological message of a symbolic act to the prophet which he would
retell later to an audience. Jer. 19 contains the report of the prophets personal experience, yet 19:14 presents it as an accomplished mission. Jeremiahs unmarried state is
a message that becomes theologically significant to the prophet (Jer. 16:19) and to
those reading the narrative in the future. The symbol is not physically performed but
formulated in writing. Some accounts of symbolic action function similarly to the
prophetic descriptions of visions (e.g., Amos 7).
32
E.g., 1 Kgs 14:18; 15:29; 2 Kgs 9:7; 10:10; 14:25; 17:13; Jer. 7:25; 25:4; 26:5; 35:15;
Zech. 1:6; Amos 3:7. See also J. Blenkinsopp, The Prophetic Biography of Isaiah, in:
E. Blum (ed.), Mincha. Festgabe fr Rolf Rendtorff zum 75. Geburtstag, NeukirchenVluyn 2000, 19.
31
314
chapter six
is also used in connection with other significant personalities

of the Old Testament (Abraham, Moses, David, Eliakim, etc.). This
means that Isaiah is designated a servant of Yhwh on grounds of his
close relationship with him rather than his prophetic vocation.
Reference to Isaiah in the third person in 20:3 reminds one of a
striking element in a similar performance by Ezekiel. Ezekiel tells us in
a first person account that Ezekiel will be a portent ( )to you: you
will do just as he has done. (Ezek. 24:24). Ezekiels text was directed
at a later reading community, just as Isaiahs is. Unlike Ezek. 24, however, Isa. 20:3 is composed by a person other than Isaiah.
With regard to the mentioned three-year period, Isa. 20:3 is not
clear whether and in what sense this duration plays a role in the story.
The Massoretes and ancient Jewish commentators assume that the
three years refer not to the length of the performance of the symbolic
action, but rather to the length of the time that the once performed
act would serve as a sign. Most commentators believe, however, that
the three years alludes to the duration of the prophetic act performed
between 713711.33 This explanation entails several difficulties. In a
real life setting, walking around naked for three years is problematic.
First, it is hard to imagine a prophet walking naked for three years and
explaining the meaning of his act only at the end of the three years.
Second, walking around naked for three years is difficult from a physical point of view. Of course, if the text is read as a literary composition
from a later period or if it is a vision, these problems hardly cause any
hermeneutical conundrum.
However, the Massoretic interpretation of the verse must also be
given serious consideration for the following reasons. First, the narrative simplicity of Isa. 20:2 gives the reader the impression that the
command to Isaiah involves a single action. Yhwh commanded Isaiah
to walk naked and barefoot, and he did so. Second, the book of Isaiah
contains many similar temporal references in various other prophecies. This form of prophesying seems to have belonged to the basic
message of the book of Isaiah (cf. Isa. 7:8, 16; 16:14; 21:16; 37:30; cf.
29:17). The striking point about these texts is that the idea of timing
plays a role in the future fulfilment of the prophecy. This would mean
33
Duhm, 148; Gray, 342; Ridderbos, 147; Fohrer, 1.255; H. Donner, Israel unter den
Vlkern: Die Stellung der klassischen Propheten des 8. Jahrhunderts v. Chr. zur Aussenpolitik der Knige von Israel und Juda (VTS, 11), Leiden 1964, 114; Clements, 173.
315
that the three years in Isa. 20:3 refers similarly to the fulfilment of the
message related to the symbolic action. In this case, may be
considered a parenthetic reference or a gloss to v. 3b (cf. Isa. 7:8b).34
It may allude to a very near future and not necessarily to 36 months
(cf. Jer. 28:3).35
Another feature that brings Isa. 20 close to the Isaianic tradition is
the function of signs. Walking naked and barefoot is called a sign and
portent ( ) with regard to Egypt and Kush. Isaiah with his
sons bearing symbolic names functioned as ( 8:18) for
a generation unwilling to listen. During the reign of King Ahaz, signs
( )also played an important role in transmitting the divine message (Isa. 7:11, 14). In Isa. 37:30, the events of three years similarly
function as a sign ( )for Hezekiah. As a sign ( )referring to the
redemption of the city from the Assyrian king, the shadow went back
ten steps on the dial (?) of Ahaz ( ; Isa. 38:8). Unlike his
predecessor, Hezekiah asks for a sign ( )to rely on during his illness (38:22). Isa. 38:7 gives the theological background to in these
narratives: Yhwh shall carry out what he has promised.
Isa. 20:4 explains the sign act. Here it becomes obvious that the
nakedness of the prophet symbolises the nakedness of the Egyptian and
Kushite captives led away by the Assyrian king. The sentence
emphasises that the Assyrians will take away the exiles
totally naked, a practice confirmed by iconographic evidence.36
implies that the prophet envisages not only the deportation of
prisoners of war but the inhabitants of the land of Egypt and Kush.37
Hebrew appearing in v. 6 means shore, coastland (Isa. 23:6;
66:19; Jer. 25:22), but also isle (Jer. 47:4; Ezek. 27:6). Most exegetes
understand v. 6 as announcing judgment against the Ashdodites, supposedly underlying the term . This interpretation implies
that an earlier and still unfulfilled prophecy of Isaiah regarding the
34
Wildberger, 283, and Clements, 85, argue that the sixty-five years in Isa. 7:8 may
hint at the era of Esarhaddon or Assurbanipal in the 7th century.
35
Duhm, 148, suggests that Isa. 20 remained unfulfilled, which was for him a major
reason to consider the prediction authentic.
36
Cf. AOB 128 (Tafel lvii) portrays captives taken away by Salmaneser V, totally
naked apparently with their heads shaved, as also alluded at in Isa. 7:20.
37
Cf. Gen. 19:4; Exod. 10:9; Deut. 28:50; Josh. 6:21; Judg. 7:11.
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chapter six
deportation of Ashdod was rewritten later as a prophecy referring to

Egypt.38
This view is problematic, however. Theoretically, it is possible for a
superscription of an oracle to give a secondary interpretation to a text
(cf. Jer. 47:17). But in the case of Isa. 20, we have no evidence that
v. 1 would have had a previous form that did not involve the fall of
Ashdod. The term in v. 6 hardly requires such a radical reinterpretation of Isa. 20. The fact that the capture of Ashdod is mentioned
in the superscription does not necessarily mean that the deportees
mentioned in the prophecy need to be Philistines. If the events presented in the heading of the prophecy constitute the background of the
symbolic act and explanation of Isaiah, then he had actually nothing to
say to the inhabitants of Ashdod any more.39 Isaiah is rather concerned
with how the fate of Ashdod would alter the future of Egypt, the supporter of every anti-Assyrian revolt west of the Euphrates. On the day
when Egypt is led away, as the inhabitants of Ashdod had been exiled
just days earlier, the inhabitant of this coastland will say: this has happened to them, we are the next on the list of Assyria.
Three different references are made to the audience of the prophet:
they (v. 5), the inhabitants of this coastland, and we (v. 6). There is
no doubt that refers to Canaan, but focuses on the primary audience of the author, Judah itself.40 The fate of the Philistines
was closely linked to that of the neighbouring nations. As we shall
see below, Judah was at least tempted to participate in the revolt of
Ashdod in 711, being invited personally by the Ashdodite king. The
38
Procksch, 258; Donner, Israel, 115; Kaiser, 95; Clements, 17374; Schoors, 125;
Sweeney, 266.
39
Likewise, Isa. 20 cannot be interpreted as a prophecy about capturing Egypt
before Ashdod (contra Gray, 342; Kaiser, 95).
40
Burney argues that referred specifically to the Philistine ruler
Yamani, whose name is mentioned in relation to the revolt of Ashdod in Assyrian
inscriptions. He understood Yamani as a gentilicum, alluding to the isle of Cyprus
(C.F. Burney, The Interpretation of Isa, xx 6, JTS 13 [1912], 423). The Cypriot origin of Yamani is, however, uncertain (cf. 6.3.3). The plural , which is logically
identified with , throws further doubts on his proposal. Seitz, 144, believed
that refers here to the peoples of the coastland, as in Isa. 41:5; 42:4, representing
the nations at the limits of the known world. The difficulty with Seitzs suggestion
is that appears in sg. and not in the pl. that one would expect if the term
denoted nations far off. Of all recorded occurrences, appears in sg. only in Isa.
23:2, 6 (Phoenician coast); Jer. 25:22 (isle of Cyprus or eventually Crete); 47:4 (isle of
Crete). Further evidence against Seitzs proposal is provided by the definite article
and the demonstrative pronoun .
317
singular form of makes most sense if it is linked with one specific

audience, though that does not exclude that implies more than
one nation. Strikingly, it is exactly that part of the Nineveh Inscription
of Sargon II which narrates the revolt of Philistia in 711, which refers
to Philistia, Judah, Edom, and Moab as ibt tmtim, those living
by the sea (cf. 6.3.3). The fact that ibt tmtim includes Judah
as well is clearly seen from similar descriptions of this region by
Salmaneser III and Esarhaddon.41
Judah is always the addressee of the prophet in other narratives
closely related to Isa. 20. It was noted in the discussion of v. 3 that
reminds the reader of other texts in which the sign functions as a means of communication between Isaiah and his people.
As the sign of Isa. 7:11, 14 delivered a message to the Judaeans under
the threat of Damascus and Samaria, or as Isa. 37:30 and 38:8 comforted Judah threatened by Assyrians, so they are warned here by the
sign concerning ( )Egypt and Kush. The relationship between these
sign-narratives and Isa. 20 is further strengthened by the vocabulary.
in 20:5 is a synonym of , which refers to the fear that the
prophet intends to chase away in Isa. 7:4 (cf. in 7:8) in order to
provide comfort and instil reliance on Yhwh (). Those who refuse
to rely on Yhwh in Isa. 20, whose pride ( )and expectation
( )lead them to trust in Egypt and Kush, will be dismayed and
ashamed. The expression appears also in Isa. 37:27 (| 2 Kgs
19:26).42 The words of others are cited in 20:6, a practice that re-appears
in the narrative of 7:56, where Isaiah cites the words of Peqah and
Rezin concerning the destruction of Judah and the Davidic house. This
literary device also recurs repeatedly in Isa. 3637 (cf. 36:4, 7, 10, 15,
18; 37:10).43
41
Salmaneser III refers to the 12 kings on the shore of the sea (12 arrnu a
iddi tmti) (RIMA 3 A.0.102.6 iii 28; A.0.102.8:17, 33, 38; A.0.102.10 ii 19, iii 23,
19), which also included King Jehu of Israel. In A.0.102.14:6061, the kings of Hatti
are mentioned separately as arrnu a mt Hatti u aht tmti, the kings of the land
of Hatti (Syro-Palestine) and the seashore. Other texts, such as A.0.102.14:88 (cf.
A.0.102.16:7879, 152153), imply that mt H atti and ah t tmti refer to the same
territory. Esarhaddons Nineveh Prism includes Manasseh, king of Judah, among the
12 kings on the bank of the sea, 12 arrnu a kisdi tmti (IAKA 27 Episode 21:63).
This gives sufficient evidence to assume that Judah is the addressee of Isa. 20:6.
42
For and , cf. also Jer. 8:9; 17:18; 48:1, 20. For in Isaianic context,
cf. Isa. 1:29; 30:5, and for , see Isa. 7:8; 8:9: 30:31; 31:4, 9.
43
A striking parallel to this rhetorical question is found in the annals of Assurbanipal dealing with the rebellion of Egyptian kings, Necho, Sharru-lu-dari, and Paqruru.
318
chapter six
6.3.1
Some authors have found various parts of Isa. 20:12 difficult to reconcile with 20:34, preferring to treat vv. 12 as secondary. As noted
in the exegesis, such critical conclusions have been guided not only by
textual difficulties resulting from the syntax of 20:12 but also by premises concerning the prophetic message. Huber, for instance, thought
that the symbolic act of the prophet Isaiah was a warning against forming alliances with the Philistines in order to face the Assyrians, arguing that the people must have been aware of the meaning of Isaiahs
symbolic action even before Ashdod actually fell. Accordingly, Huber
reconstructed the original text by dropping vv. 1b-2: In dem Jahr,
als der Tartan nach Asdod kam, sprach Jahwe: Wie mein Knecht . . ..44
Other scholars consider v.1 or v. 2 a secondary interpolation.45 Nevertheless, as argued above, the form of the introductory sentence is
not unique to Isa. 20. Clearly, the explanation of the symbolic action
in v. 3 would appear out of place if v. 2 was removed. It is characteristic of such reports of symbolic action that they also include Yhwhs
commandment to the prophet concerning the symbolic act. The main
problem with eliminating v. 1 is that the text would be stripped of
its relation to the capture of Ashdod. Wildbergers assumption that
the Ashdod-events referred to in v. 1 could have still constituted the
background of the prophecy with some other more original heading
demonstrated the fragile nature of this presupposition.
As suggested above, the apparent logical difficulties raised by the
complex structure of vv. 12 derive from the fact that Isa. 20 is not
contemporary with the events it narrates but originated at a later time.
Isa. 20 is not (or at least not just) a historical documentary concerning the symbolic act of Isaiah in 711, but it (also) addresses a different
community, living after 711. In such a case, our attempts to recover
a presumably more original form of the text are futile indeed. For
They are quoted as saying: If Taharka has been driven out of Egypt, how then can we
stay? (BIWA, 213; ANET, 215).
44
F. Huber, Jahwe, Juda und die anderen Vlker beim Propheten Jesaja (BZAW,
137), Berlin 1976, 107 n. 92.
45
For v. 1, cf. Wildberger, 750. For v. 2, see Duhm, 14849; Marti, 160; Schmidt,
85; Fohrer, 1.234; Kaiser, 9394; Vermeylen, 1.325.
319
while the theological viewpoint and vocabulary of the prophecy may

comply with other prophecies in the book of Isaiah, this narrative has
only ever existed in the final form that it now has. The pursuit for an
original, logically more consistent Isaianic core behind these verses
is therefore off track.
The form of 20:12 closely resembles other narratives in the book
of Isaiah.
Isa. 7:1246
Isa. 20:12
Isa. 36:12
description of the situation

[. . .]
[ . . .]

[. . .]

[. . .]
consequences
[. . .]

[. . .]
In all cases the introductory sentences mention the date, the events,
the persons and the places involved, including the success or failure
of the action taken. These similarities make it highly unlikely that Isa.
20:12 would be an edited secondary version of an earlier text.47
Exegetes occasionally treat either v. 5 or v. 6 as superfluous. They
argue that the message of one verse duplicates the other, so that v. 5
is regarded as commentary on v. 6, or vice versa.48 This duplication is,
however, artificial, as the emphasis of the two verses is clearly different. According to 20.5, after Kush and Egypt have been taken away
naked and barefoot, those relying upon them will feel shame due to
the vanquishing of their hope. Isa. 20:6 develops this idea further by
46
Barthel also argues for the secondary origin of Isa. 7:1b in relation to the rest of the
story, but the motivation supporting his view is quite meagre (historisch erluternde
Bearbeitung). Cf. J. Barthel, Prophetenwort und Geschichte: Die Jesajaberlieferung in
Jes 68 und 2831 (FAT, 19), Tbingen 1997, 13234, 155.
47
For the relationship with Isa. 7 and 3639, see also Blenkinsopp, Biography,
1624. Blenkinsopp argues for the Deuteronomistic origin of the historical formula
as well as the narratives. See further discussion below.
48
For Isa. 20:5 as secondary, cf. Marti, 160; Fohrer, 1.234; Kaiser, 96; Huber, Jahwe,
107; Clements, 17475; on Isa. 20:6, see Wildberger, 750.
320
chapter six
describing the consequences of the judgment on Egypt. The spiritual

disillusionment ( )of the inhabitants of the coastland will have
further implications. The deportation of Egypt becomes the threatening omen for all adherents to this power, whose glory is fading into
history.
Kaiser and Wildbergers argument for the secondary origin of
v. 6 is closely related to their interpretation of vv. 12, namely that
Isa. 20 was likely pronounced before the fall of Ashdod as a warning to
Philistia.49 Above, I advanced the view that this symbolic act addresses
the relationship of Judah (not Philistia) with Egypt after (not before)
Ashdod was captured. Unlike Kaiser presupposes, there is nothing
unusual in deporting first Egypt and Kush (the source of defiance),
before actually turning against their vassals. The unity of Isa. 20:16 is
in my view rather certain.
The second problem to be addressed in this section is the relation
of Isa. 20 to its present context. Studies examining the collection of
FNPs in the book of Isaiah note that the superscription of Isa. 20 is
different from the -headings. Those who assume that the superscriptions are secondary, consider Isa. 20 to be part of an early
collection of Isaianic FNPs.50 According to Duhm, Isa. 20 was the closing section of a first collection of prophecies, Isa. 14:2820:6, which
was later added to 2122+30:67 by a redactor who probably included
the -headings.51 Berges regards Isa. 20 as the middle of the FNPs
(in his view, those now constituting Isa. 1327), dividing the collection
into two blocks with five -headings each.52
We have seen in Chapter 3 that introductory lines of individual
prophecies in Isa. 1323 are subordinated to the -titles. Presumably, Isa. 20 is also adapted to this scheme. From the point of view of
redaction criticism, Isa. 20 is considered to be part of the .53
If that is the case, the question is how a prophecy closed by a prediction about the prosperous future of Egypt (Isa. 19:2025) can be
49
Kaiser, 9596; Wildberger, 751.

S. Mowinckel, Die Komposition des Jesajabuches. Kap. 139, AcOr 11 (1933),
278; Fohrer, 1.177; Clements, 47; B.M. Zapff, Schriftgelehrte ProphetieJes 13 und die
Komposition des Jesajabuches: Ein Beitrag zur Erforschung der Redaktionsgeschichte des
Jesajabuches (FzB, 74), Wrzburg 1995, 28699.
51
Duhm, 1213.
52
Berges, 14145. Cf. also P. Hffken, Jesaja: Der Stand der theologischen Diskussion, Darmstadt 2004, 123; Beuken, 19, 2324, 4041.
53
Cf. also Sweeney, 267, 272.
50
321
followed by a text with an essentially negative view of the fate coming

to Egypt and Kush?
With regard to the connection between Isa. 20 and 19:2025, there
are three options. (1) It is possible that the pattern of judgment / salvation / judgment is due to the later interpolation of 19:1625 between
Isa. 20 and 19:15.54 (2) Another option would be to argue that 19:16
25 was added to 19:115 before Isa. 19 as a whole was included in an
already existing collection of FNPs containing Isa. 20. (3) A third possibility is that Isa. 20 was inserted into Isa. 1323 later than 19:125,
following a different concept than the earlier collection of FNPs. The
question that naturally emerges in reaction to solution (1) is why the
salvation oracle(s) were not added after 20:6, if the salvation of Egypt
was the ultimate goal of the final editors. If solution (2) is right, one
could similarly ask why 19:125 with its salvation prophecy at the end
was chosen to be included before and not after Isa. 20:16. Solution
(3) appears to give the most coherent answer to the structure of the
present .
This alteration of judgment / salvation / judgment observable in the
final form of Isa. 1920 is not specific to these chapters. A similar
structure appears in Isa. 1516, with a positive prophecy about Moab
(16:15) supplemented by another negative prediction concerning its
future (16:614). Strikingly, in this case scholars generally accept that
introduces the entire pericope Isa. 1516 and not just 15:1
16:5. Another possible case appears in Isa. 17, where the prophecy of
judgment is followed by a prophecy of hope (17:78), and then again
by judgment (17:911). It was suggested in 3.3 that this sequence in
the redaction of Isa. 1323 may perhaps be related to a specific editorial concept. The sequence of salvation followed by judgment may
reflect the historical experience at the turn of the 7th6th centuries bc.
While 16:15 most likely dates to the 7th century, 16:6 seems to allude
to the relationship with the Moabites after 587. In 5.3.2, I maintained
that the expansion of the salvation prophecy on Egypt in 19:1623(24
25) probably derives from the 7th century. Like 15:116:5, Isa. 19 was
also part of an earlier collection of FNPs from the pre-exilic period,
which did not yet include Isa. 16:612(1314); 17:911(1218:7) and
Isa. 20. While it might have been composed earlier (see discussion
below), Isa. 20 was probably attached to the in the exilic
54
Cf. Kilian, 127.
322
chapter six
period, while still containing considerations that differ from those in

the earlier collection of FNPs.55
In terms of intertextuality, Isa. 20:56 is closely connected to Isa.
10:3. In terms of form, they both are formulated as rhetorical questions, with a common theological content and vocabulary: and
( 10:3) | [( ]20:6), ( 10:3) |
( 20:6), ( 10:3) | ( 20:5). The dispersion of
parallel ideas in 10:3 and 20:56 strengthens the coherence of 20:56.
Note that Isa. 10:4a describes the desperation of those ordered to bow
down as prisoners ( ) or fall as those slain (
)in a way similar to the ultimatum expressed in Isa. 20:46.56
In the exegetical section, a common provenance of Isa. 20 and two
other narrative complexes (Isa. 78 and 3639) was posited in order
to explain significant similarities among them. First, the structure of
the introductory verses in 7:12; 20:12 and 36:12 is similar. Second,
the motifs or vocabulary used parallel each other in several important
cases. Note, for example, ( 20:1 | 6:1), ( 20:2 |
37:2, 21; 38:1), the motif of three years, i.e. a limited period before
judgment is accomplished (20:3 | Isa. 7:8, 16 [16:14; 21:16]; 37:30),
( 20:3 | 7:11, 14; 8:18; 37:30; 38:7, 22), ( 20:5 |
37:27), the motif of trusting someone else instead of Yhwh (20:5 |
78; 3637), quoting the words of the audience (20:6 | 7:56; 36:4, 7,
10, 15, 18; 37:10).
6.3.2
Isa. 20 is related to and it is consistent with the view of Isaiah concerning the role of Egypt in the politics of Judah (cf. 4.3.2). The sign
act of Isaiah was performed when one of its key partners, Ashdod, fell
and was intended as a warning against entanglement in the political
55
Cf. 6.3.2. This does not imply, however, that 16:15; 17:78; 19:1625 should
be traced back to exactly the same period. The role Assyria plays in 16:4 is clearly different from its role in 19:1625. Common to this 7th century edition is mainly the
form of the compositions (judgment followed by salvation) and the positive attitude
towards foreign nations, Egyptians and Moabites.
56
Bosshard-Nepustil argues that Isa. 20 was not only relocated to but actually composed for its present context. He points to various lexical connections between Isa.
20 and Isa. 139 (E. Bosshard-Nepustil, Rezeptionen von Jesaia 139 im Zwlfprophetenbuch [OBO, 154], Freiburg 1997, 12025). However, Bosshard-Nepustils list of
vocabulary consists of randomly selected and often irrelevant words, which fail to
provide convincing support for his thesis.
323
dispute between Assyria and Egypt. Egypt is , a nation

that cannot profit them (Isa. 30:5, 6), whose help is worthless, a sea
monster that has been stilled (30:7). It is therefore unwise to exchange
the glory ( )given by Yhwh (Isa. 4:2) with the glory offered by
Egypt (20:5), which is about to turn into shame and disgrace (
;30:5).
There is, nevertheless, a difference between the function of the
Isaianic sign act in 711 and the function of the narrative.57 It was suggested above that Isa. 20 only ever existed as a narrative in its present
form. This means that projecting this pericope back to 711 has little
relevance. It is not so much the message of the prophet Isaiah that
should concern us here as the meaning that the recorded text intended
to communicate to a post-711 community. The question is what could
have been the function of Isa. 20 as a written record?
In his study focusing on the provenance of the Isaianic narratives,
Isa. 7:117; 20 and 3639, Blenkinsopp argues that these chapters
derive from circles closely related to the Deuteronomists. The image of
Isaiah as a supportive prophet in these narratives is radically different
from the harshly critical man of God appearing in Isaiahs prophetic
pronouncements. From the close textual resemblances between Isa. 7:1
and 2 Kgs 16:5 he comes to the conclusion that an adherent of the
Deuteronomistic school may have been responsible for inserting Isa
7:117 into the book.58 Similarly, the historical introduction of Isa.
20:12 and the presentation of the prophet as a servant of Yhwh lead
him to conclude that this brief narrative originated in the [Deuteronomistic] History.59 With regard to the parallels in Isa. 3639 and
2 Kgs 1820 Blenkinsopp reckons with a complex relationship between
the two books, although he apparently accepts the idea that Isa. 3639
is based on 2 Kgs 1820. He concludes, nevertheless, that these Isaianic narratives represent a selection of prophetic legends circulating
at the time when 2 Kgs was composed. These legends were inserted
into the Deuteronomistic history and, at a later time, into the book
57
Wildberger, who aims to restore an Isaianic core in Isa. 20, is only interested in
the original function of Isaiahs symbolic act (760), as are most other exegetes of this
text.
58
Blenkinsopp, Biography, 18.
59
324
chapter six
of Isaiah.60 Blenkinsopp also maintains that the author of these legends

was familiar with the Isaianic sayings. By including Isa. 7:117; 20 and
3639 into the book the author deliberately created a prophetic profile . . . quite different from the figure behind the sayings.61 The reason
for this appears to be that the Deuteronomists contested the imagery of a prophet proclaiming unconditional prophecies of doom. By
the additions of these narratives, they neutralised the biased Isaianic
judgment speeches.62
One cannot but agree with Blenkinsopp in assuming a certain connection between the Isaianic narratives and the Deuteronomistic history. Nevertheless, the complicated links between these texts challenge
the rather simplistic hypothesis of Blenkinsopp on several points. First,
as recent Isaiah-research has once again underlined, the Isaianic prophecies can hardly be characterised as exclusively judgment speeches and
certainly not as unconditional judgment oracles (cf. 1.1.3). If that is
true, the function of neutralisation that Blenkinsopp assigned to these
Isaianic narratives remains problematic. Second, even accepting that
the Isaianic speeches would be judgment pronouncements, it remains
difficult to see how a narrative like Isa. 20 would balance that view,
insofar as this text clearly pictures a prophet of doom, one lamenting for the future of his people. Third, while it seems correct to hold
that there are significant parallels between the wording of the Isaiahnarratives and 2 Kgs, it would need more clarification what exactly
Deuternomistic or Deuteronomic circle means (Blenkinsopps
History)63 with respect to these prophetic stories. This problem is the
more urgent asas Blenkinsopp correctly maintainsthese narratives
originated independently, i.e. not within the literary context of 2 Kgs.
Consequently, the prophetic narratives that appear in the book of Isaiah (including Isa. 3639) do not derive specifically from 2 Kgs but
from those sources which 2 Kgs itself also used independently.64 This
60
Blenkinsopp, Biography, 21. It seems that by assuming a temporal distance
between the inclusion of these narratives into 2 Kgs and Isa. Blenkinsopp wishes to
uphold his view that Isa. 3639 derive from 2 Kgs 1820, and not directly from the
prophetic legends, although his view on this point is not clearly stated.
61
62
63
Blenkinsopp appears to interchange these terms without assigning them any difference in meaning (see, e.g., Biography, 24).
64
The absence of writing prophets elsewhere in 2 Kgs (the problem which is discussed to some extent by Blenkinsopp) also strengthens the opinion that 2 Kgs is not
the original context for which the Isaiah narratives were written.
325
is most clear in the case of Isa. 20, which is not mentioned at all in the
Deuteronomistic history (2 Kgs). Given the focus and interest of these
prophetic stories, as well as the positive presentation of the prophets as servants of Yhwh, one would probably not miss the point in
regarding these authors as prophets or circles closely related to them.65
Finally, one would also readily agree with Blenkinsopp that these narratives were written by someone who was indeed familiar with the
prophecies of Isaiah. Yet that would again plead for the book of Isaiah
(rather than 2 Kgs) as the original context of these prophetic stories.
In this respect, the comparison of the Isaiah-stories with similar prophetic accounts in the book of Jeremiah (rather than 2 Kgs) would
provide a more adequate context to evaluate their function.66
To conclude, terming Isa. 20 as a Deuteronomistic-prophetic account
would mean that this text was written in the theological milieu characteristic to the intellectual history of Judah from the second half of
the 7th century (and onwards), the period to which the emergence of
the Deuteronomistic movement is usually dated. Nevertheless, since
Blenkinsopps hypothesis, which assigns a function of neutralisation
of previous judgment speeches to these prophetic narratives, proves
to be problematic in the context of the book of Isaiah, it still remains
to be seen what role Isa. 20 could have played around this period.
However, in defining the message and function of this text the clarification of some historical questions plays a significant role. Therefore, before taking position with regard to the possible function of this
narrative, the following section will look at Isa. 20 from a historical
viewpoint first.
65
Of course, one could still term this group and their language as Deuteronomistic. However, the usefulness of this is to me a question insofar as the only form
of history-writing from Judah from around this period is Deuteronomistic, i.e. we
have no other material which could be used as reference when analysing a text like
the superscription in Isa. 20:12. One could also argue that the appearance of dating
formulas akin to Isa. 20:12 in 12 Kgs (cf. 1 Kgs 14:25; 15:17; 20:1; 22:29; 2 Kgs 6:24;
12:18; 17:3, 5; 18:9, 13; 24:10) testifies to its widespread use in historical accounts
rather than to its Deuteronomistic character in particular. The fact that Isa. 20:12 has
preserved a unique reference to a concrete historical event suggests that the author of
this narrative had access to various sources, perhaps even royal annals.
66
While Blenkinsopp considers the Isaianic picture of Ahaz in Isa. 7:117 deliberately contrasting 2 Kgs 16 (Biography, 18), it is still more convincing to regard
Isa. 7 as the negative counterpart to Isa. 3637, and evaluate their relationship in an
inner-Isaianic setting (see P.R. Ackroyd, Isaiah 3639: Structure and Function, in:
Ibid, Studies in the Religious Tradition of the Old Testament, London 1987, 10520).
The practice of enhancing royal chronicles from prophetic sources (rather than the
reverse) is referred to in 2 Chr 20:34.
326
6.3.3
chapter six
The Historical Background of Isaiah 20
Although Sargon IIs army appeared several times in Canaan, it is

striking that his name is never mentioned elsewhere in the Bible.67 It
appears, however, that the events described in Isa. 3637 (2 Kgs 1819)
need to be partially dated to Sargons period. Isa. 36:1 maintains that
Sennacherib, king of Assyria captured the fortified cities of Judah in
Hezekiahs 14th year. Hezekiah began to rule most certainly between
728725,68 which would date this campaign to 715712. It is possible
that 2 Kgs 1820 and Isa. 3639 telescope the events of two Assyrian
kings into one episode, as there are similarly condensed accounts of
the subsequent sieges of Samaria by Salmaneser V and Sargon II in
2 Kgs 1718. During the Assyrian campaign in Hezekiahs 14th year,
prince Sennacherib may have been one of Sargons officials entrusted
with the army.69 Portraying Sennacherib as king during 715712 may
be an anachronism, just as the same narrative also called Taharka the
king of Kush in 701 (2 Kgs 19:9 | Isa. 37:9), while he actually ascended
the throne only in 690 bc.
Literary critical studies also recognise two distinctive story-lines
behind the present form of Isa. 3637,70 which may suggest that two
67
The Nimrud Inscription labels him the subduer of Judah between 720 and early
716. Sargon met the Egyptian Shilkanni in 716 and Piru in 715. Two more appearances are known in 713711, during the Ashdod-campaign.
68
The precise beginning of Hezekiahs reign is still subject to dispute. The view that
his rule should be counted from 715/714 (cf. J. Bright, A History of Israel, London
1972, 261; E.R. Thiele, The Mysterious Numbers of the Hebrew Kings, Grand Rapids,
MI 2000, 17376) has proven to be unconvincing. Cf. A.K. Jenkins, Hezekiahs Fourteenth Year: A New Interpretation of 2 Kings xviii 13xix 37, VT 26 (1976), 28498;
G. Galil, The Chronology of the Kings of Israel and Judah (SHCANE, 9), Leiden 1996,
99101; N. Naaman, The Historical Background to the Conquest of Samaria (720 bc),
Bib. 71 (1990), 20625; B. Becking, The Fall of Samaria: An Historical and Archaeological Study (SHANE, 2), Leiden 1992; J. Goldberg, Two Assyrian Campaigns against
Hezekiah and Later Eighth Century Biblical Chronology, Bib. 80 (1999), 377. We have
no convincing evidence for a co-regency of Ahaz and Hezekiah.
69
Cf. Becking, Fall, 54. Sennacherib, a prominent Assyrian functionary, appears
as the expeditor of a letter describing the receipt of tribute from Azuri of Ashdod,
the king who rebelled a few years before the deportation of Ashdod in 711. Cf. H.
Tadmor, The Campaigns of Sargon II of Assur: A Chronological-Historical Study,
JCS 12 (1958), 79 n. 211. As crown prince, Nebuchadnezzar was also the leading his
fathers army.
70
See, e.g., B. Childs, Isaiah and the Assyrian Crisis (SBT, 3), London 1967; F. Gonalves, Lexpdition de Sennachrib en Palestine dans la littrature hbraque ancienne
(PIOL, 34), Louvain-la-Neuve 1986; C. Seitz, Zions Final Destiny: The Development of
the Book of Isaiah, Minneapolis, MN 1991; W.R. Gallagher, Sennacheribs Campaign
to Judah: New Studies (SHCANE, 18), Leiden 1999.
327
different events constitute the background of the present narrative.

Furthermore, according to Isa. 38, God grants Hezekiah 15 more
years of rule after the year of conflict and Judahs deliverance from
the unnamed Assyrian (!) king (Isa. 38:56). Since he died around
699698, the Assyrian threat mentioned in Isa. 38 should be dated to
ca. 713 bc. Likewise, the visit to Jerusalem by the embassy of Mardukapla-iddin recounted in Isa. 39 most likely took place between 722
710, when Marduk-apla-iddin was ruling Babylon. He returned to the
throne for a short period of 9 months in 703, but never thereafter.
2 Chron. 32:31 connects the visit of the Babylonian embassy to the sign
given to the sick Hezekiah, placing the story of his healing in the pre703 period. Therefore, the liberation from the Assyrian king described
in Isa. 38:6 (2 Kgs 20:6) has little to do with the events of 701.
According to Assyrian inscriptions, the city Ashdod, led by its king,
Azuri, rebelled against Assyria.71 Azuri sent messengers to the neighbouring states to gather support for his uprising. The Assyrians retaliated, replacing Azuri with his brother, Ahimiti. The revolt of Azuri
and the installation of Ahimiti should be dated to after 715. Since the
final battle against Ashdod in 711 took place early that year and since,
according to the Assyrian Eponym Chronicles, 712 was a peaceful year
for the Assyrian army (see below), we may safely date the rebellion of
Azuri and the short-lived rule of Ahimiti to 713. That date coincides
with Hezekiahs 14th year.
Although the Assyrian inscriptions mention the quelling of a rebellion in Ashdod in 713, we find no Assyrian reference to campaigns
against Judah during that year. This silence is, however, unsurprising.
The Nimrud Inscription is also very brief when it calls the Assyrian
king the subduer of Judah (ca. 720716) without revealing further
details. The Assyrian chronicles of 713 were concerned primarily with
Ashdod and Azuri, not with Judah. This specific focus, as well as the
deliverance of Hezekiah from the Assyrians (Isa. 38:56) are probably
the reasons why the sole account of a limited Assyrian campaign in
713 was only preserved in this rewritten version of Isa. 3637.72
71
Cf. A. Fuchs, Die Annalen des Jahres 711 v. Chr. nach Prismenfragmenten aus
Ninive und Assur (SAAS, 8), Helsinki 1998, 4446, 7374; ISK, 13235, 326, 21922,
308, 34849; COS 2.118A; COS 2.118E; COS 2.118F.
72
Note that other Gath or Gittaim (Gimtu) and Ashdod-Yam (possibly Ekron)
also fell during this Assyrian campaign, but we are only informed of their falls by the
stone slabs of Sargon. Similarly, the capture of Lachish in 701 was not mentioned on
328
chapter six
The Nineveh Prism mentions that, after replacing Azuri with

Ahimiti, Sargon imposed a tribute on the Ashdodites. But after the
Assyrians retreated, the Ashdodites deposed Ahimiti and elevated the
illegitimate Yamani to the throne.73
To the kings of the lands Philistia, Judah, Edom, and Moab, those living
by the sea, bearers of tribute (biltu) and gifts (tmarti) to Assur, my lord,
(they sent) words of falsehood and treacherous speech to incite enmity
with me. To Piru, king of Egypt (Piru ar mt Musri), a prince, who
could not save them, they brought their presents (ulmnu), and they
implored his help (kitru).74
Sargon sent his troops against the city and, in 711, Ashdod was captured and its inhabitants deported.75 Piru ar mt Musri mentioned
in the Nineveh Prism76 is probably identifiable as the Kushite Pharaoh Shabaka, who was expected to help the rebels. For one reason
or another, these expectations remained unfulfilled, and Ashdod was
captured, although its king, Yamani managed to flee. He was handed
over to the Assyrians sometime around 706 by Shabataka, the prince
of Kush.77
Sargon claims to have defeated Ashdod personally. Since the
description of this event in Isa 20:1 only mentions that the turtannu
of Sargon laid siege to Ashdod, the kings contention may be, as usual,
ideologically motivated. It is also possible that during the campaign in
Sennacheribs prism describing his defeat of Judah. Yet, the conquest of Lachish is a
prominent episode on the wall-decorations of the king.
73
In the Khorsabad Annals 246, he is called Yadna instead of Yamani, the name
used in all other inscriptions. There is some dispute whether this would refer to
Yamanis ethnic origin (i.e. the Greek or the Cypriot; cf. Tadmor, Campaigns, 80
n. 217). Cf. ky (= ; 1 Sam 21:11), son of Padi (COS 2.42), the ruler of Ekron
in the 7th century. Note biblical , , etc.
74
Nineveh Prism fragments Sm 2022, II and K 1668+ IV (Fuchs, Annalen, 4446,
7274). The citation corresponds to lns 2533 of K 1668+ IV.
75
For dating this event in agreement with the Annals of Sargon to 711 instead of
above-argued 712, see Fuchs, ISK, 381. In the Assyrian Eponym Chronicles, the entry
for the year 712 is ina mti, in the land. This does not refer to the position of King
Sargon alone but, according to the conventions of the Chronicles, to the position of
the army. Cf. A. Millard, The Eponyms of the Assyrian Empire: 910612 b.c. (SAAS,
2), Helsinki 1994, 5.
76
Cf. also the Annals of Sargon for the year 715 (5.3.3).
77
On this episode and Shabatakas title, ar mt Meluhha, king of Meluhha (cf.
Piru ar mt Musri, Piru, king of Egypt, as the title of Shabaka), see the Tang-i Var
inscription mentioned in 4.3.3.
329
711, Sargon was indeed present on the battlefield, even if he was also
engaged in the siege of other cities in the area (cf. Isa 37:8).
Isa. 20 provides accurate detail about the capture of Ashdod. The
author was not only aware of the name of the king (this is the only
place where Sargons name is stated), but he also knew that the campaign was coordinated by a commander. Similarly, Isa. 7 or 3639
also include details about the political situation in the 8th century.
Like these texts, Isa. 20 may be based on a prophetic narrative or biographic material written not long after the events, or else other reliable
sources (such as royal archives material) must have been available to
the author.
In spite of the reliable historical account in Isa. 20 and given the
fact that some temporal distance separates this text from the narrated
events (cf. ) , the primary concern of the narrative should
be considered theological. Together with Isa. 7 and 3639, Isa. 20 was
also written as a 3rd person account. Unlike 1st person narratives
(Isa. 6; 8; 18:4; 21:6; 22:14, 15; 30:8; 31:4), these texts are not directly
derived from the prophet but from those responsible for the preservation of the Isaianic prophetic material. By means of a narrative, Isa.
20 instructs a later audience on how to interpret the prophets words
and deeds, or how to adapt his earlier messages to new historical circumstances. The indicated literary and logical irregularities in this passage can be reasonably explained by the temporal gap between the
composition of the existing text and the events of 711. For later reading communities, these irregularities were subordinated to the overall
message of the text regarding Isaiah and his actions. For these readers,
it was less important how walking naked or the three-year period was
to be understood. Everything belonged to the (remote) past. It is not
the details of the symbolic action itself that should be the exegetes
focus, but the symbol and the message it was intended to communicate. Years ago, the prophet Isaiah foretold how all those relying on
Egypt would be put to shame. This message was still valid during the
lifetime of the author of Isa. 20 and remained valid as long as successive generations failed to revise their misconceptions and repair blunders in foreign politics.
Given that Isa. 20 addresses the attitude of Judah towards Egypt,
there are three periods in the Judaean history in which the message
of this prophecy would be especially pertinent. The first involves the
preparations for war with Assyria at the instigation of Egypt in the
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chapter six
years preceding 701. In this pre-701 context, Isa. 20 may have warned
against relying on a power that has recently proved to be so unfaithful
to its allies.78 However, the close connections of Isa. 20 with Isa. 7 and
3639, written in the post-Isaianic era (cf. Isa. 7:8; 37:38), mean that
701 is probably a date too close to 711.
The second option is to place Isa. 20 in the 7th century, in the context
of the anti-Egyptian wars of Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal (5.3.3).
During this period, Isa. 20 may have testified to the authenticity of
Isaianic tradition and the fulfilment of earlier Egypt-related prophecies
(Isa. 30; 31).79 However, this dating has at least two crucial problems.
First, it presupposes a date similar to the one proposed above for Isa.
19:1623(2425), which is much more positive about Egypt. Second,
the ultimate concern of the prophecy for the salvation of the seacoast,
i.e. Judah, (Isa. 20:6) is difficult to explain in relation to this era.
A third and most likely option is to place the composition of Isa.
20 in the final years of the kingdom of Judah. After Assyria retreated
from Egypt around 650, it took a relatively short time for Egypt to
consolidate its power in Canaan (2 Kgs 24:7).80 King Josiah was killed
by Necho II (2 Kgs 23) probably because he became anti-Egyptian
in his later years. The heir of his ideology, his son, Jehoahaz, was set
on the throne by the ( 2 Kgs 23:30) and also removed by
Necho. The Egyptian pharaoh made Jehoiakim, another son of Josiah,
his vassal on the throne of Judah. Except for the three years (604601)
of nominal servitude under the yoke of Nebuchadnezzar, Jehoiakim
always remained loyal to his Egyptian overlord, and always counted
on his support against Babylon. The same was essentially the case with
78
Cf. Clements, 174.

Sweeney dated the editorial inclusion of Isa. 20 after 19:25 to the Josianic era, and
argued that the judgment on Egypt was motivated by the fact that Egypt, as a faithful
Assyrian ally during these years, presented the most formidable obstacle to Josiahs
plans for reestablishing the Davidic empire (273). However, it would be strange,
under such circumstances, for a contemporary of Josiah to claim that Assyria would
deport Egypt, on whom Judah relied, in the absence of political backing. Sweeneys
other suggestion, ascribing the text to opponents to Manassehs policy of cooperation
with Assyria and Egypt (275), fails to explain the antagonism between Assyria and
Egypt in Isa. 20.
80
D.B. Redford, Egypt, Canaan, and Israel in Ancient Times, Princeton, NJ 1992;
G. Ahlstrm, The History of Ancient Palestine, Minneapolis, MN 1994, 763; B.U.
Schipper, Israel und gypten in der Knigszeit: Die kulturellen Kontakte von Salomo
bis zum Fall Jerusalems (OBO, 170), Freiburg 1999, 230.
79
331
Jehoiachin (598), his son, and especially Zedekiah (598587), the last
king of Judah, installed by Nebuchadnezzar.81
According to Lachish ostracon 3:1416, dated to Zedekiahs time,
Konyahu, son of Elnatan, the commander of the army ()
was sent to Egypt.82 Though the context does not clarify his mission,
it certainly reflects on the political commitments of Judah, as illustrated by the prophetic criticism of Jeremiah (2:18, 3637; 27; 37:510)
and Ezekiel (16:26; 17; 23:1921, 27). However, Pharaoh Psametik II
(595589) died before having any chance to fulfil his promises to his
allies. In 587586, Jerusalem was burned down, and Zedekiah sent
into exile.
Isa. 20 can be dated to the era of these three final kings, as a challenge to the pro-Egyptian and anti-Babylonian policy of Judaean
leaders. The history of the late pre-exilic period closely parallels the
era of Isaiah. Indirect evidence suggests that the critical message of
the prophets of the 8th century played an important role in forming
the visions of prominent political and religious figures belonging to the
last pre-exilic generation. According to Jer. 26:1819, the prophecies
of Micah of Moresheth addressed to King Hezekiah were supposed to
urge Jehoiakim to repent after hearing the harsh words of the prophet,
as his forefather had done. It cannot be excluded that the parallels
between the stories of Ahaz and Hezekiah in Isa. 7 and 3639 were to
provide a royal model for one of Judahs last kings.83 In the same manner, Isa. 20 was supposed to serve as a warning to those kings.84
To conclude, while Isa. 20 may go back to real historical events and
records important details of the Assyrian campaign against Ashdod in
711, the ultimate concern of the narrative is the people of Judah in the
years between 605587, the era of anti-Babylonian alliances.
81
Several ostraca from the fortress of Arad (notably 1, 2, 4, 7, 8, 10, 11, 14, 17) refer
to Cypriots (soldiers) posted there under the command of the Judaean Eliashib. These
were probably mercenaries hired by Egypt and sent to guard the southern borders of
Judah, its vassal, against the Edomites. These texts come from either Jehoiakims or
Zedekiahs period.
82
According to Jer. 26:22, an individual called Elnathan, son of Achbor, is said to
have gone to Egypt at the command of Jehoiakim.
83
For the intertextual relationship between Isa. 7 and 3639, cf. Ackroyd, Isaiah
3639, 10520.
84
If the relationship between Isa. 20 and the Deuteronomistic circles discussed
above at 6.3.2 is taken into further account, one may also mention here the antiEgyptian stance of this group (Deut. 17:16; Jer 4344), which coincides with the focus
of Isa. 20.
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chapter six
6.4
The biblical description of the fall of Ashdod is like the segment of an

Assyrian stele. The reference to the name of Sargon II, as well as the
Assyrian officer, the turtnu, evokes the sphere created by Mesopotamian texts. The wording in the account of the downfall of the Philistine city, , follows the well-known phraseology
of Assyrian conquest account summaries.85 The reference to mass
deportation of naked captives, young and old (20:4), hardly needs any
further comment. This is a ubiquitous motif in Assyrian historiography. The denunciation of Egypt as an instigator and unreliable ally is
also reminiscent of Assyrian texts. Note the motif of misplaced trust
in the following extract from a description of the campaign of Assurbanipal against Tyre:
In the course of my campaign, I threw up earthwork (for a siege) against
Baalu, king of Tyre who had put his trust upon his friend Taharka, king
of Kush . . . (ANET, 292).
In its current position, Isa. 20 has important connections with other

FNPs, especially concerning the fleetingness of earthly glory and the
futility of human assistance, both noted as basic concepts underlying
Isa. 1323, especially with regard to the day of Yhwh edition. The
motif of glory ( )appears as in Isa. 20:5. Its disappearance upon fulfilment of prophecy (20:3) relates this text to Isa. 16:14
and 21:16. Isa. 16:14 states that the glory of Moab with all its wealth/
multitude () 86 will perish in three years,
like the years of a hired worker. Even sooner, , all the
glory of Kedar, will disappear (21:16). Like all the glories of Chaldea
( ; Isa. 13:19), Moab, Aram, Israel, Kedar (;
16:14; 17:3, 4; 21:16) and Tyre ( ; 23:9), the glory of Egypt
will also vanish. In indicating the inefficacy of Egypt as the of
Judah, Isa. 20 becomes part of a series of prophecies which emphasise
the downfall and humiliation of the mighty worldly powers in order to
exalt Yhwh of hosts on that day (Isa. 2:11, 17; cf. 3.3). Since 13:19;
85
Cf. K.L. Younger, Ancient Conquest Accounts: A Study of Ancient Near Eastern
and Biblical History Writing (JSOT.S, 98), Sheffield 1990.
86
For in connection with Egypt, see Ezek. 29:19; 30:4; 32:12; etc.
333
16:14; 21:16 apparently reflect an exilic setting, the inclusion of Isa. 20

into the may be connected with this day of Yhwh edition of the book of Isaiah.
6.5 Conclusion
Isa. 20 refers to a symbolic act of the prophet connected with the fall of
Ashdod in 711. This symbolic act was supposed to reveal how after the
fall of Ashdod, Egypt and Kush will also be deported. Implicitly this
was threatening news for those inhabitants of Judah who expected their
salvation from Egypt. Ultimately, it is Judah with whom the prophecy
is concerned and which is tacitly addressed in 20:6 as .
The integrity of Isa. 20 need not be questioned, neither is there any
support to assume that this text is a rewritten (updated) version of a
previous one. The fact that the text includes retrospective accounts of
some temporally distant events explains some irregularities that were
formerly regarded as signs of literary unevenness.
From a contextual point of view, Isa. 20 is part of the on
Egypt. Although it was originally an independent text, it was placed
in its current position by the editors of Isa. 1323 for a specific reason.
The sequence of salvation on Egypt in Isa. 19 followed by judgment
in Isa. 20 is not unique in Isa. 1323, as this editorial technique and
conception are also present in Isa. 1516 and 17. The concern of the
editors is the day of Yhwh, mentioned in the introduction to the
revised collection of Isa. 1323. Two significant motifs that Isa. 20
exposes, the fruitlessness of Judahs reliance on human agents and the
downfall of Judahs earthly glory, are prominent themes in the day of
Yhwh texts (cf. Isa. 2:621; 13).
The views concerning Egypt ascribed to Isaiah in the narrative is
consistent with other Isaianic texts. The historical information provided by Isa. 20:1 can be confirmed by non-biblical traditions related
to 711 bc. However, the events of 711 are not the most important
context in explaining the function of this narrative. Since Isa. 20 acts
as a warning against alliances with Egypt, it can be related to the antiBabylonian movements of the late pre-exilic period. Jer. 26:1819 suggest that prophecies from the 8th century often gained a new life and
a new sense during this era.
CHAPTER SEVEN
CONCLUSION
This concluding chapter will summarise the principal results of the

present study following the structural guidelines provided in 1.4. The
discussions of literary, theological and historical issues indicate how
Isa. 1820 can be related to the process of formation of Isa. 1323.
This chapter will conclude by providing further notes on Isa. 1323
as a stele of Yhwh.
7.1
Isaiah 1820 from a Literary Perspective
Like most prophecies of Isa. 1323, the Egypt and Kush-related pericopes were composed in several stages, exhibiting the effects of a complex redactional history. The history of composition of the individual
pericopes can only be understood in the greater context of the formation of the book of Isaiah, in particular chapters 139.
7.1.1
The Literary Integrity of Isaiah 1820
Despite uncertainties caused by the textual difficulties of Isa. 18, the

contours of this prophecy are reasonably clear. Isa. 18 addresses the
land stretching to beyond the rivers of Kush (cf. 4.2.1). This land is
typified by a famous Egyptian symbol, the two-winged scarab (
), as well as by further physical and geographical characteristics
(18:12). Isa. 18:2 presupposes more than one nation as addressee;
it most likely includes the Egyptians and Kushites in the Empire of
the 25th Dynasty (4.1 n. 2 f-f and 4.2.2). The prophecy is neither
positive nor neutral regarding the future fate of the Kushite-Egyptian
Empire. introduces a prophecy of woe, an ominous prediction on
the fall of the people inhabiting the Nile valley.
Except for v. 7, Isa. 18 should be considered as an integral text
(4.3.1). The universalist view stated in v. 3 is consistent with the message of the FNPs in general. V. 3 should probably be read in relation to
the theology of Isa. 10:5, which presents Assyria as a tool used by Yhwh
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chapter seven
in ruling over the earth. It therefore replicates the ideology propagated

in Assyrian literature in which Assyrian kings are viewed as rulers of
the world (ar kite). Moreover, when the prophecy was delivered,
the audience of the prophet may have comprised representatives of
foreign nations, including Kushites from the southern most region of
the Judaean world map. The mention of such a remote people may
provide further evidence of the prophecys universalist inclinations.
The tribute scene in Isa. 18:7 is a further expression of the worldwide expansion of Yhwhs rule, in this case realised through the defeat
of African nations. This means that Isa. 18:7 is not a salvation oracle
concerning Kush and Egypt, as the text is usually interpreted. Just as
Assyrian kings frequently expressed their universal kingship by mentioning the tributes brought to them by nations located far away, the
tribute from Kush and Egypt in v. 7 underlines that Yhwh is the king
of the world, including the remotest parts of the earth.
Nevertheless, two arguments are assumed to support the conclusion
that v. 7 is of a different origin than the rest of this prophecy. First, v. 6
presupposes that the dead corpses of Kush and Egypt will be exposed
permanently on the mountains, in contrast to the scene drawn in v. 7.
Second, Isaiahs view expressed in other Egypt-related texts suggests
that the judgment against Egypt and Kush will also fall on their allies,
including Judah and Jerusalem (Isa. 20; 31). This is incompatible with
the portrait of Zion in v. 7. Yet by the time Zeph. 3:10 was composed,
Isa. 18 was already known in its present form, including v. 7 (4.3.1).
The literary critical investigation of Isa. 19 has confirmed the view
that vv. 1625 are later than vv. 115. At any rate, vv. 510 are strongly
integrated into vv. 115 (5.3.1). The presentation of Yhwh in Isa. 19:1
as riding on a cloud alludes to a divinity of nature, whose appearance (theophany) is often related to catastrophe and unusual natural
phenomena (v. 57). These changes in the physical world may also
express the superiority of Yhwh above Egypts gods (v. 1), responsible
in the Egyptian worldview for maintaining order and prosperity. The
installation of a king unfriendly to Egypt and contrary to the will of
Egypts gods is, as often observed in contemporary literature, another
possible source of disorder in society and nature. This coherence does
not exclude the possibility that Isa. 19:510 derives from a different
source, as indeed some arguments might point in this direction (cf.
5.3.1). But that source would have to be one predating vv. 14, 1115,
whose author could have adapted vv. 510 for his own purposes. If
the distinction between prose and poetry is allowed to play a role in
conclusion
337
discussing literary unity, the prosaic vv. 12, 1415 might be considered
secondary interpolations.
With regard to the unity of vv. 1625, the repeated use of the
formula is not a sufficient argument for distinguishing
various stages in the literary development of this pericope (5.3.1).
Vv. 1625 contain linearly developed ideas and hardly any contradictions. It appears that the prophecy was written by someone living at
the historical moment described in v. 23, from which he looked back
to the past for a basis on which to foresee both doom and salvation
(vv. 1622) and to make corresponding predictions (vv. 2425). Eventually, vv. 2425 may be regarded as later expansions of the earlier text,
vv. 1623.
There can be little doubt concerning the literary integrity of Isa.
20. The awkward structure of 20:12 need not hint to a more original version of Isa. 20, which would have only contained part of these
introductory verses. Scholars who consider part of vv. 12 as secondary pay insufficient attention to the fact that the irregular structure
of vv. 12 has significant parallels in the Bible and apparently reflects
literary conventions different from those of modern readers (6.1 n. 2
c; 6.3.1). Furthermore, the assumption that vv. 12 must be partially
secondary is based on unwarranted premises concerning the meaning
and function of the symbolic act of the prophet Isaiah (namely that this
was supposed to serve as a warning against Philistia or Judah before
the campaign of Sargon II in 711 and not after it, as stated in v. 1)
and the unsustainable conviction that would refer to the
Philistines. Both views have been contested in this study.
There is even less support for excluding either v. 5 or v. 6 from any
pre-existing Isaianic text. Some problems regarding the interpretation
of Isa. 20 can be ascribed to the fact that this text is not contemporary
with the events it narrates but derives from a later period (cf. 6.3.3).
To put it bluntly, Isa. 20 is a unified pericope dealing with the relationship between Judah (not Philistia) and Egypt in the aftermath of (not
before) the actual fall of Ashdod in 711.
7.1.2
The Prophecies of Isaiah 1820 in their Literary Context
It is important to place Isa. 1820 against the background of the FNPs

in general and Isa. 1323 in particular. The literary analysis of biblical
FNPs has shown that these collections represent well-organised literary
compilations within the biblical books in which they now occur. The
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chapter seven
editorial principles can be discerned not only for the present arrangement of the various collections of FNPs in the prophetic books but
also with regard to the organisation of utterances addressed to specific
nations. Multiple prophecies addressed to one specific nation tend to
be collected into thematic text blocks (cf., e.g., Jer. 48; 5051; Ezek.
2628; 2932; cf. Chapter 2).
Given the several concepts according to which the FNPs were collected and arranged, it can be concluded that they were composed
over a longer period and subsequently revised, enlarged and redefined
according to new criteria imposed by later editors. This is particularly
well illustrated by the two versions of Jeremiah in LXX and MT.
Evidence derived from biblical collections substantiates the view
that the FNPs were not compiled at a late stage in the redactional history of the prophetic books, but early collections were expanded and
reorganised on different occasions. The formation of book-level collections of FNPs cannot be dissociated from the development of the books
themselves. The general principles governing the composition of the
FNPs can also be found in the prophecies related to Israel, while the
FNPs also have numerous connections with the prophecies addressed
to Judah. This means that the nations are important only insofar as
they appear in relation to Israel. The language, themes, motifs and
expressions appearing in the FNPs are strikingly book specific. Yet, at
the same time, certain themes and concepts reach beyond the borders
imposed by individual books, presupposing that, at some stage, the
editors in the background were working simultaneously on the legacy
of several prophets.
The analysis of the larger literary context of Isa. 1820, the FNPs
in 1323, has led to the conclusion that the -superscription is
the most important editorial guideline structuring the collection. In
general, introduces texts dealing with one specific nation. All
other individual prophecies must be subordinated to this heading
(14:2427; 17:1214; 18:17). That does not mean, however, that the
-superscriptions all derive from the same period. Three distinctive types of -headings can be discerned (cf. 3.1): (a) a geographical name is attached to ( 13:1; 15:1; 17:1; 19:1; 23:1); (b) some
superscriptions refer cryptically to the addressee (21:1, 11, 13; 22:1);
(c) a distinctive type of superscription is attested in 14:28. These three
types of superscriptions suggest that there are at least three different concepts at work in the composition of Isa. 1323. The text of
Isa. 2122, with its specifically formed -headings, was inserted in its
present position as an already existing independent collection. This
conclusion
339
also explains how Isa. 23 came to be separated from Isa. 19, to which
it was originally more closely related. Moreover, the previous coherence of Isa. 2122 clarifies why there are now two Babylon-related
prophecies in Isa. 1323, why we find a prophecy against Jerusalem
among the FNPs, and, quite strangely, why some oracles are addressed
to specific individuals from Jerusalem.1
The is usually associated with a composition of several originally independent prophecies and not just a single prophecy.2 This
observation is most important for Isa. 18 and 20. Isa. 18 has often
been considered a unity in itself. With the exception of a few scholars,
most have analysed it as a distinctive passage inside the FNPs of Isaiah,
whether or not connected to the word in 17:1214 (cf. 1.2; 4.3.1).
However, the originally independent oracles in Isa. 1323 are generally related to a -collection. Therefore, Isa. 18 must be considered
another example of this phenomenon.
In general, collections contain important thematic links
between subordinated passages, as well as connections based on catchwords.3 Isa. 17:1 is introduced as . However, Damascus is
mentioned in the book of Isaiah only in relation to Israel (the AramIsrael alliance) and the planned attack against Judah during the reign
of Ahaz (Isa. 78; cf. 4.3.1). In this sense, the role of Damascus in
Isa. 17 is marginal or partial, and the prophecy is rather concerned
with the Kingdom of Israel. Whatever was the original concern of
17:1214, this text should now be read in its present position as part of
and therefore related to the Aram-Israel alliance (cf. Isa.
8:910). The prophecy in 18:17 underwent a similar reinterpretation
when connected to Isa. 17. When taken independently of its context,
Isa. 18 is a prophecy addressing the Kushite Empire of the 8th century. In its present literary setting, however, it functions as a prophecy
against Israel, i.e. Samaria.4
1
If Isa. 2122 is removed from the FNPs, we are left with six -collections. It is
striking that Isa. 2833 also contains six collections (Isa. 28,1; 29,1, 15; 30:1; 31:1;
33:1). These two collections of prophecies are reminiscent of the posited earlier form
of Amos, containing five prophecies against the nations and five parallel visions at the
end of the book (cf. 2.4.1).
2
Exceptions are Isa. 14:28; 21:1, 11.
3
Cf. in Isa. 13 (3.2.1) or in Isa. 22 (3.2.8).
4
Compare this with the function of Isa. 20, which was originally a text addressing
Judah. Nevertheless, this purpose is modified in its present context where Isa. 20 can
be read as a text concerned primarily with the future of Egypt.
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chapter seven
There are significant connections between 17:1214, 18:17, and the

previous 17:111, mainly in terms of the agricultural imagery adopted
by these texts. While 17:1214 exploits the grain harvest theme of
17:5, 18:17 does the same with the motif of fruit harvesting that
appears in 17:6. Although neither of the two texts was written for the
present context, these similar motifs could have served as a guideline
for the redactor in relocating the two prophecies. Making an alliance
with Rezin of Damascus during the reign of Peqah (Isa. 78), and
sending messengers to Egypt by King Hoshea (2 Kgs 17:4) were the
two most important events leading to the destruction of the Northern
Kingdom. Therefore, while the inclusion of 17:1214 and 18:17 into
its present place is late,5 the two texts were moved here with much
editorial care, and are in their final form subordinated to
in 17:1. That is, from the point of view of the final editors of the book
of Isaiah, Isa. 18 is essentially an anti-Israel prophecy and not one
related to Isa. 1920.
The ( 19:1) includes the prophecy against Egypt in 19:1
15 with its elaborations in 19:1625, as well as the once an independent prophecy in Isa. 20. As mentioned, most -headings delimit
segment collections of several prophecies and do not designate one
literary unit. The view put forward by Weis, Sweeney and Floyd that
can be considered a composition with clearly traceable characteristics, is questionable (5.3.1).
Although written on different occasions, Isa. 19:115 and 19:1625
must be regarded as related. Vv. 1625 obviously elaborate vv. 115,
and they were never supposed to function independently from the latter. The structure of judgment followed by salvation, also appears in
Isa. 15:116:5; 23:118 and possibly 17:18.
As far as its content is concerned, the position of Isa. 20 in a
is legitimated by the fact that it explicitly refers to the deportation of Egypt and Kush. However, the reader is left to guess why Isa.
20 returns to a negative message for Egypt after the positive forecast
in Isa. 19:2125. The assumption that Isa. 19:1625 would have been
added later than Isa. 20 cannot adequately explain this incongruence,
nor does the positing that Isa. 19 was relocated to the present position
(6.3.1). Nevertheless, two other examples in Isa. 1323 also manifest the sequence of prophecies of salvation followed by prophecies
Duhm and Kaiser, in opposition to Mowinckel, Fohrer and Vermeylen.
conclusion
341
of judgment (cf. 15:116:5 and 16:612[1314]; 17:18 and 17:911).

This suggests that, from the point of view of the final editors, salvation
is not Yhwhs ultimate word on Egypt.
Both Isa. 19:115 and Isa. 20 present significant book level intertextual connections to other passages beyond Isa. 1323. Especially striking is the relationship between Isa. 2:223:7, 12 and 19:115, 9:720 and
19:115 (5.3.1), 10:34 and 20:46 (6.3.1). These close literary ties
can only be recognised if Isa. 19 and 20 is read in the larger context of
the book of Isaiah. This implies that the FNPs of Isaiah need to be correlated to prophecies addressing Israel and Judah. Such a relationship
between prophecies concerned with the nations and those concerned
with the people of Yhwh is central to understanding the purport and
intention of the FNPs. Yhwhs dealings with foreign nations should
not be disconnected from his plans concerning his own people.
Based on the above analysis, it may be concluded that Isa. 1323
and especially Isa. 1820 do not presuppose the existence of the book
of Isaiah in its final form, i.e. including Isa. 4066. The lack of significant connections with the second half of the book has important
bearing on the research of the formation of the book of Isaiah.
7.2
Theological Concerns in Isaiah 1820
The theological problems exposed by Isa. 1820 can be discussed from

various perspectives. In line with the concern of this study, I shall look
at the theological content of these prophecies from two viewpoints: the
theological role of Isa. 1820 in the context of the book of Isaiah and
the way Isa. 1820 functions as a collection of FNPs.
7.2.1 Theological Considerations from an Isaianic Perspective
Taking the book of Isaiah as context, the image of the empire of Kush
in Isa. 18 is consistent with how the African nations appear in texts
ascribed to Isaiah of the 8th century (Isa. 3031) and the later tradition referring to the standpoint of the prophet concerning Egypt and
Kush (Isa. 20; 36:6; 37:9). In these compositions, Egypt and Kush are
presented as opposed to Yhwh and therefore nations in which the
trust of Israel or Judah is misplaced. Israel and Judah relying on Egypt
will fall together with it (20:56; 30:3, 5; 31:3). Isa. 18 alludes to Kushite emissaries at the Judaean court, so that addressing the Africans
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in a prophecy of doom also implies judgment for Judah. As it was

noted, the description of Yhwh as remaining calm in v. 4, questions
the implication of Judah in the war against Assyria and reminds the
reader of the political view of Isaiah promulgated in 7:14 or 30:15
(cf. 4.3.2).
Unfortunately, the purpose of Isa. 19:115 is less clear. There are
no allusions to conflicts between Judah and Egypt in this text, so that
it is difficult to regard this as an implicit salvation prophecy. Egypt is
never criticised by the prophets because of its expansionary policy in
Palestinian territories. The assumption that Isa. 19:115 would again
criticise here an eventual alliance against Assyria can also be neither
confirmed nor denied on the basis of this text. However, this option
is the most likely if 19:115 is dated to the Isaianic era and if the
relationship between 19:115 and Isa. 2:223:7, 12 is taken seriously.
If this text is dated to the early 7th century, it may have functioned as
an illustration for Yhwhs plan concerning other nations, reflecting
on the ever growing tensions between Egypt and Assyria around this
period (cf. 5.3.2).
The expansion of vv. 1625 most likely only occurred in a written
form. It should be considered a prophetic treatise on Egypts recent
history in which 19:115 is taken as a starting point and provided with
the necessary updates for new readers. At any rate, the connection
between the history of Israel and that of Egypt in vv. 1922 is evident.
Egypt is going to be saved, just as Israel was delivered. The tradition
referred to by this passage comes mainly from Israels earlier history.
Isa. 19:1625 makes no reference to a new exodus (contrast this with
11:1112:6), but it presents Egypts future in analogy to Israels past, a
theological point that has close parallels in Isa. 910 (cf. 5.3.2).
As for Isa. 20, there is no evidence that this text would have ever
existed in any other than its present form (6.3.1). Being a narrative
about Isaiah, the theological concern of this text can be compared
to other Isaiah narratives in Isa. 78 and 3639. Such a comparison
means that the message of Isa. 20 should not be related to 711 bc in
the first place, but it must be associated with a later audience (6.3.2).
The most likely option is to consider this narrative as a model intended
to convince one of Judahs late pro-Egyptian kings, Jehoiakim, Jehoiachin, or Zedekiah, instructing them through an earlier prophecy (cf.
Jer. 26:1819). Isa. 20 gives the theological bases for the standpoint of
those groups in Jerusalem, who condemned Judah for seeking salvation from the Babylonians through the support of Egypt.
conclusion
343
As part of a -collection, the theological focus of Isa. 18 addressing the Kingdom of Kush and Isa. 20 addressing Judah shifted partially because of the relocation of these passages in the context of the
Damascus, Israel and Egypt collections respectively.
When summarising the theological role of Isa. 1820 in the context
of Isa. 1323, one has to refer to the motifs of Yhwhs plan and his
raised hand, which figure prominently in Isa. 1323 but also in the
broader context of the book of Isaiah. The two motifs are connected in
14:2627; 19:1617 and 23:11, but most striking resemblances appear
in 14:27; 19:12 and 23:89 (cf. 5.3.2).
The motif of Yhwhs raised hand originally connected two parts of
an earlier version of the book of Isaiah (one focusing on Israel / Judah
and the other on foreign nations). The hand raised over Israel / Judah
plays an important role in 5:25; 9:11, 16, 20, over Assyria in 10:4, and
over other nations in 14:2627. The judgment on Israel and Judah in
the first part of the book is brought to a culmination by the destruction of Assur (cf. 3.2.1). As soon as Yhwh has finished his work in
Jerusalem (Isa. 10:12), he will punish Assyria, who formerly eliminated
the boundaries of many nations (10:1314). Yhwh will redraw the
boundaries, which means that the fall of Assyria will have implications not only for Jerusalem but for all other nations formerly bearing
the Assyrian yoke. In this manner, the hand raised above Assyria will
ultimately bear a positive message for Jerusalem and all nations. It
is probably this editorial point of view that explains the judgment to
salvation transition in the prophecies in Isa. 1323.6 This edition of the
book is more directly related to Isa. 10, and contained the prophecies
14:4b21, 2427, 2832; 15:116:5; 17:18; 19; 23. The structure of
these FNPs corresponds to the basic shape of a royal inscription (see
7.4 below).
The editorial concern for Yhwhs plan and his raised hand first
by means of and then against Assur is the motivation for an initial
collection of FNPs, which subsequently shifted to the theme of the
the day of Yhwh. This theme appears at key locations in the book
of Isaiah, namely in 2:621 (the introduction of the first part of the
book) and 13:122 (the first chapter of the present collection of FNPs).
6
Although this does not presuppose that the salvation enhancements have all been
written by these editors. As I noted, the role of Assyria in Isa. 19:23 is obviously different from the imagery of the vanished oppressor in 16:15. Consequently, the two
texts definitely derive from different periods.
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chapter seven
Allusions to the day of Yhwh also appear in 17:11 () , i.e.

in the judgment after salvation section of 17:911, as well as in 22:5
() , i.e. the collection Isa. 2122. This may
mean that the redactors working with the theme of the are
responsible for the judgment-after-salvation-edition of the book of
Isaiah (cf. also Isa. 16:612 and Isa. 20),7 and the inclusion of Isa.
2122 in the earlier Isaianic collection of FNPs. The humiliation of the
proud ones, the destruction of human support and the exaltation of
Yhwh in judgment is the key concern of this edition (cf. 2:621; 20:6)
(cf. 6.3.2). The inclusion of Isa. 17:1214 and 18:17 in
may have also been part of these editors work. The message of these
two pericopes essentially fits the focus of the day of Yhwh edition,
which deals with the destruction of the many nations (17:1213) and
the humiliation of the famous ones (18:2, 7). This -edition of
the book of Isaiah has close ties with the book of Zephaniah, which
appears to follow a similar structural concept (cf. 2.4.4; 3.3).
7.2.2
Theological Considerations from the Perspective of FNPs
Previous research on the function of FNPs has shown that prophecies concerning the nations are often related to states of war, where
these texts often bring comfort to a group threatened by external enemies (2.2; 2.3). However, Isa. 18 is not an implicit salvation oracle
for Judah but rather the contrary. It conveys a negative message to a
nation preparing for war (cf. 4.3.1). There is no explicit hint that Isa.
18 would be a prophetic response to an inquiry (cf. Isa. 14:32), but
that is a serious possibility. The message given to the mysterious messengers in v. 2 can be interpreted as a response to an inquiry addressed
to Isaiah by his public. The close connections with a similar oracle in
1 Kgs 22 (cf. 4.3.2) give additional support for this assumption.
The case is probably different, however, with Isa. 1920. The manner in which Judah is implied in the pronouncement of judgment
in 19:115 remains questionable, but we find here no evidence for
7
I am uncertain about 16:1314, which seems to have been composed still later (cf.
3.2.3). Note the relationship with 21:1617 (3.2.7). For a contrasting opinion, see
P.R. Raabe, Why Prophetic Oracles Against the Nations, in: A.B. Beck et al. (eds),
Fortunate the Eyes that See: Essays in Honor of David Noel Freedman in Celebration
of His Seventieth Birthday, Grand Rapids, MI 1995, 245; I doubt that Isa. 16:1314 or
21:1617 could be considered prophecies of (limited) salvation.
conclusion
345
considering this text an oracle of war. In fact, the second part of this
prophecy, vv. 1625, cannot be a war oracle. This is also true for Isa.
20 in its present narrative form. Nevertheless, as I suggested above, the
political significance of Isa. 20 should not be underestimated. The text
of Isa. 1820 provides no evidence that it could in any way be related
to an eventual identity crisis in the Judaism of the post-exilic era.8
The presumed positive stance of Isa. 18:7 and 19:1625 towards
foreign nations is another often-discussed feature. Yet, unfortunately,
scholars are reluctant to make the necessary distinctions between the
different types of attitudes concerning foreign nations that these texts
convey. Although many scholars relate Isa. 18:7 to Deutero-Isaiah,
especially 45:14 (occasionally even assuming that 18:7 would rely on
Deutero-Isaiah), closer analysis suggests that making Jerusalem instead
of Yhwh the main beneficiary of the tributes of foreign nations, essentially distinguishes Isa. 18:7 from 45:14, and indeed from DeuteroIsaiahs view on the relationship between Israel and other nations.
Isa. 18:7 is closer to religious poetry (cf. Ps. 68:30) and royal oracles.
On the other hand, the human or divine king as the central figure of
the pre-exilic Zion-theology is reinterpreted in Isa. 45:14 as a reference to Zion, in full accordance with the theology of Deutero-Isaiah
(cf. 4.3.1).
As for the universalism of 19:1625, this text is often connected with
passages assumed to derive from the late Persian or Hellenistic periods,
such as Isa. 66:1821; Jon. 1:16; 34; Zech. 14:20; Mal. 1:11. The validity
of this view must be questioned, for 19:1625 differs from these passages in major ways. Isa. 19 exposes a different type of universalism.
The revelation of the name of Yhwh to the Egyptians distinguishes Isa.
19 from Jon. 1 and other related texts, in which the foreigners experience of Yhwh is restricted to the fearful appearance of Israels God.
The Jerusalem-centred worldview of Isa. 66:1821 or Zech. 14:20 is an
essential difference between these texts and Isa. 19:1625. The inclusive monotheism behind Jon. 34 and Mal. 1:11 is also absent from
Isa. 19:1625 (5.3.2). Isa. 19:1625 does not presuppose an eschatological scene in which foreign nations stand in front of the throne of
Yhwh (contrast Zeph. 3:89). Instead, the text is thoroughly rooted
8
Contra Ch. Fischer, Die Fremdvlkersprchebei Amos und Jesaja (BBB, 136), Berlin 2002, who wished to treat FNPs in Amos 12 and Isa. 1316 as products of postexilic authors searching for identity.
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in a historical context, with Egypt and Assyria as the historical powers

in a world order created by Yhwh (cf. 5.2.7). The human figure of
the saviour in Isa. 19:20 indicates that this text is a historical example
of the indirect theocracy of Yhwh on earth, and is therefore difficult
to reconcile with post-exilic expectations of the future. Presenting the
future of Egypt as subordinate to Assyria (19:23) is even more strongly
rooted in historical reality. The type of universalism emanating from
Isa. 19:1625 is rather similar to the universalism of royal psalms and
Assyrian royal ideology.
7.3 Isaiah 1820 from a Historical Perspective

The order of prophecies in Isa. 1323 does not correspond to their
actual date of composition. This means that the date of authorship
cannot be derived from the location of a prophecy in the sequence of
Isa. 1323.9 The historical background must be analysed separately in
each case.
It seems that Isa. 18 with its focus on the messengers sent by Kush is
related to a specific moment in the history of the Near East. Although
the revolt of Israel in 728724 or of Ashdod in 713711 was often suggested as the historical background of the prophecy, there is more support to date this text shortly before 701. The messengers who arrive in
Judah from Kush imply that the instigator and fomenter of the rebellion was the Kingdom of Kush. This information does not fit the historical circumstances in 728724, when Israel sent its own messengers
to Egypt to ask for help (cf. 4.3.3), nor in 713711, when the rebellion
was initiated by Ashdod, in which the Kushites and Egyptians appear as
merely marginal players (cf. 4.3.3; 6.3.3). However, Kush and Egypt
are at the centre in the preparations for war against Assyria in 701,
committing a massive military force. In 701 Kush and Egypt were also
supported by the ancient ally, Phoenicia, who had remained neutral
in all previous anti-Assyrian conflicts. Furthermore, the metaphor by
which the land extending beyond the rivers of Kush is addressed, the
two winged beetle () , is a symbol with double significance.
It does not only identify the country of the pharaohs, but it indirectly
9
In opposition to Hayes & Irvine with regard to Isa. 1323, or Gallagher with
regard to Isa. 2122.
conclusion
347
addresses Hezekiah, who adopted the scarab beetle as his royal symbol, a symbol well-known to archaeologists from the seal impressions
of this Judaean king. The (four) winged beetle also appears on the
lmlk-jar handles from the period of 705701 bc (4.3.3).
A closer look at 19:115 suggests that this text derives from between
716 and 671 bc. When scholars date these verses to the Isaianic era,
they mostly rely on the conflict scene in v. 2, which describes the antagonism among the nomes of Egypt. However, the language adopted
here in the prophecy is stereotypical (cf. 5.2.1; 5.3.3). Neither is the
imagery of the harsh lord specific enough to be identified with a concrete historical figure, even if the possibility that the author did have a
historical figure in his mind cannot be excluded. Attention was called
to the fact that Isa. 19:115 may be a predictive description of Egypts
near future. This would question the identification of the statements of
the prophecy with the actual historical facts. At the same time, the use
of the term in connection with the nomes of Egypt, presupposing kings as leaders, points to the Assyrian era, when the nomes
were indeed subjected to the supervision of kings with a more or less
limited power. As for the harsh ruler ( ) and the powerful king () , it is unlikely that a Judaean prophet would have
referred to the Kushites who would probably not be known to him
as a significant military power before they conquered Egypt. In later
times, however, the Kushite pharaohs proved to be Egypt-friendly rulers. Consequently, the imagery in Isa. 19:4 alludes rather to Assyrian kings.10 The principle role of the advisors from the eastern region
of the Delta (19:11, 13; cf. 5.2.3) would suggest that the enemy is
expected from the east rather than from the south. Isa. 19:13 mentions
one pharaoh probably ruling from Memphis, with counsellors from
Zoan. This information fits well the era of Shabaka, the Kushite king
who moved his throne to Memphis in 716. Since the deliverance of
Egypt into the hands of a harsh lord is predicted as a new experience
for the Egyptians, it is likely that the prophecy predates 671, when
Esarhaddon, king of Assyria invaded Egypt.
Isa. 19:1623 is not a prediction, but it describes actual historical
events, which the author interpreted in a theological way. Isa. 19:23 is
10
Although this image of the king would also suit with Babylonian or Perso-Median
rulers, other considerations have led to the conclusion that Isa. 19:115 must be earlier
than the Babylonian era (cf. 5.3.1; 5.3.3).
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a key verse in this respect. Contrary to the most often followed interpretation of this verse, which considers v. 23 to be an expression of the
common worship of Yhwh by Assur and Egypt, I argued that it alludes
to a world in which Egypt is subservient to Assur. The translation to
serve Yhwh is not supported by the present form of the Hebrew text
(cf. 5.1 n. 23 hh; 5.2.7). Egypts experience with Assyria is viewed
in this passage through the looking glass of an author who regards
Assyria as the tool in the hand of Yhwh. As such, whatever Assyria
brings about in Egypt is actually triggered by Yhwh. In this way, the
oath by Egypt sworn to serve Assyria can be understood as Egypts
commitment to Yhwh. Egyptian offerings to Assyrian gods in expression of their vassal status can be regarded as offerings to Assyrias chief
overlord, Yhwh (5.3.3). If we look at the historical circumstances
from this point of view, the theological message of the Judaean author
seems to assume a date during the early years of Assurbanipal for
19:1623. According to v. 20 (cf. 5.2.6; 5.3.3), this Assyrian king was
regarded as a liberator sent by Yhwh, a view that complies with historical texts reporting on the Assyrian invasion of Egypt. In this way,
it becomes clear how a Judaean author could have had such detailed
insight into the history of Egypt. During the days of Manasseh, Judah
assisted the Assyrians by providing a Judaean contingent to help free
the Egyptians from Kushite rule. It is not surprising that this Egyptexperience of Judah has left its marks on the pages of the Bible.
Isa. 20 complies with the known facts concerning the fall of Ashdod
in 711 bc, and presents historical information that is unique in the
Bible. This may suggest that the author of Isa. 20 based his narrative
on a reliable source. Nevertheless, the narrative in its present form
derives from a later period, written under circumstances similar to
711. It addresses a different audience, most probably one of the last
kings of Judah, who was pursuing a dangerous pro-Egyptian policy
under the imminent threat of a Babylonian invasion (6.3.3).
7.4
Isaiah 1820 and the Royal Stele of Yhwh (Isaiah 1323)
Mesopotamian royal inscriptions, which often have the form of a

stone stele, present the Assyrian king and his god as the ruler of the
world (ar kiati). They do this by making the Upper Sea on the West
(tmti elnti a alam ami, Mediterranean Sea) and the Lower Sea
in the East (tmti aplti a st ami, Persian Gulf ) the limits of the
conclusion
349
territory of the king of the earth. The West-East coordinates, as well as

the seas washing the remotest shores of the ancient world, are closely
paralleled by the present structure of Isa. 1323, containing prophecies
on the kingdoms between the Lower Sea (Mesopotamia, in particular
Babylon and Assyria) and the Upper Sea (Tyre and its islands, Cyprus
and the shores of the Mediterranean).
Moreover, the Mesopotamian royal inscriptions, often enumerate
the campaigns of one particular king against different nations and the
tributes brought by these nations as a sign of submission to the world
ruler (cf., e.g., Salmaneser IIIs famous Black Obelisk). Isa. 1323 with
its list of different nations subdued by Yhwh in different campaigns
corresponds to the structure of these inscriptions. In this sense, Isa.
1323 is supposed to function as a kind of royal inscription, as a stele
of Yhwh presenting his rule over the world. Isa. 1820, the prophecies analysed more closely in this study, are sections on this stele of
Yhwh which proclaim his rule even beyond the remotest corners of
the earth, beyond the rivers of Kush (Isa. 18:2; cf. Zech. 9:10). There
is an explicit reference to a stele of Yhwh ([ . . .] )erected
in Egypt (Isa. 19:19), which highlights the awareness of Judaeans concerning the function and meaning of these monuments.
Of course, when I refer to Isa. 1323 as a stele-like or royal-inscriptionlike monument I do not assume that the individual prophecies were
conceived from the very beginning as the segments of a royal stele.
The very divergent history of composition of the texts analysed in
Chapters 36 clearly excludes the possibility that such could have been
the case. I merely suggested that, from an editorial point of view, the
prophecies related to various historical contexts were collected and
organised in such a way as to imitate the structure of Assyrian royal
inscriptions and thus give the impression that Yhwh is the ruler of
the earth.
There are various allusions in Isa. 1820 which make these prophecies suitable constituents of such a stele. In Isa. 18, the sending of
tribute by a nation far away (v. 7) reminds us of Assyrian references
to remote nations whose place is far away (a aaru rqu), who bring
tributes to the king in Assyria, and make the extent of his Empire seem
more impressive. The presentation of Jerusalem as the place of the
name of Yhwh ( ) parallels Assyrian customs of naming cities after the name of the ruling king (cf. Dur-Sharruken). The
Hebrew term for foreign messengers ( ;vs. 2) corresponds to the
related Akkadian term (sru) used in an Assyrian context mainly as
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a designation for foreign high-ranking emissaries. The destruction of

the vine (Isa. 18:5) alludes to a scene frequently described and iconographically represented in the context of Assyrian conquest narratives
(cf. 4.4).
As mentioned, Isa. 19:19 explicitly refers to a stele of Yhwh set
up in the region of Egypts borderland. This reference resonates particularly well with Esarhaddons account of his conquest of Egypt, in
which he claims: I let a stele be made with my name and the praise of
the heroism of my lord, Assur, my mighty deeds (that I accomplished
when I was) walking in reliance upon Assur, my lord, and the victorious achievements of my hands I let be written on it (IAKA 65). The
prophecy in Isa. 19 is loaded with motifs appearing often on Assyrian
royal inscriptions. Yhwhs arrival in Egypt causes fear and disorientation among the Egyptians (v. 1) similarly to the impression of the
glory (namrru) and awesomeness (melamm/pulhi melamm) of
the god Assur that spreads among the enemies of the Assyrian king.
The reference to the plans against Yhwh (vv. 3, 11, 13) has its parallels
in the evil plans and counsels that cannot stand (milik l kuri) against
Assur. The renaming of the occupied foreign cities as it appears in Isa.
19:18 is also a frequent motif in Assyrian accounts. The term ,
city of ruins (v. 18; 5.1 n. cc), is comparable to the Assyrian til
abbe, ruin hill, the terminology used in connection with destroyed
cities. The oath of Egypt and the foreign language that is imposed
upon it is reminiscent of the obligations of a vassal who swears allegiance to his overlord. The establishment of an altar and the erection
of the stele (v. 19) appears often in the context of Assyrian conquest
of foreign lands. The altar plays a role in the treaty ceremony in which
the rights and obligations of the subjugated vassal are presented in a
ritual framework, and it serves as a religious expression of subordination to Assyria. The deliverance of Egypt from the hand of foreigners
by its overlord also recalls the treaty obligations of the Assyrian king
regarding his subordinates (5.4).
Isa. 20 can also be read as if it were a segment on a conquest stele.
It makes use of Assyrian terminology (turtnu), and its description of
the fall of Ashdod (v. 1) parallels Assyrian conquest narratives. Furthermore, the deportation of inhabitants (v. 4) is also an event frequently mentioned in royal inscriptions. Readers familiar with the
Assyrian steles also recognise the condemnation of alliances against
Assyria (vv. 56).
conclusion
351
The Assyrian term for stele is nar or salmu. The latter refers specifically to a stone monument containing an iconographic representation of the Assyrian king. This image of the king is often referred to as
salam arrtya, my royal image, or salam bltya, my lordly image
(5.2.6). Such steles were usually set up in important cities or border
regions and were used to mark the extent of the Assyrian Empire.11
Beyond this, however, a stele is far more than a border stone or an
instrument of political propaganda. In her study on Mesopotamian
steles, Zainab Bahrani argues that the salmu is not a portrait of the
king in the modern sense, not his natural replica. The salmu (which
may contain both image and text) is a representation of the person
of the king. She compares the function of the salmu to that of the ar
phi, the substitute of the king, who was supposed to take the place
of the king on days in which omens predicted a dangerous fate for the
Assyrian monarch. By means of a certain ritual, this person, the substitute king, who during the ritual ceremony is referred to as salmu, is
transformed into the real king.12 The stele representing the king also
functions as a substitute of the Assyrian ruler, taking his place in his
absence.13
The stele which the Assyrian king erected in Egypt commemorating the heroic deeds and victorious actions of the god Assur and his
servant is presented in Isa. 1323 as a stele of Yhwh, because he and
not Assur is the ultimate divine overlord for the Assyrian ruler. The
king of Assyria is like a tool in his hand (Isa. 10:5). The basalt steles
11
A stele could have been used for different purposes and could have, accordingly,
contained texts of various lengths. CAD n, 36466 gives the following definitions for
nar: stone monument inscribed with laws and regulations (e.g. Hammurapis stele);
boundary stone; memorial monument set up by a king, which is mostly (though not
always) accompanied by reliefs (cf. the Mesha stele or Salmaneser IIIs Black Obelisk).
It is frequently noted that after the conquest of a country, a stele is constructed, and
the achievements of the Assyrian king are written on it.
12
Z. Bahrani, The Graven Image: Representation in Babylon and Assyria, Philadelphia, PA 2003, 12930.
13
Bahrani argues that an integral part of all substitution rituals was the act of naming. The image was first fashioned and then given a specific persons name in order
to function as a valid substitute for the person in question. (. . .) The name was so
consequential because Babylonian theological thought held the basic doctrine that the
naming of a thing was tantamount to its existence and that a thing did not exist unless
it was named. (. . .) The removal of the name from the image could also invalidate that
image as an immortalization of the represented. (Graven Image, 179). Compare this
with the stele of Esarhaddon, referred to as nar itir umya, a stele with my name
written on it (IAKA 65:50) and the biblical [ . . .] in Isa. 19:19.
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chapter seven
of Esarhaddon or Assurbanipal could have been smashed into pieces

(and indeed they were) by dissatisfied and rebellious Egyptian dependants, obsessed by a life free of foreign control. The glory of the god
Assur, which covers the earth (a melammu mta katmu) (RIMA 3
A.0.102.11 Left Edge ii 3) was shaded later by Babylon, the new servant of Yhwh (Jer. 27:6), and Babylons awesomeness is surpassed by
the glory of Cyrus, the anointed king of the Lord of Israel, Ruler of
the world (Isa. 45:1). The human instruments are constantly changing.
Yhwh installs and removes kings (Dan. 2:21); stone steles emerge and
are destroyed. However, for the reader of Isa. 1323, the inhabitant of
a small satrapy amongst the coming and going of world empires, this
stele of Yhwh proclaims the unmatched awesomeness and irrevocable
power that transcends all human generations:

(Isa. 6:3)
BIBLIOGRAPHY
1. Commentaries and Specific Studies on the Book of Isaiah

(cited by the authors name only)
Alexander, J.A., Commentary on the Prophecies of Isaiah, Grand Rapids, MI 1992
Auvray, P., Isae 139, Paris 1972
Barthlemy, D., Critique textuelle de lAncien Testament: Isae, Jrmie, Lamentations
(OBO, 50/2), Gttingen 1986
Berges, U., Das Buch Jesaja: Komposition und Endgestalt (HBS, 16), Freiburg 1998
Beuken, W.A.M., Jesaja 1327 (HThKAT), Freiburg 2007
Blenkinsopp, J., Isaiah 139 (AncB, 19), New York 2000
Cheyne, T.K., The Prophecies of Isaiah, London 1843
Childs, B., Isaiah (OTL), London 2000
Clements, R.E., Isaiah 139 (NCBC), Grand Rapids, MI 1980
Delitzsch, F., The Prophecies of Isaiah, Grand Rapids, MI 1950
Dillmann, A., Der Prophet Jesaja (KEHAT, 5), Leipzig 61898
Duhm, B., Das Buch Jesaja, Gttingen 51968
Ehrlich, A.B., Randglossen zur hebrischen Bibel: Textkritisches, sprachliches und
sachliches: Jesaia, Jeremia, Leipzig 1912
Fischer, J., Das Buch Isaias (HSAT,8/1/1), Bonn 1937
Fohrer, G., Der Prophet Jesaja (ZBK), Zrich 21966
Gesenius, W., Philologisch-kritischer und historischer Commentar ber den Jesaia, Bd. 2,
Leipzig 1826
Goldingay, J., Isaiah (NIBC, 13), Peabody, MA 2001
Gray, G.B., The Book of Isaiah (ICC), Edinburgh 1912
Hayes, J.H., Irvine, S.A., Isaiah, the Eighth-century Prophet: His Times and His Preaching, Nashville, TN 1987
Hffken, P., Das Buch Jesaja: Kapitel 139 (NSKAT, 18/1), Stuttgart 1993
Hoonacker, A. van, Het Boek Isaias, Brugge 1932
Ibn Ezra, The Commentary of Ibn Ezra on Isaiah (tr. by M. Friedlnder), New York
1975
Kaiser, O., Das Buch des Propheten Jesaja: Kapitel 1339 (ATD, 18), Gttingen 1981
Kissane, E.J., The Book of Isaiah, vol. 1, Doublin 1941
Kilian, R., Jesaja II: 1339 (NEB), Wrtzburg 1994
Knobel, A., Der Prophet Jesaia (KEHAT, 5), Leipzig, 1843
Knig, E., Das Buch Jesaja, Gtersloh 1927
Marti, K., Das Buch Jesaja (KHC,10), Tbingen 1900
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INDEX OF AUTHORS
Ackroyd, P.R. 7, 325, 331
Ahituv, S. 163, 242
Ahlstrm, G. 330
Alexander, J.A. 112, 113, 122, 123, 153,
155, 156, 227, 231, 233, 308
Alonso Corral, M. 56
Auld, A.G. 2
Auvray, P. 250
Backersten, O. 4
Bahrani, Z. 351
Balkely, J.A. 198
Balogh, Cs. 5, 7, 20, 21, 79, 88, 99, 115,
162, 163, 170, 192, 267, 268
Barr, J. 156, 157
Barth, H. 10, 18, 84, 85, 93, 190
Barth, J. 157
Barthel, J. 13, 15, 18, 19, 188, 190, 319
Barthlemy, D. 227, 228, 307
Barton, J. 11, 40, 46, 47, 48
Baruq, A. 222, 226
Baumann, E. 156
Becker, J. 7
Becker, U. 2, 5, 9, 13, 15, 17, 18, 19,
28, 31, 89, 90, 93, 291
Becking, B. 326
Beentjes, P.C. 45
Begg, C.T. 78, 82
Bell, R. 165
Bentzen, A. 40
Ben Yehuda, E. 145
Ben Zvi, E. 5
Berge, K. 266, 268
Berges, U. 2, 11, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 26,
29, 30, 92, 93, 95, 98, 123, 178, 187,
252, 255, 274, 286, 320
Bergmeier, R. 219
Berlin, A. 64
Beuken, W.A.M. 5, 7, 21, 24, 84, 113,
167, 174, 184, 320
Bierbier, M.L. 195
Blasius, A. 238
Blenkinsopp, J. 28, 30, 49, 58, 60, 61,
75, 80, 82, 84, 85, 91, 93, 96, 99, 105,
110, 141, 150, 153, 155, 156, 157, 158,
160, 167, 171, 174, 176, 184, 186, 187,
192, 253, 263, 274, 291, 309, 311, 313,

319, 32325
Block, D.I. 286
Boadt, L. 12, 56, 168, 278
Bochart, S. 144
Boda, M. 271
Boer, P.A.H. de 152
Bogaert, P.-M. 21, 45, 49, 62
Bonneau, D. 242
Boorn, G.P.F. van den 245
Borger, R. 195, 236, 237, 238
Borghouts, J.F. 239
Borowski, O. 159, 174
Bosshard-Nepustil, E. 76, 78, 79, 80,
93, 103, 106, 116, 322
Bright, J. 99, 326
Bronner, L. 311
Bunnens, G. 125
Burkitt, F.C. 226, 227
Burney, C.F. 316
Butzer, K.W. 164
Cagni, L. 237
Cahill, J.M. 199
Calderone, P.J. 212
Calvin, J. 116
Carr, D. 12
Carroll, R.P. 50, 52
Casson, L. 166
Cheyne, T.K. 29, 30, 143, 149, 150,
153, 154, 156, 167, 176, 226, 227, 228,
258, 263, 272
Childs, B. 75, 326
Chilton, B. 213, 214, 215
Chimko, C.J. 294
Christensen, D.L. 41, 42, 43
Clements, R.E. 25, 26, 28, 31, 76, 79,
80, 82, 84, 85, 86, 89, 90, 96, 101, 111,
116, 117, 128, 141, 150, 164, 167, 171,
172, 176, 178, 183, 185, 188, 191, 192,
223, 233, 253 263, 272, 273, 276, 309,
314, 315, 316, 319, 320, 330
Clifford, R.J. 141
Cobb, W.H. 103
Cole, S.W. 175
Conrad, E.W. 8
372
index of authors
Cross, F.M. 198

Currid, J.D. 239, 242, 291, 294
Dalley, S. 117, 181, 196, 237
Dalman, G. 159, 174, 175
Dandamayev, M. 137
Davies, G.I. 12, 20
Day, J. 157
Deissler, A. 29, 225, 233, 250, 255, 267
Dekker, J. 95
Delcor, M. 224, 225
Delitzsch, F. 28, 29, 72, 86, 112, 114,
120, 122, 124, 133, 145, 147, 149, 155,
159, 160, 172, 176, 271, 308, 309
Delitzsch, F(riedrich) 226
Deutsch, R. 198, 199
De Vries, S.J. 275
Dhorme, . 71
Dietrich, W. 4, 15, 18, 28, 174, 176,
192
Dijk, H. van 56
Dijkstra, M. 58, 60, 61
Dillmann, A. 112, 116, 118, 124, 144,
150, 153, 154, 155, 164, 169, 172, 176,
180, 192, 218, 223, 228, 230, 231, 258,
291, 294
Dion, P.E. 279
Donner, H. 3, 28, 31, 21920, 314, 316
Dorsey, D.A. 263
Driver, G.R. 115, 143, 144, 153, 160,
212, 218, 222
Duhm, B. 5, 9, 23, 28, 29, 55, 73, 75,
90, 111, 112, 114, 117, 118, 119, 128,
143, 153, 155, 156, 158, 167, 172, 175,
176, 179, 190, 191, 231, 233, 253, 258,
269, 273, 274, 309, 311, 314, 315, 318,
320, 340
Ebach, J. 210
Ehrlich, A.B. 85, 150, 222, 231, 306,
311
Eissfeldt, O. 21, 49, 79
Eitan, I. 143, 152, 156, 157, 217
Elat, M. 295
Elmaleh, A. 156
Emerton, J.A. 115, 152, 153
Ephal, I. 110, 257
Erlandsson, S. 71, 75, 88, 104, 106,
252, 279, 291
Faulkner, R.O. 165
Fechter, F. 36, 37, 38, 56
Feuillet, A. 29, 180, 223, 225, 252, 258,

274, 286, 287, 288, 294
Fichtner, J. 249, 280
Field, F. 227
Fischer, A.A. 69, 71, 72, 106
Fischer, Ch. 26, 76, 79, 84, 99, 345
Fischer, G. 49
Fischer, J. 28, 29, 102, 141, 152, 156,
174, 176, 223, 226, 227, 269
Floyd, M.H. 270, 340
Fohrer, G. 18, 25, 28, 29, 30, 84, 87, 93,
97, 113, 116, 117, 120, 124, 128, 145,
149, 172, 175, 176, 178, 182, 223, 250,
251, 253, 274, 280, 297, 309, 315, 318,
319, 320, 340
Fraenkel, S. 165
Frame, G. 135, 196
Franklin, N. 194
Fried, L.S. 169
Fuchs, A. 194, 195, 295, 327, 328
Fuhs, H.F. 146
Gadd, C.J. 236
Galil, G. 93, 326
Gallagher, W.R. 3, 71, 72, 84, 104, 105,
106, 108, 113, 116, 123, 175, 197, 326,
346
Galling, K. 71, 103, 105, 108, 109, 110
Garca Martnez, F. 154
Gardiner, A.H. 165, 169
Gelston, A. 286
Gemser, B. 145, 146
Gerstenberger, E. 141
Gesenius, W. 141, 147, 150, 151, 153,
155, 156, 157, 158, 164, 175, 176, 211,
213, 222, 225, 227, 231, 232, 263
Geyer, J.B. 38, 43, 44
Goldberg, J. 326
Goldenberg, D.M. 143, 149, 152, 163,
164
Goldingay, J. 85, 262
Goldstein, J.A. 75, 78, 80, 88
Goma, F. 292
Gonalves, F. 3, 326
Gordon, C.H. 160
Gosse, B. 46, 48, 49, 75, 82, 84, 89, 93,
99, 101, 183
Gottlieb, C. 148, 155, 156, 157, 159,
160, 161
Gottwald, N.K. 252, 297
Grg, M. 163
Gssmann Oesa, P.F. 237
index of authors
Graeve, M.-C. de 166
Gray, G.B. 28, 29, 80, 99, 108, 113, 116,
123, 141, 143, 147, 149, 153, 155, 164,
167, 172, 176, 178, 211, 222, 223, 225,
228, 231, 253, 261, 271, 309, 311, 316
Grayson, A.K. 236, 237, 238, 241
Green, A.R.W. 234
Greenberg, M. 61
Greenfield, J.C. 211
Gressmann, H. 29, 42
Grimal, N. 293
Grimme, H. 80
Gro, W. 253, 258, 266, 267, 268
Grneberg, K.N. 267
Guillaume, A. 215
Gunkel, H. 42, 268
Hagedorn, A.C. 41
Hallo, W.H. 236
Hamborg, G.R. 97, 132, 279
Haran, M. 50, 52
Hardin, J.W. 198
Hardmeier, Chr. 2, 13, 14
Hayes, J.H. 22, 28, 29, 35, 37, 40, 41,
42, 75, 96, 105, 106, 149, 152, 164,
167, 176, 189, 192, 233, 271, 293, 294,
296, 311, 346
Hayward, R. 224, 231
Heimpel, W. 162
Helck, W. 169, 189, 214
Hermisson, H.-J. 18, 186
Hertz, N. 213, 215
Hillers, D.R. 141
Hitzig, F. 147, 148, 251
Hoch, J.E. 159
Hoffmann, H.W. 28, 192
Hoffmann, Y. 37, 42, 43, 55
Hoffmeier, J.K. 189, 191, 195, 196, 254
Hoffner, H.A. 210
Holladay, W.L. 52, 53, 54
Hommel, F. 169
Hoonacker, A. van 153, 156, 169, 172,
176, 223, 225, 231, 260
Hffken, P. 2, 24, 29, 30, 37, 38, 41, 42,
44, 77, 101, 107, 172, 253, 263, 272,
273, 274, 307, 311, 320
Hgenhaven, J. 4, 18, 98, 104
Hyland Lavik, M. 159, 161, 172, 173,
175, 176, 192
Huber, F. 4, 89, 318, 319
Hunger, H. 236
Huwyler, B. 37, 38, 45, 49, 50
373
Ibn Ezra, A. 71, 105, 141, 150, 152,

155, 213, 218, 227, 232
Irvine, S.A. 3, 22, 28, 29, 75, 96, 105,
106, 149, 152, 164, 167, 176, 189, 192,
233, 271, 293, 294, 296, 311, 346
Israelit-Groll, S. 21415, 220
Jansen-Winkeln, K. 292
Janzen, W. 141, 161, 167, 168
Jenkins, A.K. 23, 26, 28, 73, 93, 96,
182, 326
Jeppesen, K. 75, 84, 91
Jeremias, J. 46, 47, 48
Jerome 158, 167, 172, 221, 223, 228
Jones, B. 96, 97, 98, 99, 271
Jones, H.L. 144
Jong, M.J. de 3, 4, 6, 15, 16, 17, 18, 28,
31, 39, 41, 183, 190, 247
Kahn, D. 195, 196, 281
Kaiser, O. 5, 9, 13, 20, 22, 28, 29, 30,
31, 49, 70, 75, 76, 81, 84, 85, 89, 91,
99, 106, 111, 112, 113, 114, 116, 121,
122, 124, 128, 133, 143, 147, 149, 153,
156, 164, 174, 176, 177, 178, 183, 190,
191, 222, 225, 231, 232, 253, 274, 291,
309, 311, 316, 318, 319, 320, 340
Kapera, Z.J. 310
Kaplony, U. 253
Karish, Judah ben 157
Kasher, A. 224
Katzenstein, H.J. 53
Kaufman, S.A. 236
Kkosy, L. 211, 239, 291
Kee, M.S. 168
Keel, O. 199
Kilian, R. 2, 5, 9, 13, 28, 29, 30, 31, 75,
80, 91, 96, 97, 98, 106, 145, 174, 178,
183, 266, 274, 279, 291, 294, 321
Kissane, E.J. 28, 29, 75, 78, 80, 144,
149, 153, 156, 158, 167, 175, 176, 187,
223, 231, 252, 263, 279, 294
Kitchen, K.A. 189, 195, 196, 248, 292,
295, 296
Klengel, H. 162
Knauf, E.A. 110
Knobel, A. 112, 113, 114, 117, 118,
124, 126, 149, 153, 180
Koenen, L. 243, 253
Kooij, A. van der 121, 123, 126, 225,
226, 227, 231, 234, 261, 267
Korpel, M.C.A. 235
374
index of authors
Kckert, M. 15, 18
Khler, L. 154
Knig, E. 1, 28, 86, 99, 112, 114, 118,
141, 143, 155, 222, 227, 258, 309,
31213
Kszeghy, M. 86
Kraovec, J. 29, 254, 258
Kratz, R.G. 17, 189
Kraus, H.-J. 141, 287
Krauss, S. 145
Kuhrt, A. 291
Kustr, Z. 10, 29, 262, 263, 274
Kutscher, E.Y. 143, 158, 216, 306
Morkot, R. 163, 195, 248, 292

Motyer, A. 141, 145, 167, 172, 176,
227, 229, 253, 263, 264, 271
Mowinckel, S. 7, 20, 24, 55, 79, 182,
320, 340
Munch, P.A. 275
Muchiki, Y. 213, 214, 215, 246
Lambert, W.G. 236, 237, 238, 241

Leahy, A. 169
Leclant, J. 163
Lefvre, A. 275
Leichty, E. 238
Lemaire, A. 156
Lessing, R. 122, 123, 128
Lettinga, J.P. 160
Lichtheim, M. 293
Liebreich, L.J. 7
Lilley, J.P.U. 146
Liverani, M. 162
Longman III, T. 181, 236, 237, 238,
241
Loretz, O. 272, 273, 291
Lowth, R. 144, 147, 150
Lw, I. 159, 213, 214, 215
Lubetski, M. 118, 145, 148, 155, 156,
157, 159, 160, 161, 198
Luckenbill, D.D. 94, 175
Ockinga, B. 220
OConnor, D. 161, 163, 168, 169, 292
Ohmann, H.M. 22, 29, 80, 104, 183
Olley, J.W. 274
Olyan, S. 84
Onasch, H.-U. 197, 292, 295, 298, 299
Orelli, D.C. von 150, 152, 155, 253
Oswalt, J.N. 28, 29, 71, 86, 112, 116,
122, 133, 144, 167, 174, 180, 228, 231,
271, 294, 308, 311
Otto, E. 189
Machinist, P. 3, 256
Macintosh, A.A. 70, 71, 103, 105, 106,
109
Maier, J. 154
Mankowski, P.A. 165, 307
Mansoor, J. 154
Margulis, B. 42
Marlow, H. 243
Marti, K. 9, 20, 28, 30, 111, 143, 149,
153, 156, 164, 178, 225, 231, 253, 254,
272, 318, 319
Mattila, R. 307, 311
Mattingly, G.L. 101
Mazar, A. 198
McCarter, P.K. 117
McKinion, S.A. 228
Meier, S.A. 165, 167
Millard, A.R. 328
Miscall, P.D. 8
Monsengwo-Pasinya, L. 225, 260, 262
Naaman, N. 125, 194, 295, 326

Nelson, R. 297
Niccacci, A. 1, 28, 29, 249, 294, 311
Nielsen, K. 10
Nissinen, M. 15, 38, 39
Pankhurst, R. 170
Parpola, S. 39, 135, 137, 259, 295
Paul, S.M. 48
Peels, H.G.L. 49, 50, 53
Penna, A. 156, 158, 164, 216, 221, 223,
253, 258, 294
Perlitt, L. 62, 63, 65, 187
Pfeifer, G. 164
Pierce, R.H. 293
Pinker, A. 150
Pitard, W. 114
Pohlmann, K.-F. 49
Pongratz-Leisten, B. 257
Porten, B 144, 260
Posener, G. 40, 169
Postgate, J.N. 295
Potts, D. 162
Premstaller, V. 56
Priese, K.-H. 197, 292
Procksch, O. 28, 29, 30, 31, 70, 80, 86,
89, 111, 112, 113, 114, 116, 121, 143,
149, 153, 154, 155, 158, 167, 174, 176,
180, 222, 226, 230, 233, 253, 258, 269,
271, 273, 274, 293, 294, 297, 307, 309,
316
Qimchi, D. 71, 105, 118, 152, 155, 167,
174, 227
Quack, J.F. 164, 242, 243
index of authors
Raabe, P.R. 22, 344
Rashi 118, 144, 156, 159, 167
Reade, J.A. 194
Redford, D.B. 195, 291, 330
Rendsburg, G.A. 108, 123
Rendtorff, R. 7, 10
Reventlow, H.G. 42
Ridderbos, J. 29, 152, 271, 311, 314
Ringgren, H. 148, 232
Roberts, J.J.M. 28, 29, 194, 196
Romer, M. 189, 247, 248
Rowley, H.H. 224
Rudolph, W. 71, 96, 97, 99
Ruppert, L. 219
Rterswrden, U. 210
Rthy, A.E. 159, 175, 214
Ryou, D.H. 62, 63
Saadya (Gaon) 105, 150, 157
Sadler, R.S. 163, 180
Salonen, A. 144
Sawyer, J.F.A. 29, 225, 233, 252, 253
Schenkel, W. 238
Schenker, A. 29, 232, 255
Schipper, B.U. 167, 189, 197, 238, 330
Schmerl, C. 42
Schmid, H.H. 250
Schmidt, H. 150, 169, 172, 176, 318
Schoors, A. 3, 29, 30, 112, 116, 120,
143, 162, 253, 271, 273, 274, 286, 309,
311, 316
Schultz, R.L. 6
Schpphaus, J. 209
Schwally, F. 42
Seeligmann, I.L. 158, 225
Seitz, Chr. 21, 71, 316, 326
Seybold, K. 50, 52, 53, 55
Sharp, C.J. 49, 55
Shemesh, Y. 190
Shinan, A. 163
Shipp, R.M. 83, 84, 85, 86
Shupak, N. 236, 245, 246, 247
Slotki, I.W. 227, 311
Smothers, T.G. 96, 97, 99
Soggin, J.A. 156
Sommer, B. 11
Spalinger, A. 196, 197, 295, 300
Sparks, K.L. 254
Spickermann, H. 260
Spronk, K. 150
Stansell, G. 21
Sthli, H.-P. 146, 219
Steck, O.H. 7, 10, 274
Steckoll, S.H. 224
Steiner, G. 250
375
Steiner, M. 101
Sweeney, M.A. 2, 3, 4, 6, 21, 23, 26, 28,
29, 30, 62, 63, 71, 72, 75, 82, 83, 84,
93, 96, 105, 106, 108, 128, 141, 167,
184, 193, 194, 232, 270, 273, 274, 276,
279, 291, 298, 316, 320, 330, 340
Tadmor, H. 165, 248, 326, 328
Tallqvist, K. 235
Tate, M.E. 2, 187
Tawil, H. 212
Taylor, J. 195, 291, 292
Taylor, J.E. 224
Tcherikover, V. 252
Tengstrm, S. 238
Thacker, T.W. 213
Thiele, E.R. 326
Tigchelaar, E.J.C. 154
Tita, H. 262
Torzyner, H. 147
Trk, L. 162, 163, 169, 170, 195, 292
Tropper, J. 210, 211
Turkowski, L. 174
Uehlinger, C. 199
Uffenheimer, B. 71
Ussishkin, D. 198
Vaccari, A. 226
Vanderhooft, D.S. 71, 82, 105, 107, 136
Vandersleyen, C. 165
Vandier, J. 166, 169
Vaux, R. de 224
Vercoutter, J. 169
Vermeylen, J. 9, 10, 20, 21, 25, 30, 45,
62, 67, 73, 75, 80, 82, 85, 89, 124, 127,
167, 178, 182, 272, 294, 318, 340
Vitringa, C. 116, 144, 147, 148, 150,
152, 157, 172
Vlaardingerbroek, J. 62
Vogels, W. 29, 225, 252, 253, 274, 277,
284, 285
Waard, J. de 227
Wachsmann, S. 166
Wade, G.W. 263
Wanke, G. 141
Ward, W.A. 125
Watts, J.D.W. 8, 49, 52, 54, 75, 86, 112,
116, 145, 149, 153, 164, 167, 271, 307,
311
Weinberg, W. 254
Weinfeld, M. 235
Weippert, M. 39
Weis, R.D. 270, 271, 340
376
index of authors
Werner, W. 12, 13, 273, 279, 280

Westendorf, W. 238
Wildberger, H. 9, 13, 21, 22, 25, 28,
29, 30, 69, 70, 71, 75, 83, 84, 85, 90,
99, 101, 102, 112, 116, 117, 118, 119,
120, 121, 122, 124, 128, 129, 141, 144,
145, 147, 149, 150, 153, 154, 155, 156,
159, 167, 174, 176, 177, 178, 187, 188,
189, 193, 216, 217, 218, 222, 231, 232,
233, 250, 258, 261, 267, 271, 272, 273,
274, 276, 297, 309, 311, 315, 318, 319,
320, 323
Williams, B.B. 242
Williams, J.G. 141
Williamson, H.G.M. 2, 7, 10, 11, 13,
15, 82, 83, 93
Willis, J.T. 117, 118, 120
Wilson, I. 266
Wilson, J.V.K. 143, 162
Wilson, R.R. 60
Winckler, H. 1
Winter, I. 259
Wodecki, B. 29, 223, 231, 252, 263
Wolff, H.W. 46, 48
Wong, G.C.I. 79
Worrell, J. 219
Woude, A.S. van der
Wutz, F. 226
Wyatt, N. 235
47, 287
Yannay, I. 143
Yardeni, A. 144
Yamauchi, E. 167
Young, E.Y. 28, 29, 72, 86, 112, 114,
116, 122, 141, 147, 149, 151, 155, 164,
172, 175, 176, 258, 271, 294
Younger, K.L. 4, 191, 194, 195, 196,
197, 332
Yoyotte, J. 195
Yurco, F.J. 195
Zaccagnini, C. 254
Zadok, R. 295
Zapff, B.M. 19, 20, 25, 26, 28, 76, 77,
80, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 89, 90, 320
Zibelius, K. 162, 169
Zimmerli, W. 60, 61
Zobel, H.-J. 141
INDEX OF BIBLICAL REFERENCES

Genesis
2
10
12
15
19
25
31
32
40
41
43
45
46
47
48
49
13: 163
25: 64; 5: 253;
610: 168; 6: 64;
812: 1, 86;
8: 163; 10: 253;
14: 64; 22: 64;
31: 253
23: 266, 285
18: 285
2: 109
8: 118; 14: 71;
17: 118
260; 4354: 25859;
54: 109; 14: 110
22: 110
10: 158
14: 169; 24: 246;
34: 253; 45: 223;
48: 246; 50: 223
34: 253
8: 120; 22: 253
20: 223
2: 253; 24: 253;
26: 253
20: 268, 269
10: 160; 33: 118
15
16
18
19
87; 15: 97; 16:

22: 230
286
13: 148
Leviticus
5
13
19
20
21
23
26
45: 229
4041: 149
4: 210; 31: 210
6: 210; 27: 210
5: 149
40: 221
8: 253
Numbers
6
7
12
13
15
16
21
23
24
27
32
36
Exodus
2
3
3
5
6
7
8
9
10
12
13
1415
23: 284
255
8: 284; 9: 284;
10: 284; 12: 284
2: 262, 284; 3: 284
255
11: 246; 22: 246
3: 246; 1415: 246;
18: 275; 19: 286;
2123: 268;
2526: 284
11: 246; 20: 286;
27: 286; 35: 307
7: 286
12: 235; 21: 148;
38: 83
17: 166
83, 87, 88
Deuteronomy
2
3
4
14
15
17
18
23
25
28
30
31
32
285
2426: 269
3: 230
1: 163
22: 247
12: 230
31: 154
18: 77
7: 38
14: 249; 17: 114
23: 307
19; 146; 32: 164;
34: 101
3: 229; 8: 229
25: 283
8: 146; 12: 101
4647: 146; 48: 101
1: 149
18: 218
16: 331
922: 40
19: 128, 302
18: 114
102; 13: 220; 27: 285;
35: 285; 42: 142, 145,
161; 44: 220; 49: 77;
55: 230
4: 77
1718: 275, 276
89: 269; 15: 101;
18: 102
378
Joshua
3
4
5
6
8
9
10
13
19
22
24
Judges
1
2
4
5
7
8
9
11
12
19
20
Ruth
1
4
1 Samuel
3
56
6
8
10
14
15
16
18
20
25
26
28
2 Samuel
1
6
index of biblical references

8: 154; 15: 154
3: 109
1: 146
5: 148; 11: 109
9: 110
1: 146; 21: 83
252; 1113: 80
9: 101; 16: 101
29: 126; 50: 227
258, 284; 10: 258;
25: 258
30: 227
8: 311
913: 288; 9: 227
6: 148
45: 80; 6: 263;
20: 80
285; 25: 285
12: 283
45: 310
25: 261
2: 261
11: 109; 26: 157
2: 219, 249; 37: 148
16: 288
5: 160; 1112:
268
12: 275
261, 286
284
18: 275
3: 104, 150
4: 146; 15: 283;
38: 219, 249
5: 261; 2829: 119
6: 121
6: 121
21: 150; 22: 150, 151;
37: 151
33: 121
19: 268
3: 210; 5: 239;
7: 210; 13: 211
6: 113; 15:
5: 142
230
7
12
17
18
24
1 Kings
1
4
7
10
11
14
16
18
19
22
2 Kings
1
3
4
5
6
7
9
10
12
13
15
16
1718
17
1820
1819
18
19
20
21
22
120; 27: 106

26: 310; 29: 310
9: 114; 14: 127;
16: 109
21: 167
7: 126
40: 154
21: 285; 30: 248
45: 149
15: 72
31: 119
714: 119
31: 124
30: 227
12: 71
168, 188, 193, 344;
17: 105, 180; 25: 275;
28: 179; 34: 148
8: 312
4: 97; 1619: 35, 37
39: 156, 214
13: 120; 15: 288;
17: 284, 288
20: 121
7: 150; 10: 150
1: 230; 2526: 271
32: 154; 33: 101
18: 311
45: 264, 284, 290,
302
29: 101, 146
325; 5: 185,
323; 9: 113,
114; 1014: 258;
2021: 252
192, 326
167; 3: 185; 4: 185,
193, 194, 340
308, 323, 324
326
78: 196; 18: 117;
1921: 196;
2324: 196; 26: 117
2: 308; 9: 196,
326; 2024: 35, 42;
24: 212, 243; 26: 317
180; 1: 308; 6: 327
6: 210; 9: 102
3: 120; 12: 120

2 Kings (cont.)
23
330; 24: 210; 30: 330
24
1: 99; 2: 116;
7: 330; 15: 97
25
22: 120; 25: 120
1 Chronicles
1
4
17
2 Chronicles
14
18
20
21
26
28
32
30: 71
4043: 296
24: 106
33
36
8: 163; 1112: 163

32: 122
10: 121; 34: 325
16: 163
22: 308
18: 93
308; 20: 308; 23: 180;
31: 327; 32: 308
1113: 120
21: 127
Ezra
1
2
9
1: 136
68: 121
3: 149
Nehemiah
1
2
5
8
9
13
9:
8:
11:
15:
30:
25:
Psalms
2
22
36
39
40
44
45
46
48
60
62
68
69
77
109
160
221
148
149
35, 37, 42; 8: 289;

1011: 289
3: 71; 2829: 287
11: 148
3: 71
2: 152
12: 97
2: 128; 17: 289
182
182
35
2: 71
2: 172; 2931: 180;
30: 160, 185-87, 345;
31: 187; 32: 35, 187
7: 111
72
74
76
78
82
83
85
86
87
89
95
96
97
104
107
109
110
127
133
150
Job
1
3
4
379
243, 272; 4: 95;

811: 64, 289; 8: 136,
289; 1015: 180;
10: 128, 170
15: 154
12: 160, 187
12: 247; 13: 247;
43: 247
287
172, 182; 8: 127
6: 148
9: 35
276; 4: 127
20: 35; 2324: 35
3: 287
4: 287; 5: 235
9: 287
272; 4: 263; 40: 263
29: 71
12: 148
37; 6: 289
27: 22122
2: 215
5: 142
9
11
12
14
15
21
24
28
30
36
37
38
40
41
20: 149
9: 157
12: 151; 15: 104;
16: 71; 19: 217
26: 166
20: 151
24: 263
11: 242
32: 221
12: 208; 33: 148
12: 113
10: 154
24: 113
11; 232; 19: 113
11: 157; 15: 157
28: 158
22: 144; 31: 142, 144
10: 157
Proverbs
11
13
15
23
25
26
28
18: 217
12: 148
13: 173
11: 81
13: 158
1: 173; 6:
3: 173
154
380
Ecclesiastes
2
12

56: 109
12: 151
Song of Songs
5
10: 156
6
11: 158
7
12: 109; 13:
158
8
Isaiah
166
139
112
1
2
4
5
78
7
7, 11
7, 10, 12, 20
10, 21, 56, 91, 131
9, 24, 47; 1: 3, 70, 308;
2126: 18; 24: 111;
26: 223, 225
24, 132; 1: 70, 308;
24: 10; 621: 132,
136, 333, 344; 7: 132;
8: 235, 303; 10: 136;
1112: 303; 11: 332;
12: 132; 16: 132;
17: 303, 332; 18: 235,
303; 19: 136; 20: 132,
235, 303; 21: 136;
2:223:7: 277, 281,
341, 342; 22: 132, 192,
281
293; 15: 119; 1: 111,
201, 281; 4: 240;
5: 236; 67: 240;
7: 208; 12: 277, 281,
342; 15: 95, 111
26: 97; 2: 323;
4: 98; 5: 98, 173
102, 176; 1: 127; 8: 9;
12: 115; 19: 65,
90, 280; 2529: 10;
25: 89, 90, 131, 343;
2630: 37; 26: 77;
28: 104
9, 14, 15, 329;
6:19:6: 24; 18: 9,
15; 1: 70, 93, 310,
322; 2: 230; 3: 287;
5: 15; 910: 14, 115,
171; 10: 262; 13: 14
322, 339, 342
329, 330, 331; 117: 5,
9, 13, 185, 323, 325;
12: 319, 322; 1: 323;
4: 317; 58: 35;
56: 317; 5: 90, 280;
911
910
9
1012
10
7: 57, 90; 8: 99, 121,

314, 315, 317, 322, 330;
9: 95; 11: 315, 317,
322; 14: 315, 317, 322,
342; 16: 314, 322;
18: 276; 20: 276, 315;
21: 276; 23: 276;
24: 90
329; 115: 9; 14: 14,
15, 18; 1: 9; 34: 9;
4: 35; 8: 114;
910: 19, 35, 182,
280, 339; 1118: 14,
95; 11: 110; 16: 9;
1719: 239; 18: 177,
315, 322; 19: 210;
2123: 10;
8:239:6: 285;
23: 146, 155
86, 87, 90
285, 286, 342
1: 115; 3: 87, 89, 93,
155; 56: 97; 5: 89,
120; 720: 101, 131,
190, 27778, 341;
9: 175; 10: 208;
11: 89, 90, 92, 131,
343; 12: 115, 190, 192;
13: 219, 220; 14: 220;
16: 89, 90, 92, 131,
343; 1920: 236;
20: 89, 90, 92, 131,
343
87
13, 89, 132; 14: 131;
2: 95; 3: 132, 322;
4: 89, 322, 343;
534: 35, 79, 111;
511: 13; 515: 18,
85, 87, 89, 91, 94, 101,
131, 134, 265, 280,
289, 298; 5: 80, 87,
93, 131, 133, 135, 179,
335, 351; 7: 131;
911: 132; 11: 235;
12: 90, 92, 98, 343;
1314: 343; 13: 97,
260; 14: 82, 90, 92,
131, 134; 15: 87, 93,
131; 1619: 79, 101;
16: 101, 111; 18: 101;
2023: 86, 101;
20: 281, 285;

Isaiah (cont.)
1112
11
12
1327
1323
1319
1317
1314
13
2122: 91; 23: 89,

90, 111; 2427: 85, 86,
87, 89, 91, 131; 24: 84,
87, 111, 285; 25: 93;
26: 87, 285; 27: 87,
89; 10:2820:6: 73;
2834: 79; 2832: 6;
32: 283, 303; 33: 111
87
19: 94; 15: 97;
1: 87; 4: 87, 94;
6: 94; 7: 94; 8: 87,
94; 9: 87; 10: 87,
88; 11:1112:6: 86,
87, 88, 285, 286, 342;
1116: 10, 83, 132,
289; 11: 132; 14: 37;
15: 283
10, 21, 83, 87, 132;
1: 88; 2: 21, 3: 21
10, 20, 21, 23
1, 2, 9, 2027, 28,
31, 32, 33, 35, 45, 65,
69137, 139
24
33, 69
73, 79, 86, 87, 132
19, 21, 26, 81, 83, 88,
130, 132, 133, 339;
13:114:32: 75;
13:114:27: 73, 7592;
13:114:23: 23, 75,
88; 13:114:21: 88;
13:114:4: 91;
122: 25, 75, 91;
116: 25; 1: 22, 25,
70, 75, 76, 78, 80, 130,
308; 222: 76, 83;
216: 76; 28: 7679,
80, 81, 82, 130;
25: 76; 23: 76;
2: 77, 91; 3: 77,
80, 82, 127; 45: 76;
4: 77, 82; 516: 10;
56: 76; 5: 77, 78,
80, 82, 91; 68: 76;
6: 76, 78, 79, 80, 82,
128, 132; 78: 77, 78,
80; 7: 77; 922: 76;
916: 76, 77,
7982; 913: 76, 81;
911: 80; 9: 76, 79,
1422
14
381
80, 82, 132; 11: 80,

82, 85; 13: 132;
1416: 76, 82; 14: 80,
82, 97; 1516: 81;
15: 80; 16: 81;
1722: 25, 76, 7982;
1718: 81, 295;
17: 76, 80, 81, 82, 106,
132, 136; 18: 76, 81;
1922: 76, 82; 19: 82,
85, 332; 20: 78;
22: 76, 82, 148
25
127: 75, 96;
123: 8389;
14: 37, 75, 82, 83,
87, 88, 89, 91, 130,
133, 285; 12: 25,
83; 1: 83, 86; 2: 79,
83, 87, 91; 34: 25,
83; 323: 43; 3: 83;
423: 13, 37, 83,
98, 132; 421: 25,
75, 83, 84, 86, 87, 88,
89, 91, 92, 100, 131,
134; 48: 84; 4: 87,
88; 5: 84, 85, 87,
95; 6: 84; 78: 88,
91; 7: 83, 88, 91;
911: 84; 9: 97;
1114: 88; 1221: 84;
1217: 84; 1213: 84;
12: 84, 85; 13: 91,
132; 15: 84; 17: 84,
88; 1821: 84; 18: 91;
19: 84, 85, 87;
2022: 88; 2021: 84;
20: 84, 85; 21: 84, 87,
88, 89, 91; 2223: 25,
75, 87, 88, 89, 91;
22: 88; 2427: 23,
25, 75, 8992, 95, 98,
100, 131, 133, 182, 280;
2425: 6, 25, 89, 90;
24: 22, 74, 89, 90, 91,
127; 2527: 25, 26, 90;
25: 89, 90, 91, 180;
2627: 90, 127, 131,
133, 135, 283, 343, 343;
26: 12, 19, 25, 90, 91,
131; 27: 25, 89, 280,
343; 14:2820:6: 23,
320; 14:2817:11: 23;
382
Isaiah (cont.)
1523
1516
15
16
17
2832: 24, 25, 43, 72,

75, 9295, 131, 133;
2830: 93; 2829: 25;
28: 22, 25, 70, 75, 92,
93, 130, 310; 2932: 9;
29: 84, 93, 94, 95,
131; 30: 25, 93, 94, 95;
3132: 93; 31: 25, 93,
95, 128; 32: 23, 65, 93,
94, 95, 192, 344
23, 91
5, 25, 43, 73, 96100,
102, 184, 234, 321, 333
15:116:5: 9698, 131,
321, 340, 341; 19: 96,
98, 99, 126, 130, 243;
1-8: 25, 98, 99; 1: 22,
70, 98, 99, 108; 2: 99,
149; 3: 113; 4: 96,
99; 5: 99; 6: 123;
67: 96, 97, 99;
9: 25, 96, 98, 99
15: 96, 97, 98, 99,
130, 321, 343; 1: 25,
97, 99; 2: 25, 97, 99;
34: 25, 99; 45: 25,
97, 98; 4: 98, 100, 131;
5: 98; 614: 131,
321, 341; 612: 25,
96, 98100, 133, 182;
6: 95, 98, 99, 100, 321;
711: 99; 7: 227;
8: 159; 9: 98, 100,
158; 10: 98; 11: 106;
12: 99; 1314: 25,
96, 98100, 130, 344;
14: 74, 99, 100, 110,
314, 322, 332, 333
24, 139, 202, 321, 333,
339; 111: 1003,
184, 340; 18: 131,
340, 341; 16: 9, 25;
13: 9, 15, 25, 100,
101, 102, 103; 1: 22,
70, 76, 100, 121, 339;
2: 25, 100, 101, 102;
3: 25, 100, 101, 102,
332; 46: 25, 100,
101, 103, 253; 4: 24,
101, 102, 212, 276,
332; 56: 184, 190,
340; 6: 101, 102, 184;
711: 102; 78: 25,
1821
1820
18
1920
19
100, 101, 103, 115,

190, 321; 7: 24,
276; 911: 131, 133,
185, 321, 341, 344;
910: 25; 9: 24,
100, 102, 103, 276;
1011: 25, 100, 102,
103; 10: 115; 11: 132,
133, 158, 344;
17:1218:7: 23;
1214: 1, 19, 23,
25, 28, 36, 100, 103,
18285, 339, 340,
344; 12: 22, 74, 142;
13: 185; 14: 25, 108,
152
23
1, 27, 32, 33
1, 24, 25, 26, 2728,
100, 103, 139203,
33536, 339, 340, 341,
344, 34647; 16: 25,
199; 1: 1, 22, 65, 74,
95, 14147, 16164,
176, 19799; 12: 9,
25; 2: 94, 139, 14754,
16470, 177, 180, 193,
194, 201, 349; 37: 28;
36: 17076; 3: 12,
25, 28, 155, 17071,
17880; 4: 25, 110,
15558, 168, 17174,
180, 185, 190, 192,
235, 329; 56: 139;
5: 25, 15859, 17475,
185, 192, 201, 350;
6: 17576, 180, 181,
212; 7: 23, 25, 28, 35,
65, 95, 128, 147, 160,
17677, 18082,
18587, 200, 288, 345,
349
32, 73, 74, 340
13, 24, 25, 2930, 31,
122, 139, 205304,
321, 333, 33637, 339;
117: 271; 115: 29,
30, 36, 205, 261, 264,
27173, 27983, 29196,
301, 341, 342, 344, 347;
14: 25, 29, 30, 234,
271, 272, 273; 1: 22,
70, 76, 185, 208, 222,
23436, 241, 243, 254,

Isaiah (cont.)
20
272, 273, 297, 302, 305,

350; 24: 23640, 271,
273; 2: 208, 271, 291,
293, 347; 3: 20911,
241, 280, 303; 4: 111,
211, 237, 242, 261, 264,
265, 289, 291, 294, 302,
303, 347; 510: 25,
29, 30, 97, 205, 24044,
272, 273; 57: 235,
303; 5: 242;
6: 21113; 7: 126,
21315; 8: 216;
9: 21517; 10: 216,
21718, 245, 249;
1115: 25, 29, 30, 40,
43, 24450, 272, 273;
11: 21819, 247, 280,
291, 292, 294, 296, 303,
347; 12: 127, 219, 248,
271, 273, 280, 281, 343;
13: 219, 247, 249, 291,
303, 347; 1415: 271;
14: 222, 249, 273;
15: 217, 21920, 273,
321; 1625: 24, 25, 29,
30, 205, 271, 27377,
28390, 296302, 321,
342, 345; 1617: 25,
127, 25051, 256, 343;
17: 22122, 254, 276,
297; 1825: 25, 31,
205, 271; 1822: 128,
303; 18: 65, 187,
22230, 25157,
261, 300, 350;
1922: 25763;
19: 228, 290, 298,
300, 349, 350, 351;
2025: 320, 321;
2021: 255, 301;
20: 224, 230, 289, 346,
348; 21: 229, 23031,
232, 255, 274, 290, 303;
22: 232; 23: 231,
232, 26365, 276, 289,
297, 343, 346, 34748;
2425: 26669, 276;
24: 233; 25: 23334,
276
5, 24, 25, 26, 3031,
180, 184, 30533, 336,
337, 339, 341, 342;
2127
2123
2122
21
22
383
12: 31, 310, 31819,

320, 322; 1: 22, 30, 70,
74, 75, 93, 3067, 311,
316, 350; 2: 3078,
31113; 36: 30, 176;
34: 9; 3: 25, 3089,
31315, 317, 318,
332; 46: 5, 31, 322;
4: 309, 315, 332, 350;
56: 319, 322, 350;
5: 30910, 316, 332;
6: 24, 153, 224, 310,
31617, 320, 330, 344
24
33, 69
23, 7074, 75, 103, 130,
133, 137, 281, 320, 339,
344
26, 72, 105, 111, 130;
110: 25, 36, 43,
70, 73, 103107, 112;
19: 25; 14: 72;
1: 22, 26, 70, 72, 130,
305; 2: 25, 72, 81, 104,
105, 106, 107; 3: 72,
113; 4: 72, 106, 113;
510: 72; 5: 72,
105; 69: 104; 6: 72,
105, 108, 110, 315, 329;
79: 105; 9: 103,
105; 10: 25, 72, 94,
104; 1112: 25, 71, 94,
1079; 11: 22, 26, 70,
71, 72, 108; 12: 25,
108; 1317: 43, 72,
10911; 1315: 25,
72, 110; 1314: 110;
13: 22, 26, 70, 72, 109,
110; 14: 73, 78, 110;
15: 73; 1617: 25, 72,
110, 344; 16: 72, 99,
314, 322, 332, 333
22, 24, 25, 26, 72, 73,
11121, 130, 133, 339;
114: 23, 25, 93,
11117, 121; 18: 111,
112, 116, 117; 14: 111;
13: 9, 25, 112, 113;
1: 22, 26, 70, 72,
113, 120; 23: 111,
112, 116; 3: 73, 113,
120; 4: 25, 72, 112,
113, 115, 116, 312;
59: 112; 58: 113,
384
Isaiah (cont.)
23
116, 117; 56: 25,

78, 111, 114, 116, 117;
5: 70, 72, 111, 112,
113, 114, 115, 117, 132,
133, 153, 344; 6: 72;
7: 25, 112, 114;
811: 25, 114, 115,
116, 117; 89: 111;
8: 24, 112, 114;
914: 111; 911: 111;
9: 115, 116;
1011: 115; 11: 115;
1214: 9, 25, 111,
112, 116, 117; 12: 24,
111, 113, 115, 312;
1314: 115; 13: 72,
105, 112; 14: 72,
111, 112, 115, 329;
1525: 73, 111, 117
21, 182; 1523: 119;
1519: 25, 118;
1518: 9, 25, 118,
119, 121; 1517: 111;
15: 22, 74, 111, 117,
118, 329; 16: 117,
121; 1718: 118,
119; 18: 119, 120,
121; 1924: 119,
120, 121; 1923: 25,
118, 120; 19: 118,
119; 2024: 118;
2023: 118; 20: 24,
127; 23: 120, 121;
2425: 25; 24: 119,
120, 121; 25: 24, 118,
120, 121, 130
23, 25, 26, 36, 43, 73,
74, 97, 12129, 131,
133, 137, 280, 281, 302,
339, 340; 114: 124,
126, 128, 129; 14: 25,
124; 1: 22, 70, 76, 121,
122, 127, 132; 2: 125,
126, 316; 3: 126;
4: 122, 125, 126, 215;
5: 122, 124, 128, 281;
69: 124; 6: 126,
316; 89: 127, 129,
131, 133, 280, 283,
343; 8: 284; 9: 127,
132, 332; 1014: 124;
10: 127; 1112: 127;
11: 127, 129, 131,
133, 135, 283, 284, 343;
2435
2427
24
2527
25
26
27
2839
2835
2831
2833
28
29
3031
30
12: 122, 123, 124, 125,

126, 128, 129; 13: 25,
122, 123, 124, 127, 128,
129, 134; 14: 127;
1518: 124, 126,
127, 129; 1516: 25;
15: 24, 25, 127;
16: 127; 1718: 25;
17: 128; 18: 128, 180,
302
21
1, 10, 21
21, 24; 113: 25;
1: 76; 412: 243;
5: 102; 6: 216;
10: 102, 121;
1213: 102; 12: 65,
102; 15: 135;
1820: 25; 23: 177
21, 65, 83
23: 256; 4: 94, 104,
173; 69: 289; 7: 114;
25:927:13: 24;
9: 21; 1012: 35
1: 21; 5: 65; 9: 122;
18: 21; 19: 157, 214
1: 289; 211: 102;
8: 104; 9: 102;
10: 65, 102; 12: 289
21
10, 21
9, 25, 26
56, 339
14: 189; 1: 9;
2: 76, 80, 104, 173;
3: 9; 710: 9, 16;
7: 4, 115; 10: 152,
153; 13: 152, 153;
14: 18, 153; 16: 57,
76, 95; 17: 153,
173; 22: 89, 90, 111;
27: 87
4: 211; 6: 80, 104,
173; 78: 91, 177,
182; 1524: 79, 115;
15: 90; 17: 314;
1920: 94; 22: 216
30, 191, 341
31, 330; 117: 176,
188, 189, 192; 15: 15,
189; 1: 90, 280;
2: 192; 4: 247, 295;
5: 323; 67: 23,
73, 189, 320; 6: 72,
323; 7: 323; 8: 329;

Isaiah (cont.)
31
32
33
34
35
3639
3637
36
37
38
917: 190; 10: 115;

12: 281; 15: 110, 201,
342; 16: 57; 20: 115;
1826: 10; 25: 132;
2733: 91; 27: 76;
30: 80, 173; 31: 35,
84; 32: 87, 93
31, 330, 336; 15: 176,
188; 13: 15, 190,
192; 1: 87, 192, 201,
281; 3: 90, 181, 192,
281; 45: 91, 177, 190;
4: 329; 67: 190;
7: 235; 89: 91, 190;
9: 249
12: 97; 3: 115;
4: 156; 912: 96;
11: 312; 112: 35
1: 79, 104, 141; 4: 79;
78: 243; 8: 192, 263;
9: 96, 213
35; 24: 10; 5: 76;
8:132
4: 76; 5: 115;
78: 263
5, 9, 13, 19, 21, 191,
308, 322, 323, 324, 329,
330, 331, 342
13, 92, 117, 118,
19192, 317, 325, 326,
327
12: 319, 322; 3: 117;
4: 322; 6: 117, 191,
192, 196, 201, 278, 341;
7: 322; 9: 191, 196;
10: 322; 11: 117;
15: 322; 1820: 13;
18: 322; 22: 117
2: 117, 322; 7: 191;
8: 329; 910: 94,
196; 9: 326, 341;
1013: 13; 10: 322;
16: 106; 2135: 35;
21: 322; 2235: 87;
2229: 85; 24: 87;
25: 212, 243, 301, 303;
26: 115, 280; 27: 317,
322; 30: 96, 314, 315,
317, 322; 3738: 303,
330
327; 1: 17, 322;
56: 327; 5: 17;
6: 327; 7: 315, 322;
8: 315, 317; 920: 21,
39
4066
4055
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
55
56
58
60
61
62
65:13
66
Jeremiah
145
1
224
2
385
83; 14: 212; 20: 21;

22: 315, 322
1, 192, 327; 6: 76, 212
7, 10
286
12
5: 316
2: 208; 4: 316;
11: 109, 208;
1825: 115
3: 169, 170, 186
28: 265
113: 37, 186; 1: 265,
289, 290, 352; 13: 186;
14: 83, 180, 185, 186,
345; 15: 169, 170;
21: 249
10: 115, 280; 11: 265,
280
35, 43; 1: 126;
23: 114; 5: 71;
1214: 40, 80
3: 115; 5: 115;
14: 265; 20: 80
2223: 83; 22: 57
6: 149; 10: 115
18: 10; 1116: 10
36: 10; 4: 57
1: 142
3: 83; 6: 83
8: 157
2: 108; 317: 186;
516: 180; 6: 128;
1016: 83; 13: 128
56: 83, 180
6: 108; 1012: 10
57
1821: 286, 345;
19: 148; 2023: 288
54
55, 60; 1: 54, 60, 308;
2: 50; 4: 57; 5: 35;
11: 57; 15: 78
55
1: 57; 10: 110, 124;
16: 37; 18: 163,
331; 19: 111; 35: 76;
3637: 331
79; 58: 76; 8: 128;
11: 104, 156; 13: 104;
19: 106; 2329: 243;
2325: 80; 28: 80;
30: 82
386
Jeremiah (cont.)
5
10: 159, 175; 14: 76
6
4: 144; 9: 159;
2224: 37, 79; 22: 76,
77; 26: 105
7
20: 57
9
2425: 35
10
12: 151
12
4: 243; 1417: 35,
288
13
111: 313; 3: 57;
8: 57; 22: 114;
26: 114
14
96; 1: 50; 56: 123
16
19: 313; 1: 57;
6: 149
18
110: 313; 5: 57
19
313
21
13: 112
23
9: 50; 10: 243;
3340: 108, 271;
3536: 108
24
4: 57
25
52, 290, 313
25
12: 70, 308; 1: 52,
53, 54; 9: 52,
78; 11: 52, 127;
12: 71; 13: 50,
51; 1517: 313;
1826: 52, 53;
22: 316; 24: 72;
23: 110; 29: 52, 54,
56; 3038: 55; 34: 97,
128; 36: 97
2645
55
26
1819: 331, 342;
18: 17, 202; 22: 331
2728
107
27
50, 290, 331; 2: 265;
6: 289, 352; 11: 265
28
24: 6; 3: 315;
8: 36; 9: 16
29
10: 127; 22: 268
31
3: 148
36
54, 55; 2: 51, 52, 53,
54; 23: 55; 32: 55
37
510: 331; 13: 121
38
15: 249
41
7: 121
4344
253, 331
43
813: 35; 13: 251,
252
44
253; 1: 251, 252;
17: 121; 21: 121;
2930: 54
45
4651
4649
46
47
48
49
5051
50
51
52, 54
35, 43, 45, 4956, 61
50, 52
54; 112: 36, 281;
1: 51, 53, 70, 308;
2: 51, 53, 308; 9: 105;
10: 111, 121; 11: 105;
1324: 36, 281;
13: 51; 2021: 186;
23: 109; 2526: 36,
281; 25: 76; 26: 19,
279; 52: 50
1: 51, 53; 2: 76;
4: 127, 316
5, 73, 98, 99, 234;
1: 51; 5: 99;
16: 128; 20: 128;
24: 97; 28: 99;
2930: 99; 31: 99,
227; 3233: 99;
32: 158, 159;
35: 99; 36: 99, 227;
37: 99; 38: 99, 113;
39: 128; 4042: 128;
4547: 50; 47: 19,
53
16: 55; 12: 128;
1: 51; 5: 76, 111;
6: 19; 7: 51;
2327: 36, 101;
23: 51; 2833: 110;
28: 51, 53, 72, 110;
3439: 50, 107;
34: 51, 53; 35: 76;
38: 52, 56, 289;
39: 19
50, 52, 73, 88
1: 51; 8: 80, 97;
15: 79; 1617: 80;
1718: 89, 91; 18: 76;
21: 71, 105, 114;
23: 88; 25: 111;
26: 88; 28: 53, 82;
29: 88; 31: 111;
33: 88; 34: 81, 88;
3537: 243
1: 76; 6: 80; 8: 128;
11: 53, 81, 106;
12: 108; 2023: 78;
28: 81, 106; 33: 105;
3637: 71; 36: 165;
40: 97; 4143: 37,
79; 45: 80; 5964: 52;
59: 52, 53; 60: 53;
64: 54

Lamentations
1
3
4
Ezekiel
124
1
3
424
4
5
6
10
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
21
23
24
2532
2528
25
2632
2628
26
6: 97; 15:
26: 71
7: 156
126
60
2: 60; 6: 230
60; 1516: 60;
15: 60; 1621: 60;
17: 108; 21: 60;
26: 60
60
117: 313; 6: 60
5: 60; 6: 60; 7: 60;
14: 60; 15: 60
2: 58
14: 230; 21: 230
1016: 271;
2125: 104, 107;
25: 148; 28: 148
14: 122; 17: 58
21: 110
35: 87
3: 284; 26: 331;
3141: 82; 59: 110,
256
106, 331; 13: 256;
16: 256; 18: 256;
19: 256
60; 25: 61; 29: 61
1014: 175
2: 58; 7: 58;
1416: 149; 17: 128;
2832: 35; 3337: 61;
33: 149
9: 82; 11: 115;
1921: 331;
2224: 82;
2324: 114; 23: 113;
27: 331; 31: 115
60, 314; 1: 60;
24: 314; 27: 60
35, 43, 45, 5662
56
57, 58; 1: 57;
26: 58; 2: 58;
3: 57; 814: 36;
8: 57; 1214: 61;
12: 57; 1517: 63;
15: 57
281
57, 73
129; 16: 59; 1: 57;
27: 57; 714: 59;
27
28
2932
29
3032
30
3132
31
32
387
4: 122; 7: 57;
14: 122; 15: 57;
1621: 59; 19: 57
136: 59; 1: 57;
3: 57, 121; 7: 145;
21: 72; 31: 149;
32: 71
84; 110: 37, 59;
1: 57; 210: 85;
2: 57; 6: 57; 7: 295;
1119: 85; 11: 57;
1219: 59; 12: 57;
2023: 57, 58;
20: 57; 21: 58;
22: 57; 2426: 58;
24: 58, 60; 25: 57;
26: 60
56, 57, 73, 74
16: 59, 281; 1: 57;
2: 58; 3: 57, 165,
242; 5: 85; 616: 59;
612: 59; 69: 58,
281; 6: 59, 278;
810: 242; 8: 57;
912: 58, 281; 9: 58;
12: 253; 1316: 59,
279; 13: 57; 14: 59,
253; 16: 58, 59, 281;
1720: 59, 99, 281;
17: 57, 61; 1820: 5,
128; 18: 149; 19: 57;
20: 218; 21: 58, 59,
60
59
295; 119: 59, 278;
1: 57; 2: 57, 128;
3: 278; 6: 57;
9: 167, 168;
1012: 243; 10: 57,
295; 1112: 295;
12: 211; 13: 57;
14: 247; 17: 223, 248;
2026: 59; 20: 57;
23: 59; 26: 59
84
85, 86; 118 59;
1: 57; 10: 57;
1213: 85; 12: 87;
15: 57
37; 116: 59;
110: 85; 1: 57;
2: 164, 165; 3: 57;
46: 85; 78: 80;
11: 57; 12: 295;
1732: 59, 85;
388
Ezekiel (cont.)
3348
33
34
35
36
3839
38
39
46
Daniel
1
2
3
4
5
7
8
9
11
Hosea
1
2
4
8
9
12
13
14
Joel
12
2
3
4
17: 57, 60; 24: 106;

3132: 84
60
60; 9: 60; 17: 61;
2133: 60; 22: 60;
2526: 61; 3033: 61
6: 97; 25: 109
35, 60, 61; 115: 61;
2: 58; 56: 61;
9: 61; 1011: 61;
15: 61
62; 115: 61; 3: 60;
4: 60; 7: 60; 36: 60
35, 61
2: 58; 12: 266
6: 61; 18: 97
17: 230
20: 246
2: 246; 10: 246;
21: 352; 27: 246;
47: 286
2733: 286
2: 106; 4: 246;
6: 246
105; 11: 246
15: 106; 28: 106
4: 123; 7: 123;
27: 106
2: 127; 2627: 91
14: 228
5:
18:
23:
3:
8:
6:
8:
3:
10:
127
276; 20: 276;
276
243; 5: 157
209; 14: 101
248
284
173
246, 247
12: 112; 14: 112;

1821: 36; 19: 36
Amos
12
6
79
7
8
9
35, 43, 45, 4649, 55,

61, 62, 345
1: 48; 2: 55;
1:32:5: 46, 47, 49;
5: 113; 1415: 55
45: 48, 616: 46,
47, 64, 73; 68: 47;
7: 47; 1416: 47
46, 47, 48, 73
12: 48; 2: 48;
36: 47; 8: 47;
9: 37; 1820: 47, 80
2: 37, 48
47, 48
48; 12: 48; 17: 119
910: 80; 11: 76
7: 37, 48, 113; 13: 76
Obadiah
1
6
16
20
57
108
123
284
1
2
36
3
Jonah
1
34
4
Micah
1
2
3
4
5
Nahum
2
96
1: 80; 2: 80; 6: 80;
10: 80; 1827: 36;
20: 36, 212
48: 36
13: 36; 2: 112;
7: 76; 917: 36;
3
Habakkuk
1
5: 145; 9: 288;
16: 262, 284, 286, 345
286, 287, 288, 345
1011: 288
6: 114, 122, 149;
89: 312; 1015: 6
14: 35
5: 16; 12: 17
814: 36; 1112: 36
18: 36; 45: 36;
5: 86; 14: 36;
12: 212
1: 76; 2: 105;
2:43:19: 43; 9:
8: 164, 235
150
105; 14: 107;

211: 107; 2: 107;
511: 37; 11: 104;

Habakkuk (cont.)
1217: 106; 13: 105,
107; 14: 97
2
81; 13: 104, 107;
1: 107; 4: 76, 85;
612: 85; 8: 79;
19: 71
3
7: 163; 9: 154,
14: 94; 16: 106, 107;
17: 96
Zephaniah
1
Haggai
1
2
62, 65, 79, 202;

1:12:3: 62;
218: 62; 7: 80;
8: 64; 11: 128;
12: 64, 65; 1416: 80;
14: 64, 80; 18: 65,
78, 80, 90
63, 95; 2:13:20: 62;
2:13:8: 62; 13: 62,
63, 64; 1: 65;
415: 35, 45, 62, 63;
4: 6, 62, 63; 510: 63,
64; 57: 63, 64;
56: 63; 5: 63, 284;
7: 63; 810: 36, 63,
64; 8: 65, 95; 9: 63,
65, 106; 1115: 63;
11: 63, 286;
1315: 78
62, 63, 95; 18: 62,
65; 17: 64, 65;
2: 64; 67: 63, 64;
89: 345; 8: 64,
65, 90; 920: 62;
910: 288; 9: 65;
10: 95, 160, 185, 187,
202, 336; 1213: 95;
12: 95; 18: 65
1: 308; 3: 308
12: 307, 1: 308;
67: 82; 7: 128;
1012: 308;
2023: 36; 22: 36
Zechariah
12
2
4
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
389
82
517: 36; 67: 94;
9: 94; 10: 80, 142;
11: 80; 1316: 83;
13: 36, 283;
1516: 288; 16: 83
8: 57
9: 57
5: 127
13: 267
1: 113; 5: 309;
10: 136, 349
3: 97; 4: 219;
14: 120
97; 2: 128
3: 276; 4: 276;
6: 276; 8: 276;
9: 276; 11: 276;
1: 276; 2: 276;
4: 276, 312
288; 4: 276; 6: 276;
8: 276; 9: 276;
13: 276; 20: 276, 286,
345; 21: 276
Malachi
1
11:
286, 287, 345
1 Maccabees
11
32:
120
Sirach
11
24
43
44
12: 212
27: 163
20: 156; 22:
5: 152
Matthew
3
4:
312
158
INDEX OF NON-BIBLICAL REFERENCES

(1) Ancient Near Eastern Sources
Arad ostraca
1, 2, 4, 7, 8, 10,
11, 14, 17
ARE
321
743
Assurbanipal
LET
3132
37-69
Prism A
i 130
i 6062
i 90116
i 90109
i 9095
i 118ii 6
i 134ii 4
ii 57
ii 1618
ii 4850
ii 114
vii 9596
ix 103104
Prism B
i 6162
i 8082
i 8795
i 95
ii 36
Prism C
i 1315
ii 85109
ii 85100
ii 8792
ii 105130
ii 130iii 5
iii 69
Prism E
iii 1617
iv 2980
iv 2946
Stck 11 110
Fragment 82-5-22,10
Warka Cylinder
280, 299
136
Babylonian Chronicle
298
331
169
165
299
299
269, 299
300
260, 298
299
299
300
299
300
300
248
121
301
268
135
236, 299
260
303
299
300
300
260
300
299
299
299
300
300
236, 23839,
280, 299
298
299
300
303
COS
1.35
1.42
1.43
1.44
1.45
1.60
1.149
2.6
2.7
2.36
2.42
2.54
2.70D
2.70R
2.117
2.118A
2.118E
2.118F
2.118I
2.119B
246
238, 241, 246
246, 247
246
238, 240, 243,
24546
164, 241, 242,
246
239
237
254
293, 154
160
328
117, 118
120
117, 118
125
327
327
327
194
197
Cyrus the Great

Cylinder inscription
136
Deir Alla inscription
271
Dynastic prophecy
ii 17
200
181
El-Amarna Tablets
49:20
70:19
84:37
95:40
108:67
127
131:13
162
162
248
162
162
162
162
1.53
index of non-biblical references

El-Amarna Tablets (cont.)
133:17
162
139:8
248
148:11
126
148:30
126
149:49
126
287
162
Enuma Elish
iv 5051
235
Erra and Ishum

iv 13036
iv 130
181, 200, 240

23637
71
Esarhaddon,
Nahr-el Kelb Relief
135
FHN
1.9
1.26
1.29
154, 236, 251,

292, 293
239, 242
164, 264
Gezer calendar
174
IAKA
8:27
11 Ep. 10
21:114
24:23
27:5476
27 Episode 21:63
44:15
57
57:89
64:25
65
65:3037
65:3034
65:3738
65:40
65:4853
65:5053
65:50
76:611
295
127, 302
134
295
299
317
295
164
164, 253
298
281, 295, 350,
351
289
135
164
253
258, 298
259
260
162
KAI
14:21
191B
202B:5
214:18
215:6
211
118
221
160
160
391
224:23
278:5
211
221
KTU
1.3 i 2225
1.3 iii 58
1.17 v 21
2.13:1415
2.30:1314
157
157
248
160
160
Lachish ostracon
3:1416
331
Marduk prophecy
i 23
ii 1
200, 23738,
240, 241
181
181
Nabonid
Adad-guppi Stele i 4044
Harran Stele i 3944
Harran Stele iii 18
136
135
136
Nebuchadnezzar
Etemenaki Cylinder
136
PPANE
1:1328
4
4:3243
5
7:1119
9:2950
10:1720
17:1517
17:3134
18:114
19
19:618
19:810
19:1518
20:1116
24:818
38:939
38:2439
38:3239
5456
5859
6877
69 ii 57
71 ii 37
7883
79 i 1718
80:310
16
39
39
39
39
38
39
39
38
39
39
39
39
39
38
39
38
39
312
312
40
187
285
40
285
190
392
PPANE (cont.)
82 iii 2425
85
85 ii 32
93
94
100 iii 47
101:2931
137 A 1117
RIMA 3
A.0.102.1:19
A.0.102.1:1112
A.0.102.1:35
A.0.102.1:5758
A.0.102.1:63
A.0.102.1:7377
A.0.102.1:76
A.0.102.2 i 510
A.0.102.2 i 13
A.0.102.2 i 4950
A.0.102.2 i 49
A.0.102.2 ii 8
A.0.102.2 ii 3435
A.0.102.2 ii 44
A.0.102.2 ii 6263
A.0.102.5 i 16
A.0.102.5 i 6ii 1
A.0.102.5 ii 12
A.0.102.6 iii 28
A.0.102.8:17, 33, 38
A.0.102.8 2427
A.0.102.9 1517
A.0.102.10 ii 19
A.0.102.10 iii 23, 19
A.0.102.10 iv 2234
A.0.102.11
A.0.102.14:1517
A.0.102.14:6061
A.0.102.14:7879
A.0.102.14:88
A.0.102.14:13435
A.0.102.16:7879
A.0.102.16:152153
A.0.102.16:21920
A.0.102.16:22122
A.0.102.16:285
A.0.102.17:4344
A.0.103.1 i 2633
A.0.104.1:19
A.0.104.20:10
A.0.105.1:12
187
40
40
40, 161
269
40
269
40
134
135
259
135
259
256
259
134
135
259
259
259
257
259
259
134
134
289
317
317
181
289
317
317
259
135, 352
134
317
136
317
136
317
317
136
136
259
136
134
134
311
134
SAA
2 6:11617
3 4:rev. ii 13
3 11
4 88
5 168:r.4
7 1 rev. i 12ii 7
10 174:79
Sargon
Assur Prism
Basalt Stele from Cyprus
Great Display Inscription
Khorsabad Annals
Nimrud Inscription
Nimrud letter ND 2765
Nimrud Prism
Nineveh Prism
Tang-i Var Inscription
16
179
268, 272
299
166
236
247
181, 248
135
194, 295
194, 295, 328
194, 317,
326, 327
295
122, 236
195, 328
135, 19596,
328
Sennacherib,
Annals B1
Bull Inscription 4
Rassam Cylinder
ii 45
ii 2526
Taylor Prism
i 1016
i 45
ii 4855
ii 3464
259
257
197
136
113, 114
127
129
umma Izbu
238
TADAE Scroll III B

2:24
2:18
3:31
144
144
144
Text A
Text B
237, 241
237, 241
Tiglath-pileser III
Summary Inscription 4
Annals 23 1112
295
175
248, 259, 295
248, 295
248, 295
175
175
125
393
(2) Classical Sources

Diodorus Siculus
i 12.6
i 19.4
i 96.7
i 31
i 32.1
i 37.9
165
165
165
253
164
163, 170
Heliodor, Aethiopica
viii 16.4
167
Herodotus, Histories
ii 5
ii 17
ii 21
ii 2223
ii 28
ii 36
ii 83
ii 97
ii 15455
ii 158
ii 177
iii 12
iii 20
iv 183
vii 70
242
148
164
148
164
169
239
165
214
254
253
169
148, 149, 169
167
162
Homer, Ilias
i 42324
xxiii 2057
169
169
Homer, Odyssey
i 2224
i 2223
iv 447
iv 84
v 282
v 287
169
162
164
169
169
169
Pliny, Naturalis Historia

v8
vi 65
163
164
Strabo, Geography
ii 2.3
ii 5.37
iv 7
vii 4
xvi 4
xvii 1
144
144
163
170
163, 170
163
Theocritus
xvii 8284
253
(3) Jewish Sources

Babylonian Talmud (alphabetical order)
b. Ber. 2b
157
b. Ber. 54b
148
b. BQam. 117a
212
b. Pes. 2b
157
b. Ketub. 10b
148
b. Men. 109b
228
b: Men. 110a
223
b. Moed Qat. 16b
163
b. Naz. 46b
149
b. Pes. 53a
159
b. Sotah 46b
216
b. Taan. 7b
157
b. Yom. 18b
214
b. Yom. 61b
149
b. Yom. 87a
212
Josephus, Antiquities
ii 243
ii 24849
xiii 64
xiii 6668
163
170
223
224
ix 28387
125
Josephus, Jewish War

vii 432
223
Letter of Aristeas 13
299
Mishna
m. Kel. 16:6
m. Sotah 9:5
215
216
Pesikta de-Rab
Kahana 7:5
Pesikta Rabbati 17:4
223, 251
223, 251
Qumran (non-biblical manuscripts)

CD 12:12
224
CD 12:23
210
1QH i 28
152
1QHa xvi 1415
154
1QM xii 910
158
11Q10 xxxi 6
158

(Oudtestamentische Studiën 60) Csaba Balogh-The Stele of YHWH in Egypt - The Prophecies of Isaiah 18-20 Concerning Egypt and Kush-Brill (2011) PDF

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(Oudtestamentische Studiën 60) Csaba Balogh-The Stele of YHWH in Egypt - The Prophecies of Isaiah 18-20 Concerning Egypt and Kush-Brill (2011) PDF

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The Stele of YHWH in Egypt

H.F. Van Rooy

The titles published in this series are listed at www.brill.nl/ots

The Stele of YHWH in Egypt

This book is printed on acid-free paper.

Chapter One Introduction ............................................................

Chapter Two Collections of Foreign Nation Prophecies as

Chapter Three Reconstructing the Broken Stele of Yhwh:

Chapter Four Lands of Riddles: The Analysis of Isaiah 18 .....

4.4 Isaiah 18 and the Stele of Yhwh (Isaiah 1323) ............

Chapter Five From Chaos to Covenant: The Analysis of

Chapter Six Naked Truth: The Analysis of Isaiah 20 ................

Chapter Seven Conclusion ............................................................

Index of Authors ................................................................................

This book is a revised version of my dissertation submitted to the

A. Blasius, B.U. Schipper (eds), Apokalyptik und gypten:

The Comprehensive Aramaic Lexicon (http://cal1.cn.huc.edu)

M. Jastrow, Dictionary of the Targumim, Talmud Babli,

H. Schaudig, Die Inschriften Nabonids von Babylon und

New International Commentary on the Old Testament

This is a study of Isa. 1820, three chapters in the so-called Isaianic

background of studies devoted to Isa. 1323 can barely be understood

The Book of Isaiah as the Context of Isaiah 1323

1.1.1 Historical Research on the Book of Isaiah and Its Problems

De Jong, Isaiah, 191285.

prophecy on Tyre (Ezek. 29:1820), as well as countless examples from

(g) Texts that appear to be historically informative may in fact be

Sweeney, Sargons Threat, 45770. Cf. also De Jong, Isaiah, 21314.

1.1.2 Literary Research on the Book of Isaiah and Its Problems

the field of hermeneutics, where emphasis came to fall on the role of

Wildberger, 152936; J. Vermeylen, Lunit du livre dIsae, in: BoI, 1726.

death by reinterpreting the earlier prophecies. Exegetes believe that

The significance of such discoveries for the composition of the book of

poses. The results are often evaluated in terms of contemporariness

Isaiah as exclusively a prophet of doom. According to this opinion,

otherwise by an 8th century prophet is beyond discussion. The only

prophets, who otherwise predicted salvation and were addressed to

De Jong, Isaiah, 313.

(c) The ambivalence in Isaiahs message. The strong albeit one-sided

Cf. Becker, Botschaft, 1112; Kckert in Kckert et al., Problem, 10711.

Becker, Botschaft, 11.

prophet who had delivered anti-Assyrian prophecies. The question is

Isaiah 1323(2427) as a Corpus

allels with other prophets (LXX Jeremiah, Ezekiel). However, the

Isa. 1323 was obviously designed to be a collection of certain types

Fohrer identified an original Isaianic collection (14:2427, 2832;

collection against foreign nations. The judgment on the nations was

Isaiah 1820 in the Collection of Isaiah 1323

1.3.2 The Prophecy in Isaiah 19

The Prophecy in Isaiah 20

Strictly speaking, Isa. 20 is not a prophetic text but a narrative. Its

1.4 The Purpose and Outline of the Present Study

Becker, Botschaft, 277; De Jong, Isaiah, 15051.

Although thematically related, the texts of Isa. 1820 reach beyond

COLLECTIONS OF FOREIGN NATION PROPHECIES

2.1 Preliminary Remarks

a prophet to the nations () . This description of Jeremiah

collections of foreign nation prophecies

person form, or they should be concerned with the present or future

Fechter, Bewltigung, 1 n. 3; B. Huwyler, Jeremia und die Vlker: Untersuchungen

The Background of the Foreign Nation Prophecies

In general, prophecy has long been recognised as an important practice