Workshop:

Amerindian Languages in Contact Situations:

Spanish-American Perspectives

Organizers:

Karen Dakin (Universidad Nacional Autnoma de Mxico)

Natalie Operstein (California State University, Fullerton)
Claudia Parodi (University of California, Los Angeles)
Call for Papers

The linguistic situations in present-day Spanish America have been shaped to a

considerable extent by the long-term contact among the indigenous languages and
cultures, which has resulted in profound consequences for the participating languages.
Although many of the possible lexical, phonological, and structural commonalities
among these languages have been explored in prior literature (cf. Campbell, Kaufman,
and Smith Stark 1986 and Smith Stark 1994 for Mesoamerica), there are no more recent
comparable attempts at a study of the relevant areal traits. Detailed studies placing the
structural features of individual languages within their areal contexts are also lacking, as
are attempts to place the areal linguistic adaptations within the wider context of human
ecology, in the sense proposed by Hill (1978), in sharp contrast with the amount of
attention that continues to be received by linguistic areas located in other areas of the
world, such as the Balkans, Ethiopia, or Southeast Asia.
Another important factor for the history of contact in the area is that since the early
sixteenth century, the indigenous languages have been in close contact with Spanish. This
proximity has left a profound imprint on the languages, changing each in a variety of
ways that range from influences on lexicon and phonology to impact on diverse levels of
the languages morphology, syntax, and discourse. In the process, regional Spanish,
including the national varieties of Latin American Spanish, has undergone a number of
changes as well.
Finally, reconstruction of linguistic and cultural histories of individual languages is
greatly aided by the study of loanword adaptations. By studying phonetic, structural, and
semantic changes in the borrowed words, it is possible to trace not only the direction of
borrowing and source languages but also the relative chronology of borrowing (linguistic
stratigraphy in the sense of Andersen 2003) and the type and nature of past contacts.
Inferences drawn from a careful study of loanwords are especially important in the case
of unwritten languages and those that only recently have begun to be written, including
most languages of Hispano-America.
The proposed workshop will combine these research threads by focusing on the
diachronic aspects of language contact in Spanish America. Its principal goals are to
spark an interest in further study of the possible areal traits, especially as they relate to
the wider issue of area-level human adaptations; to highlight the importance of contactinduced changes observable in these areas for contact and diachronic linguistics more
generally; to contribute to the study of linguistic stratigraphy; and to provide a context for
a meaningful dialogue between students of the indigenous languages and those of
Spanish. In addition, the workshop seeks to bring together scholars from different
language backgrounds, linguistic traditions, and theoretical orientations with the aim of
fostering collaborative research on these complex areas.

References
Andersen, Henning, ed. 2003. Language Contacts in Prehistory: Studies in Stratigraphy.
Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins.
Campbell, Lyle, Terrence Kaufman, and Thomas C. Smith-Stark. 1986. Meso-America as
a Linguistic Area. Language 62: 530-558.
Hill, Jane H. 1978. Language Contact Systems and Human Adaptations. Journal of
Anthropological Research 34: 1-26.
Smith-Stark, Thomas C. 1994. Mesoamerican Calques. Carolyn J. MacKay and Vernica
Vzquez, eds. Investigaciones lingsticas en Mesoamrica, 15-50. Mexico:
Universidad Nacional Autnoma de Mxico.

Morning Session
9:00-9:10

Opening remarks

9:10-9:30

Carctersticas gramaticales del espaol de hablantes bilinges

lacandn y mazahua
Sergio Ibaez Cerda (Universidad Nacional Autnoma de Mxico),
Israel Martnez-Corripio (Escuela Nacional de Antropologa e
Historia), Armando Mora-Bustos (Universidad Autnoma
Metropolitana- Iztapalapa)
El sistema de alineamiento del espaol en contacto con otom
Glenda Lizrraga (Colegio de Mxico)
Historical review of loans in Chichimec (c.1767-2012)
Yolanda Lastra (Universidad Nacional Autnoma de Mxico)
Prosodic adaptation in loanwords from Spanish to Zapotec
Francisco Arellanes Arellanes (Universidad Nacional Autnoma de
Mxico), Mario E. Chvez Pen (Centro de Investigaciones y Estudios
Superiores en Antropologa Social-DF), Mario Hernndez Luna
(Escuela Nacional de Antropologa e Historia), Miriam Itzel Manzano
Corona (Escuela Nacional de Antropologa e Historia), Sofa Gabriela
Morales Camacho (Universidad Autnoma Metropolitana-Iztapalapa),
Rosa Mara Rojas Torres (Instituto Nacional de Lenguas Indgenas),
Anders Stallemo (Universidad Nacional Autnoma de Mxico), Carlos
De Jess Wagner Oviedo (Escuela Nacional de Antropologa e
Historia), Victoria Esthefana Zrate Girn (Universidad Autnoma
Metropolitana-Iztapalapa)

9:30-9:50
9:50-10:10
10:10-10:30

10:30-11:00

Coffee break

11:00-11:20

12:20-12:30

Subordination in Zoque: native patterns with Spanish Means

Jan Terje Faarlund (University of Oslo)
Evidence from Spanish-Huastec contact in the sixteenth century attested
in the Doctrina Christiana en la lengua guasteca
Lucero Melndez (Universidad Nacional Autnoma de Mxico)
The impact of language contact on Nahuatl couplets
Mercedes Montes de Oca (Universidad Nacional Autnoma de Mxico)
Diachronic and synchronic contact phenomena: Spanish borrowing and
code-switching in Yurakar
Sonja Gipper (University of Cologne)
General discussion, if time permits

12:30-1:30

Lunch break

11:20-11:40

11:40-12:00
12:00-12:20

Afternoon Session
1:30-1:50

2:50-3:00

Diffusion of words for dog as a diagnostic of language contact zones in

the Americas
Sren Wichmann (Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology)
Matthias Pache (Leiden University Center for Linguistics)
The Mochica language and its possible external relations
Rita Eloranta (Leiden University Center for Linguistics)
The Chibchan language family and possible links with Mesoamerican
and South American languages
Matthias Pache (Leiden University Center for Linguistics)
The linguistic evidence for the sound [l] in Muysca
Diana Giraldo (Universitetet i Bergen)
General discussion, if time permits

3:00-3:30

Coffee break

3:30-3:50

The prehistory of Resgaro contact with Bora. A case study on the

dynamics of Amazonian linguistics areas
Frank Seifart (Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology)
Western and central Nahuatl dialects: possible influences from contact
with Cora, Huichol and Tepehuan
Karen Dakin (Universidad Nacional Autnoma de Mxico)
Spanish
loanwords
in
Amerindian
languages
and
their
implications for the reconstruction of the pronunciation of Spanish
Claudia Parodi (University of California, Los Angeles)
Impact of language contact on the rate of phonological change: a case
study from Zapotec in contact with Spanish
Natalie Operstein (California State University, Fullerton)
General discussion, if time permits

1:50-2:10
2:10-2:30

2:30-2:50

3:50-4:10

4:10-4:30

4:30-4:50

4:50-5:00

5:00-

Reception

CARACTERSTICAS GRAMATICALES DEL ESPAOL DE HABLANTES BILINGES LACANDN

Y MAZHUA
Israel Martnez Corripio (ENAH)
Sergio Ibez Cerda (UNAM)
Armando Mora-Bustos (UAM-I)
amora@xanum.uam.mx
El objetivo de este trabajo es dar cuenta de algunas caractersticas gramaticales de las
variantes del espaol hablado por bilinges mazahuas y lacandones. El mazahua es una
lengua del la familia otomangue del grupo otopame, mientras que el lacandn del sur es una
lengua maya. Si bien las lenguas involucradas en este estudio, las dos originarias de
Mxico, pertenecen a familias lingsticas diferentes, aqu asumimos que ambas, en funcin
de sus particulares caractersticas estructurales, afectan algunas propiedades lingsticas del
espaol usado como segunda lengua por hablantes cuya lengua materna son estas lenguas.
As, por ejemplo, la falta de concordancia entre el numeral y el nominal de (1a) est
relacionada con el hecho de que en mazahua la pluralidad se marca con una palabra
independiente. Igualmente, el adjunto octubre en (1b), aparece sin la esperada preposicin
en, ya que el mazahua no tiene estas unidades gramaticales.
(1)

a. A los once ao de edad, mi pap me dijo

b. Me puse bien mala, empec octubre

Por su parte, el lacandn del sur es una lengua de marcacin en el ncleo, en la cual si los
argumentos de un verbo aparecen de forma explcita no requieren de una marca de caso que
muestre su rol gramatical, de esta forma en el ejemplo (2) la frase nominal mi compaero
aparece sin la marca a, que en uso cannico marca los objetos animados en espaol.
(2)

y que le dice t mataste mi compaero

En general, la investigacin propuesta permitir conocer cules son algunos de los

fenmenos de interferencia gramatical ms comunes que se dan en hablantes bilinges de
espaol cuya lengua materna es el mazahua o el lacandn.

BIBLIOGRAFA.
Bartholomew, D. 1965. The Reconstruction of Otopamean (Mexico). Unpublished Thesis
Dissertation. Chicago University. Illinois.
Bergqvist, Henrik G. 2008. Temporal Reference in Lakandon Maya: Speaker-and EventPerspectives. PhD. Thesis. London, UK: University of London.
Campbell, Lyle, Terrence Kaufman, and Thomas C. Smith-Stark. 1986. Meso-America as a
Linguistic Area. Language 62: 530-558.Hardman de Bautista. 1982. "The mutual
influence of Spanish and the Andean languages". Word 33 (1-2): 143-157.
Hofling, Charles A. 2000. Itzaj Maya Grammar. The University of Utha Press.

Hofling, Charles A . 2006. A sketch of the History of the Verbal Complex in Yukatekan
Mayan Languages. International Journal of American Linguistics. 72 (3): 367 - 96.
Lope Blanch, Juan M.1968. El espaol de Amrica. Madrid: Ediciones Alcal.
Lope Blanch, Juan M. 1972. "La influencia del sustrato en la fontica del espaol de
Mxico", en Estudios sobre el espaol de Mxico 94. Mxico D.F.: Universidad
Nacional Autnoma de Mxico.
Muysken, Pieter.1979. "La mezcla de quechua y castellano. El caso de la 'media lengua' en
el Ecuador." Lexis 3(1): 41-56.
Nardi, Ricardo.1976-7. "Lenguas en contacto: el sustrato quechua en el noroeste argentino."
Filologa (Buenos Aires) 17-18: 131-150.
Quant, Ins A. de y Jos Miguel Irigoyen.1980. Interferencia guaran en la morfosintaxis y
lxico del espaol subestndard de Resistencia. Resistencia, Chaco, Argentina:
Universidad Nacional del Nordeste.
Smith-Stark, Thomas C. 1994. Mesoamerican Calques, en Carolyn J. MacKay and
Vernica Vzquez (eds.) Investigaciones lingsticas en mesoamrica, 15-50.
Mexico: Universidad Nacional Autnoma de Mxico.
Stewart, Donald. ms. 1966. Borrador de la gramtica del mazahua. Correcciones y
comentarios. Doris Bartholomew. Mxico: ILV.
Thomason, Sarah Grey & Terrence Kaufman. 1988. Language Contact, Creolization and
Gene- tic Linguistics. Berkeley / Los ngeles / Londres: University of California
Press, 1988.
Weinreich, Uriel. 1963. Languages in Contact. La Haya: Mouton & Co.
Zamora, Juan Clemente. 1982. "Amerindian loanwords in general and local varieties of
American Spanish". Word 33 (1-2): 159-169.
Zamora Salamanca, Francisco Jos. 1985. La influencia de los contactos intertnicos e
inter- lingsticos en la problemtica de estandarizacin de lenguas. Planteamientos
tericos y anlisis de tipologas. Valladolid: tesis doctoral indita.

EL SISTEMA DE ALINEAMIENTO DEL ESPAOL

EN CONTACTO CON OTOM
Glenda Zo Lizrraga Navarro
El Colegio de Mxico
El objetivo de este trabajo es describir el sistema pronominal tono de tercera persona en
hablantes bilinges de espaol-otom de la comunidad de Pueblo Nuevo, municipio de
Acambay, Estado de Mxico. Se mostrar que el cltico lo corresponde gramaticalmente a
una marca verbal de objeto, que en el nivel semntico corresponde a un participante tema (T),
paciente (P) o recipiente (R) (cf. Dryer, 1986; Haspelmath, 2005; Malchukov et al., 2007),
como se muestra en (1).
(1)

a. Mi esposa, por ejemplo, lo mandaron a Quertaro y despus lo iban a mandar

a Puebla(Emilio B.)
b. A: Juan orde a la vaca. Qu le hizo Juan a la vaca?
B: lo est sacando su leche (Catarina L.)
c. La imagen en la iglesia pus lo tienen mucha fe (Victoriana P.)

En (1a) el cltico lo codifica al participante P mi esposa; en (1b), el cltico exhibe

anafricamente al participante R la vaca, mientras que el participante P, su leche, no aparece
marcado en el verbo de forma cltica. De manera similar en (1c), aunque se trata de una
construccin con verbo ligero, el cltico codifica en el verbo al participante R la imagen. En
trminos generales, aqu se ilustra que lo en el espaol de los bilinges nicamente marca en
el verbo un participante. El alineamiento que exhiben los verbos ditransitivos es neutral
(Haspelmath 2005), es decir, T, P y R se codifican con la misma forma cltica lo (T=P=R).
La estructura del sistema pronominal tono de la variedad de espaol objeto de anlisis
tiene caractersticas similares a las lenguas de objeto primario (Dryer 1986); esto es, el cltico
lo codifica al objeto directo de las oraciones transitivas de la misma forma que al objeto
indirecto de las ditransitivas. En este sistema, producto del bilingismo, no hay una marca
que diferencie formalmente al objeto directo del indirecto. La variacin en el sistema de
pronombres tonos de esta variedad de espaol obedece a un proceso de cambio en curso
motivado por el contacto con el otom, donde el espaol es la lengua receptora de las
estructuras lingsticas de esta lengua mesoamericana.
Bibliografa
CAMPBELL, L., T. KAUFMAN & T. C. SMITH-STARK (1986). Mesoamerica as a linguistic area.
Language, 62 (3): 530-570.
DRYER, M. (1986). Primary objects, secondary objects, and antidative. Language, 62: 808-45.
HASPELMATH, M. (2005). Argument marking in ditransitive alignment types. Linguistic
Discovery 3, 1: 1-21 (http://linguistic-discovery.dartmouth.edu/).
LABOV, W. (1990). The intersection of sex and social class in the course of linguistic
change.Language Variation and Change, 2: 205-254.
MALCHUKOV, A., M. HASPELMATH & B. COMRIE (2010). Ditransitive constructions: A
typological overview. En A. Malchukov, M Haspelmath & B. Comrie (eds). Studies
in Ditransitive Constructions: A Comparative Handbook. Berlin: De Gruyter Mouton:
1-64.
PALACIOS ALCAINE, A. (2005). Aspectos tericos y metodolgicos del contacto de lenguas: el
sistema pronominal del espaol en reas de contacto con lenguas amerindias. En V.
Noll, K. Zimmermann & I. Neumann-Holzschuh (eds.). El espaol en Amrica:

Aspectos tericos, particularidades, contactos. Frankfurt am Main/Madrid:

Vervuert/Iberoamericana: 63-94.
PALANCAR, ENRIQUE L. 2009. Gramtica y textos del hnh. Otom de San Ildefonso
Tultepec, Quertaro. Mxico: Plaza y Valds.

Historical Review of Loans in Chichimec (c. 1767-2012)

Yolanda Lastra
Colegio de Mxico
Chichimec is an Otopamean language that has been in contact with Spanish since the
sixteenth century. The contact with speakers of Spanish was not friendly. Jesuit
missionaries tried conversion, but Chichimecs fled to the mountains whenever possible.
With Mexican independence, the relationship with mestizo speakers continued being
distant.
Things began to improve after the impoverished and hungry group was given
land in the 30s by President Cardenas. Ever since, it has been easier for Chichimecs to
get jobs.
Many older men and most young people are bilingual now, but the degree of
proficiency in Spanish varies according to age and former opportunities.
The language apparently was not documented by the Jesuits, or it may be that
due to their having been expelled from Mexico in 1767, there are no extant publications
or manuscripts.
A Franciscan friar, fray Juan Guadalupe Soriano prepared a short vocabulary of
the language (before 1767) (Lastra 2012). Gonzlez Casanova (1930) published another
vocabulary, subsequently Jaime de Angulo contributed a very valuable sketch of the
language in IJAL (1932), and Soustelle (1937) based his work on Angulos. Moiss
Romero wrote a phonology (1958) and a vocabulary (1966). In 1958 I began working
intermittently on the language.
If one compares the language as it was in the 30s with my 1958 data there do
not seem to be any significant changes. But if the early data are compared with the
present-day language, there have been changes in phonology, grammar and lexicon
(Lastra 2012, 2011, 2005). The quantity of loans does not seem to increase if one
examines texts such as stories or life histories, but it does in conversations and in the
elicitation of certain vocabulary items. Descriptive terminology or circumlocutions are
also common. These items and the loans themselves will be presented in the paper with
reference to the age of the speakers and the date of occurrence.

References
Angulo, Jaime de
1932 The Chichimeco language (Central Mexico). International Journal of American
Linguistics 7: 153-194.
Gonzlez Casanova, Pablo
1930 Un vocabulario chichimeca. XXIII Congreso de Americanistas, Nueva York, pp.
918-925.
Lastra, Yolanda
2004 Caracterizacin del chichimeco jonaz: la posesin. Universos I: 61-80.

2011 Dos cambios fonolgicos en curso en chichimeco. Realismo en el anlisis de

corpus orales. Pedro Martn Butragueo (ed.). Mxico: CELL, El Colegio de
Mxico, pp.83-92.
2012 Tratado del Arte y unin de los idiomas otom y pame; vocabularios de los
idiomas pame, otom, mexicano y jonaz por fray Juan Guadalupe Soriano,
paleografiado y editado por Yolanda Lastra; estudio crtico por Doris
Bartholomew y Yolanda Lastra; vocabularios comparativos de pame por Heidi
Chemin, Leonardo Manrique y Carlo Antonio Castro; vocabularios
comparativos de otom y chichimeco por Yolanda Lastra. Mxico : IIA-UNAM
Romero Castillo, Moiss
1957-58. Los fonemas del chichimeco jonaz. Anales del Instituto Nacional de
Antropologa e Historia 11: 288-299.
1966. Vocabulario chichimeco. Summa Anthropologica en homenaje a Roberto J.
Weitlaner, 501-32, Mxico: Instituto Nacional de Antropologa e Historia.
Soriano, fray Juan Guadalupe
2012 [1767] Tratado del Arte y unin de los idiomas otom y pame; vocabularios de los
idiomas pame, otom, mexicano y jonaz. Mxico: IIA-UNAM
Soustelle, Jacques
1937 La famille otomi-pame du Mexique Central. Travaux et Mmoires de lInstitut
dEthnologie, Paris.

Prosodic adaptation in loanwords from Spanish to Zapotec

FRANCISCO ARELLANES ARELLANES1
MARIO E. CHVEZ PEN2
MARIO HERNNDEZ LUNA3
MIRIAM ITZEL MANZANO CORONA3
SOFA GABRIELA MORALES CAMACHO4
ROSA MARA ROJAS TORRES5
ANDERS STALLEMO1
CARLOS DE JESS WAGNER OVIEDO3
VICTORIA ESTHEFANA ZRATE GIRN4
In current Zapotecan varieties with a strong preference for monosyllabic words, loanwords from
Spanish tend to undergo a prosodic adaptation: although the hispanic word might be polysyllabic,
the loanword in Zapotecan is reduced to only one syllable. Usually the stressed syllable is preserved
and the consonant of the post-tonic syllable is resyllabified as coda. See the following Tierra Blanca
(Valley Zapotec) Zapotec data:
(1)

Prosodic adaptation in loanwords: monosyllables

Hispanic name
Loanword
Gloss

[k
[a.

These loanwords are proper instances of Iambic Feet (Kager 2006). In Proto-Zapotec, the typical
phonological word was equivalent to a Trochaic Foot, and more specifically, a weak-strong
disyllable (cf. the protoforms reconstructed by Fernndez de Miranda (1995), Lpez Cruz & Smith
Stark (1995), among others). This prosodic structure is preserved in the most conservative varieties,
where the post-tonic vowel is normally preserved, as in Isthmust Zapotec (cf. Pickett 2006 [1965]:
106) and Santiago Sochiapan Zapotec (Morales Camacho & Zrate Girn 2012). In (2) lexical
forms of Santiago Sochiapan Zapotec (a conservative variety) and Tierra Blanca Zapotec (an
innovative variety) are compared in relation to Proto-Zapotec forms.
(2)
Preservation and loss of post-tonic vowels in modern varieties of Zapotec:
Proto-Zapotec
Santiago Sochiapan6
Tierra Blanca
Gloss
1
s.sa1]
1
.za1]
2
o p.pa2]
21
i
. a1]
As expected, in the varieties that preserve the post-tonic vowel of Proto-Zapotec, we find that in
loanwords this vowel is also preserved. This is precisely what can be observed in Santiago
Sochiapan Zapotec (Arellanes et al. 2012):
1

Universidad Nacional Autnoma de Mxico.

Centro de Investigaciones y Estudios Superiores en Antropologa Social (Unidad-DF).
3
Escuela Nacional de Antropologa e Historia.
4
Universidad Autnoma Metropolitana-Iztapalapa.
5
Instituto Nacional de Lenguas Indgenas.
6
Tones in Santiago Sochiapan Zapotec are represented with superscripted numbers, following the oriental
tradition (Cf. Yip 2002). This is due to the fact that it is one of the few varieties of modern Zapotec with three
levels of tones, and not two like the majority.
2

(3)

Prosodic adaptation in loanwords: disyllables

Hispanic name
Loanwords
2
.to]
.to3]
23
n .no1]
23
t.ta1 ]
2
]
s.sa1 ]

Gloss

In these conservative varieties, as in Proto-Zapotec, the typical phonological words are trochaic feet
as opposed to what happens in varieties such as Tierra Blanca.
In the present work we analyze the factors that determine the prosodic form of the
loanwords in five Zapotec varieties: Santa Ana del Valle, San Lucas Quiavin and Tierra Blanca
(Valley Zapotec); Santo Domingo de Morelos (Southern Highlands Zapotec) and Santiago
Sochiapan, Veracruz (Northern Highlands Zapotec).
References
ARELLANES, FRANCISCO, ELVIA SOFA MEJA MURO, SOFA GABRIELA MORALES
CAMACHO y VICTORIA ESTHEFANA ZRATE GIRON
Ponencia presentada en el IX Coloquio de Lingstica en la ENAH. Mxico, DF, 25-27 de
abril de 2012.
F
MIRANDA, M
. (1995). El protozapoteco
The Cambridge
KAGER, REN
Handbook of Phonology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 195-227.
LPEZ CRUZ, AUSENCIA y THOMAS SMITH STARK
Vitalidad e influencia de las lenguas indgenas en Latinoamrica. Mxico: UNAM, IIFL,
pp. 294-341.
MORALES CAMACHO, SOFA y ZRATE GIRN, VICTORIA
Coloquio sobre
. Oaxaca, 20-22 de abril de 2012.
PICKETT, VELMA (2006 [1965]). Vocabulario zapoteco del Istmo. Espaol-zapoteco y
zapoteco-espaol. Instituto Lingstico de Verano. Quinta edicin electrnica
[http://www.sil.org/mexico/zapoteca/istmo/S003c-VocZapIstmoEd5-zai.pdf].

Subordination in Zoque: native patterns with Spanish

means
JAN TERJE FAARLUND
University of Oslo

The Zoque language, spoken in Chiapas, Mexico, exhibits various degrees of subordination
and internal clause cohesion: simple juxtapostion, coordination by means of a conjunction,
subordination with native or Spanish complementizers (the latter mainly in the informal
spoken register), and relativized or participial constructions, which are the ones with the
strongest morphosyntactic cohesion, and which are not based on a Spanish pattern.

There has been a certain Spanish influence in parts of the grammar of subordination, mainly
in terms of lexical items, but it is not possible to say that this influence has lead to a higher
degree of grammatical cohesion. The Spanish influence on Zoque dependent clause
constructions has not significantly changed already existing patterns. With the exception of
the conjunction i and (from the Spanish y), which had no equivalent in the precolonial
language, the influence is limited to expanding the inventory of complementizer words.

One interesting example of an indigenous clause type which survives unaffected by Spanish
influence, is relative clauses, which are formed by adding the relativizer -p to the finite verb.
Zoque is an ergative language; the ergative case is marked with the clitic element -is, while
the absolutive case is zero marked. When either the head noun (and the whole relative
construction) or the relativized phrase is in the ergative, a confusing pattern of case marking
details can be observed: an ergative head noun may or may not be marked ergative, and the
ergative may even be marked on the relativizer added to the verb. This contradicting pattern
can be resolved if we assume that Zoque combines internal and external relativization.

Relative clauses of both types, as well as similar adverbial clauses, exhibit the strongest
degree of clause cohesion. A weaker degree is represented by complementizer clauses, some
of which are introduced by complementizers borrowed from Spanish. Thus it seems that a
weaker cohesion type has become more prevalent in the language under the influence of
Spanish.

Evidence from Spanish-Huastec contact in sixteenth century attested in the Doctrina

Christiana en la lengua guasteca
Lucero Melndez Guadarrama
Instituto de Investigaciones Antropolgicas
Universidad Nacional Autnoma de Mxico
Abstract
The aim of this paper is to present some preliminary results of the analysis of two
grammatical aspects of XVI century Huastec, a language registered in the early colonial
document entitled Doctrina Christiana en la lengua guasteca (Cruz de la, 1571): first, I
will explore the hypothesis that the non-typical SVO basic word order in Mayan
languages, but attested in modern variants of Huastec (Edmonson, 1988; Melndez,
2011) was introduced as a structural loan from Spanish since XVIth century. On the other
hand, I will present the morphological strategies used to introduce Catholic loanwords
from Spanish into Huastec such as baptism, sin, feith, etc. Last, I will show that the
Spanish lexical borrowings were not registered by De la Cruz as phonologically
assimilated into Huastec but rather given as Spanish words in the Huastec text. The
document studied here was written by Fray Juan de la Cruz and published in Mexico City
in the year 1571 and it has had very little attention from Huastec scholars (Ochoa 1995;
Melndez, in press). The language registered is an essential link to understanding the
diachronic processes of Huastec. Huastec is a Mayan language spoken in the present-day
states of Veracruz and San Luis Potos, Mxico.
References
CRUZ, Juan de la. 1571. Doctrina cristiana en la lengua Guasteca, con la lengua
castellana. Mxico: Impresa en Casa de Pedro Ocharte.
EDMONSON, Barbara. 1988. A descriptive grammar of Huastec (potosin dialect). Ann
arbor, Michigan: University Microfilms Internacional.
MELNDEZ, Lucero. 2011."Sintaxis y morfologa de las marcas de persona y nmero
sujeto en lenguas huastecas de San Luis Potos" in Mora, Carmen and Gerardo Lpez
Cruz Estudios morfolgicos, sintcticos, semnticos y de lingstica aplicada
Volumen 3. Hermosillo: Universidad de Sonora. ISBN 978-607-8158-43-0. Pg. 143166.
MELNDEZ, Lucero. In press. "Descripcin de la fuente y la lengua en el Documento
Doctrina Christiana en la lengua huasteca, ao de 1571" to appear en Memorias del I
Coloquio de Lenguas y Culturas Coloniales, edited by Beatriz Arias, IIFL-UNAM
OCHOA, ngela. 1995. "La Doctrina Cristiana en lengua Guasteca (1571) de fray Juan de
la Cruz. Primicias de un anlisis", Amerindia: Revue d'ethnolinguistique Amrindienne,
nms. 19/20, 121-128.

The impact of language contact in Nahuatl couplets

Mercedes Montes de Oca
IIFL, Universidad Nacional Autnoma de Mxico
Nahuatl Couplets were a distinctive feature of institutional discourses delivered in ritual
practices of inhabitants of Central Mexico in the XVI century. In Colonial times, couplets
were employed in religious and legal texts, so they became distinctive features of two of the
most important registers, evangelization and administrative Nahuatl.
This presentation deals with the way in which contact with Spanish influenced the structure
and meaning of new couplets in the discursive context of the Colonial period. There are
several structural patterns of Nahuatl couplets that can be accounted for by influence from
Spanish such as:
couplets formed by two borrowed lexemes:
Yn Angelome yhuan yn Sanctome (Gante 1553, 143r)
the angels and the saints
couplets with a Nahuatl lexeme and a Spanish lexeme which are coreferential:
y notestamento y notzonquizcatlanequiliz (Cline & Len Portilla 1984, p.17)
my testament my last will
calques forming couplets:
Yn taniman yhuan yn tonacayo (Gante 1553, 44r)
our soul and our flesh
The analysis will also deal with the semantics of couplets and the modification of
the character of couplets as native discourse markers.

References
Gante Pedro de. 1553- 1982. Doctrina Christiana en Lengua Mexicana. Mxico: Centro de
Estudios Histricos Fray Bernardino de Sahagn, editorial JUS.
Cline, S. L., and Miguel Len-Portilla, eds. 1984. The Testaments of Culhuacan version en
lnea http://www.history.ucsb.edu/cline/testaments_of_culhuacan.

Diachronic and synchronic contact phenomena: Spanish borrowing and code-switching

in Yurakar
Sonja Gipper, University of Cologne
This paper investigates Spanish loans and code-switching in Yurakar (unclassified, Central
Bolivia) as evidence for diachronic and synchronic contact phenomena.Yurakaris an
endangered language, despite a relatively high number of around 2.000 speakers. Most
children do not acquire active competence in Yurakar any longer, resulting in an
ongoingshift from Yurakar to Spanish. Most adult speakers of Yurakar are bilingual in
Yurakar and Spanish. Yurakar has been borrowing from Spanish since the beginning of
contact, when bilingualism was still rare.Different layers (seeAndersen 2003) of loan words
can be distinguished based on their phonological adaptations, with older Spanish loans usually
being adapted to Yurakar phonology (van Gijn et al. 2010: 253). The semantic domains of
the borrowed words can furthermore provide evidence for the nature of the contact situation
and the degree of bilingualism.While loan words can help us to establish hypotheses about
past contact situations, code-switching between Yurakar and Spanish offers clues for current
developments of the contact.Code-switchingis used especially by younger Yurakar speakers
for certain communicative effects and is one potential source for new loan words and other
contact phenomena (see e.g. Thomason 2001: 131-7).In this paper, different layers of contact
phenomena are identified and correlated with past and present contact situations through an
investigation of the use of loans and code-switching in Yurakar conversations. It is argued
that the increasing degree of Yurakar-Spanish bilingualismcan be conceptualized as a
gradual adaptive strategy after Hill (1978) to changing social circumstances and
communicative needs.At the areal level, bilingualism with Spanish is widespread in
Amazonia, where Spanishserves as a lingua franca between different groups.Therefore,
bilingualism with Spanish canbe considered anadaptation at the areal level in the sense of Hill
(1978), encompassing much of Spanish-speaking Amazonia. However, this situation of
bilingualism is unstable due to the increasing dominance of Spanish in most groups, leading
to language endangerment and a decrease in linguistic diversity in the area (see e.g.
Aikhenvald 2002).
References
Aikhenvald, Alexandra Y. 2002.Language contact in Amazonia. Oxford: Oxford University
Press.
Andersen, Henning. 2003.Introduction. Henning Andersen, ed. Language contacts in
prehistory: Studies in stratigraphy, 1-10. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins.
van Gijn, Rik, Vincent Hirtzel, and Sonja Gipper. 2010. Updating and loss of color
terminology in Yurakar: An interdisciplinary point of view. Language and
Communication 30:240-264.
Hill, Jane H. 1978. Language contact systems and human adaptations. Journal of
Anthropological Research 34: 1-26.

Thomason, Sarah G. 2001. Language contact: An introduction. Edinburgh: Edinburgh

University Press.

Diffusion of words for 'dog' as a diagnostic of language contact zones in the Americas
Sren Wichmann
Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology
Leipzig, Germany
Matthias Pache
Leiden University Centre for Linguistics
Leiden, The Netherlands
The large lexical database of the Automated Similarity Judgment Program(ASJP) of
Wichmann et al. (2012) contains 40-item lists of basic vocabulary for well over one half of
the world's languages, one of the items on list being 'dog'. The lexical items included in the
list were chosen as diagnostic of genealogical relations, but as an unanticipated result of
inspecting the distribution of the different lexical items it turns out that 'dog' terms are
additionally good indicators of language contact, since they are often borrowed (genealogical
stability and borrowability are not each other's inverse, since several factors other than
borrowability contribute to the lowering of genealogical stability; so words for one and the
same concept can at the same time be relatively stable and relatively often diffused, cf.
Holman et al. 2008).
The ASJP database contains data from a little over one thousand doculects from the
Americas. Around 14% of these have a word for 'dog' which is either diffused or borrowed.
This figure does not include borrowings of Spanish perro or Portuguese cachorro; it would
increase to 15% if these were included. Unravelling the directions of borrowings is usually
fairly straightforward, but it presupposes at least preliminary reconstructions of proto-forms
referring to 'dog'. Case studies show that initial use of the 'dog' diagnostic may lead to
unexpected cases of language contact situations for which the evidence increases when more
data is brought into consideration. For instance, Huastec (a Mayan language) appears to have
borrowed sul 'dog' from the Atakapa language of the U.S. Southeast (which has the form sul).
Evidence for the proposed direction of borrowing is that a form like sul does not reconstruct
to deeper levels of the Mayan family. An inspection of the totality of lexical data available
additionally suggests that Atakapauk 'shell, oyster' is the origin of Huastecuk-ul 'mussel, clam'
and that Atakapa, in turn, borrowed wal 'fan' from Mayan. Dogs, shells, and fans are all
culturally important items, and indicate that the specific contact situation related to trade
across the Gulf of Mexico.

The paper will provide an overview of all contact zones suggested by diffusionally
diagnostic 'dog' terms, and will single out a few of the zones for more in-depth case studies.

The Mochica language and its possible external relations

Rita Eloranta
University of Leiden
Mochica is considered, for the time being, an extinct linguistic isolate language of the
northern coastal area of Peru. The Mochica language, also known in the literature by the
names of Yunga, Yunka, Muchik or Chimu, has been documented since Colonial times. The
oldest preserved evidences of Mochica texts created by missionaries date back to the
seventeenth century (Or 1604; De la Carrera y Daza 1644).
The Mochica language, spoken until the second half of the twentieth century, constitutes
an enigma for the Amerindian Linguistics when being compared to the surrounding
languages spoken in the region due to its highly unusual typological features. Mochica
particularities, numeral classifiers, recurrent use of passive constructions, personal reference
markers and lexical similarities are among the features which seem to be reminiscent of the
Mayan languages in Mesoamerica (Stark 1968; Adelaar & Muysken 2007 [2004]).
Whereas some of the proposals made in this respect certainly need to be reconsidered, it
is evident that some parallels exist between Mochica and Mesoamerican languages. The aim
of this communication is to critically and briefly discuss some of Starks proposals and to
present intermediate results of an ongoing research project that seeks to define the genetic
position of the Mochica language and establish its possible early relations with Mesoamerica.
References
Adelaar, Willem F.H. and Pieter Muysken (2007 [2004]): The Languages of the Andes,
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Carrera, Fernando de la (1644): El Arte de la LengvaYvnga de los valles del Obispado de
Truxillo del Peru, con vnConfessonario, y todas las Oraciones Christianas,
traducidas en la lengua, y otras cosas, Lima: Joseph Contreras.
Carrera, Fernando de la (1880 [1644]): Arte de la lengua yunga de los valles del Obispado
de Trujillo con un confesonario y todas las oraciones cristianas y otras cosas, autor
el beneficiado D. Fernando de la Carrera. Reeimpreso en Lima. Lima: Imp. Liberal
Or, Luis Jernimo (1607): Rituale, SevManvalePervanvm, Naples: IacobumCarlinum, &
ConstantinumVitalem
Stark, Louisa (1968): MayanAffinities with Yunga of Peru, New York: NY University.

The Chibchan language family and possible links with Mesoamerican and Andean languages
Matthias Pache
Leiden University Centre for Linguistics
Leiden, The Netherlands
Much ink has been spilled over the linguistic diversity in the Americas, and the grouping of the many
indigenous languages spoken in both continents is still a matter of controversial debate. A major
question in this regard refers to the existence of possible links between languages spoken in
Mesoamerica and in South America. One of the most intriguing language groups in this context is
Chibchan, spoken today in a territory from eastern Colombiato eastern Honduras. The existence of
Chibchan is probably of a considerable time depth in the Isthmo-Colombian area. More than many
other Amerindian languages or language families, Chibchan has been connected with several very
different languages or language families in Mesoamerica and South America, including Misumalpan
languages, Lenca, Tarascan, Warao, Yanomama, Nambikwara, Kams, Mochica, Atacameo and
Huarpean languages. However, except for Misumalpan and Lenca, evidence for external links has
remained rather inconclusive. The talk will consider some of the proposals that have been made so far,
discussing further possible approaches to be used in order to investigate the external relations of
Chibchan, for instance, shared innovations in the function of morphological elements.

The linguistic evidence of the sound [l] in Muysca

Diana Andrea GiraldoGallego
PhD student
Universitetet i Bergen
Muysca, Mosca or Chibcha was one of the languages spoken in Colombia and its extinction
occurred during the 18th century. Muysca was the lengua general of the New Kingdom of
Granada and during the Colonial period it had the same status as Quechua in Peru,Nhuatl
in Mexico, and Huetar in Costa Rica.Some of the borrowings and possible borrowings from
Muysca into Spanish are produced with the alveolar lateral approximant [l], a sound which
is not included in the phonemic inventory of Muysca proposed byConstenla Umaa (1984),
and Gonzlez de Prez (2006). Muysca borrowings as well asother linguistic evidences,
may suggestthe sound [l] as a possible dialectal feature in Muysca:
- Borrowing and possible borrowing evidence: bal/baluy, chical, chila, chile/chilada and
chulo.
- Genetic evidence: the loanword bal/baluy (Erythrina edulis) is genetic related with other
languages of the Chibchan family: huetar: por, guatuso: /po:loki: ~ po:lo/, cabcar:
/boo/, bribri: /bo/, boruca /bukra/, trraba: /u/. Thereconstructed proto-form
is/*boo/(Constenla Umaa, 1984: 15, cited by Quesada Pacheco, 1996: 196)or /*bolo/ (ubi
supra).
- Documentation evidence: some borrowings from Spanish into Muysca appearwith <l> in
Spanish-Muysca vocabularies, catechisms and grammar texts that were written during the
Colonial period: danzar de espaoles lanzarbquysqua, danzantes lanzarquisc (Ms
2922, fol. 37r), flautataer flautabcusqua (Ms 2922, fol. 51r), calenturatener
calenturachahacasucune (Ms 2922, fol. 28r). It seems to be that grammariansregistered
the way Spanish words were adapted in Muysca: <d> and <l> were adapted as <r>raga
daga, bora bola, <d> was adapted also as <l>: lanzar danzar; and <l> as <l>:
calentura, calzas, calzones, cielo, flauta, libro, libra, pelota, plaza, pueblo, tabla, vela.
Those possible adaptations can only be explained if in Muysca the sound [l] had been its
closer phonetic equivalent.

- Onomastic evidence: there are toponymslocated in the ancient Muysca territory (Falchetti
y Plazas de Nieto, 1973: 39) with this sound: Sesquil, Tilat, Lotavita, Lijac, Chical,
Ubal, Gachal; and anthroponyms: Lupagita, Fulacipa.

According to those linguistic evidences, the alveolar lateral approximant can be determined
as a possible dialectal feature in Muysca.

References
Annimo. (Sin data). Gramtica, confesonario y vocabulario en lengua mosca. Manuscrito
II/2922. Madrid: Real Biblioteca del Palacio Real (Sin publicar).
Constenla Umaa, A. (1984). Los fonemas del muisca. Estudios de lingstica chibcha,
Tomo III, 65-111.
Falchetti, A. M., & Plazas de Nieto, C. (1973). El territorio de los muiscas a la llegada de
losespaoles. Cuadernos de Antropologa 1. pgs. 39-65.
GiraldoGallego, D. A. (In press).Prstamos lxicos del muysca al espaol y su evidencia
lingstica histrica: el sonido [l] en el muysca.
Gonzlez de Prez, M. S. (2006). Aproximacin al sistema fontico-fonolgico de la lengua
muisca. Bogot: Instituto Caro y Cuervo.
Quesada Pacheco, M. . (1996). Los huetares: historia, lengua, etnografa y tradicin
oral.Cartago: Editorial Tecnolgica de Costa Rica.

The prehistory of Resgaro contact with Bora.

A case study on the dynamics of Amazonian linguistics areas
Frank Seifart
Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology
This paper describes contact-induced changes in Resgaro (Arawakan) under the
influence of unrelated Bora, as a case study on the development of a linguistic and
cultural area in the Northwest Amazon. Resgaro borrowed massively suffixes and
function words, including entire paradigms of number and noun class suffixes, as well as
suffixes for dative case, augmentative and a few others, while lexical borrowing is
limited to about 5% of basic vocabulary. Using - albeit scarce - historical documentation
of Bora and Resgaro in word lists from the early 19th century until the early 20th
century, it is argued that most contact-induced changes took place over 200 years ago,
before a certain sound change occurred in Bora. From the material Resgaro borrowed, it
can be deduced that Resgaros were newcomers in the area, where they experienced a
pressure to culturally assimilate (borrowing of terms of local culture, flora, and fauna)
and became widely bilingual in Bora (allowing for morphological borrowing). The
ceremonial exchange systems exercised by Boras and other groups in the area favoured
the maintenance of Resgaro (instead of shift) and inhibited the influx of more loanwords,
since vocabulary is emblematic of linguistic identity.

Western and central Nahuatl dialects:

Possible influences from contact with Cora, Huichol and Tepehuan
Karen Dakin
Seminario de Lenguas Indgenas
Instituto de Investigaciones Filolgicas,
UNAM, Mexico, DF, MEXICO
dakin@unam.mx

There are a number of important isoglosses in Nahuatl dialectology that in simplified terms,
divide an Eastern group (which includes also Central Guerrero), that probably moved out of
the Nahuatl homeland area at an early date, and the rest of the Nahuatl dialects, classified as
Western and Central, and spoken by populations that either originated in or moved into the
Western area and also moved, probably in the post-Classic period, south into the Valle of
Mexico and surrounding areas.
In this paper I will discuss the possibility that certain features shared only by the Western and
Central areas may be the result of longer continued contact with other Uto-Aztecan languages in
the west of Mexico, in particular, Huichol, Cora and Tepehuan. For example, the presence of the
o:= preclitic to mark past tense in those Nahuatl dialects appears to correspond to a wa- prefix in
Cora and Huichol, which is reflected in Tepiman languages in general as ga.Another feature may
be the correspondence of Nahuatl initial ye- to Cora h-, the reflexes of proto-Uto-Aztecan *p >
Corachol-Western/Central Nahuatl h, which then became ye- in Western and Central dialects.
These contrast with the Eastern dialects, where apparently the initial h- from pUA *p was lost
completely before , so that p- bean >e-tl(and e-l) in Eastern Nahuatl, but to yetl elsewhere.
Although there is a certain amount of variation reflected in the distribution of some of the
Western/Central features to the Eastern dialects, it islimited. For example theo:= is found in
very limited syntactic constructions in some Eastern dialects, and their use probably reflects the
influence of the Mexican or Aztec empire that controlled a large territory that included some of
the Eastern dialects as well. At the same time, as pointed out by Canger (1988), some of the
Eastern features are found in colonial Nahuatl sources, for example, Molinas Vocabulario
(1571) and the likely explanation for that is that as well as the more recent Mexican and
immigrant groups that had risen to power there, Mexico-Tenochtitlan included an older Eastern
population that in the 16th centurystill retained some more archaic Eastern features.
References
Canger, Una. 1988. "Nahuatl dialectology: A survey and some suggestions, International
Journal of American Linguistics. 54. 1. 28-72.
Molina, fray Alonso de. 1571. Vocabulario en lengua castellana y mexicana. [Reimpreso en
Leipzig, 1880; Puebla, 1910; edicin facsmile, Madrid, Ediciones Cultura Hispnica, 1944;
edicin facsmile, Mxico, Porra, S. A, 1970. 4 edicin, 1970. ]. Mxico, D. F.

Spanish loanwords in Amerindian languages and their implications for the reconstruction
of the pronunciation of Spanish
Claudia Parodi
University of California, Los Angeles
Spanish loanwords in Amerindian languages such as Aimar, Guajiro, Huastec, Nahuatl
and others allow determining which Spanish dialects were in contact with indigenous
languages during the earliest stages of the colonization in the Americas. By examining
such loanwords, in this paper I show that there is evidence of contact with the main
Spanish dialects: Old Castilian, Andalusian and the recently formed Spanish koine in the
New World. Lexical loanwords from Spanish have been adapted in these languages by
using sounds that were very close to the original from the acoustic and the articulatory
points of view. Thus, for example, Amerindian languages that were in contact with the
Old Castilian dialect speakers during the sixteenth century have borrowed words such as
limones lemons or silla chair whose final or initial /s/ was an alveolar voiceless
fricative sound [] in Castilian Spanish, as [limne] and [la], with a post-alveolar,
fricative, voiceless sound //, which is very close to the original Old Castilian apicoalveolar //. However, American Indian language speakers that were in contact with
Andalusian dialect speakers before they aspirated /s/, have borrowed the first word as
[limnes] and the second as [sla], with a dental, fricative, voiceless [s]. This alternation
shows that Amerindian speakers whose languages have /s/ and // were in contact with
Spanish speakers that spoke at least two different dialects: Castilian Spanish and
Andalusian Spanish. The Hispanisms of Amerindian languages, then, put into question
as other researchers such as Lipski (1994) or Parodi (1995) have previously done the
Andalucista theory of Latin American Spanish, which claims that most if not all
Spanish speakers that came to the Americas were either from Andalusia or spoke an
Andalusian dialect, mainly from Seville. In fact, Amerindian languages not only provide
evidence that confirms that several varieties of Spanish were spoken in the Americas in
Colonial times, but that a koin was created early in the Americas. This also proves that
koines can be formed in one generation, as Trudgill (1986) has suggested.

Impact of language contact on the rate of phonological change:

A case study from Zapotec in contact with Spanish
Natalie Operstein
California State University, Fullerton
It is well accepted that language contact may accelerate the rate of change in the
participating languages. A relevant distinction that may be drawn here is between
changes that are directly induced by contact such as the introduction of new lexical
items and phonological patterns and language-internal changes that pick up pace as a
consequence of the contact. This paper focuses on the problem of acceleration, in contact
situations, of language changes of the second kind, focusing on the changing consonant
inventories of two closely related Mesoamerican languages, Zaniza Zapotec (ZZ) and
Texmelucan Zapotec (TZ).
Since early sixteenth century, both ZZ and TZ have been in ever-closer contact with
Spanish, which has resulted in their acquiring a large number of Spanish loanwords. The
process of borrowing has continued to this day and shows an increasing degree of
tolerance towards Spanish grammar and phonemics, correlating with the growing degree
of bilingualism in the Zapotec-speaking communities. For instance, while the earlier
borrowings were adjusted to the native phonological patterns and did not interfere with
native grammatical structures, more recent loans include not only unadapted elements of
Spanish phonology, such as the phoneme /f/, consonant clusters and polysyllabic words,
but also display greater semantic and grammatical variety. Based on changes in the
phonological system of Spanish since early sixteenth century, and depending on the
presence of certain diagnostic sounds in the borrowed words, a significant number of
Spanish loanwords can be separated into up to three chronological layers in these
languages. After becoming part of the native lexicon, some of these borrowings
underwent phonological changes in common with native vocabulary. Taking advantage
of these facts, and using the relative chronology of Spanish borrowings as its main tool,
this paper attempts to determine the pre-contact consonant inventories of ZZ and TZ in
order to separate changes undergone by the consonantal systems of these languages into
pre- and post-conquest.
One of the main findings is the fact that the consonant inventory of ZZ has undergone
quantitatively and qualitatively more changes after the beginning of ZZs contact with
Spanish during the span of approximately 500 years than during the approximately
1,000 years of its evolution from Proto-Zapotec. Differences in the rates of pre- and postconquest phonological changes in ZZ may be explained by changes to the sociolinguistic
profile of the community, including its network structure, in the aftermath of contact with
an alien language and culture. Another finding is that the consonant inventory of TZ is
not only more conservative overall, but also has undergone fewer changes since the onset
of contact with Spanish than that of ZZ. Differences in the rate of phonological change
between two closely related Zapotec varieties require an explanation, and it is tentatively
suggested here that the differentiating factors may include community size and its degree
of language maintenance; thus, according to the most recent census (INEGI 2010), the
town of San Lorenzo Texmelucan has approximately 7,000 residents, 85% of whom are
Zapotec speakers, while the town of Santa Mara Zaniza has approximately 2,000
residents, only 21% of whom speak Zapotec. Other factors may include the communities
sociolinguistic profiles as well as their attitudes toward language maintenance, change,
and shift.