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Indiana University Press

The Study of Folklore in Yugoslavia

Author(s): Felix J. Oinas
Source: Journal of the Folklore Institute, Vol. 3, No. 3, [Special Issue: The Yugoslav-American
Folklore Seminar] (Dec., 1966), pp. 398-418
Published by: Indiana University Press
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3813809
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The Studyof Folklorein Yugoslavia

During my stay in Yugoslavia in the winter and spring of 1965,1I had an

opportunity to get acquainted with a number of leading Yugoslav
folklorists and with the folklore scholarship being pursued there. My
interest in Yugoslav folklore research concerned the period after the
second World War. In the following I shall survey briefly this period to
acquaint English-speaking readers with the main trends and the works
that reflect the interest and the level of research.2 Though there are a
couple of recent surveys of Yugoslav folklore available,3 nothing has so
far been published, to my knowledge, in English. My sketch is limited to
the Serbo-Croatian language area (Croatia, Serbia, Bosnia, Hercegovina,
and Montenegro), whereas Macedonia is completely, and Slovenia partly,
omitted. As is to be expected, only the works published in Yugoslavia
have been considered.
The practice of folklore in Yugoslavia, as everywhere else, has been
diminishing and retreating to the localities situated further from the
cultural centers, because of the encroachment of education and modern
communication techniques. Nevertheless, Yugoslavia is still a promised
land for folklorists. The patriarchal mode of life with the large family
(zadruga) system, which continued to exist up to the second World War,
created favorable conditions for the practice of folksongs and folktales.
Furthermore, the temperamental Mediterranean peoples' natural in1 I should like to expressmy gratitudeto the United States Officeof Educationfor
the Fulbright-Haysgrantthat enabledme to do researchin Yugoslavia.
I am very much indebted to ProfessorTvrtko Cubelidand Dr. Maja BoskovicStulli for their encouragementand help.
3 Maja Boskovicovd-Stulli,"Studiumlidov6 slovesnosti v Jugoslavii (1945-1958),"
Cesky lid, 46 (1959), Nos. 1 and 2, 36-38, 82-85;N. Kravcov,"Sovremennajafol'kloristikaJugoslavii,"Sovetskajaetnografija,1963, No. 5, 137-146;B. Putilov, "Novejsie
trudy jugoslavskix ucenyx ob epose," Sovetskajaetnografija,1966, No. 3, 159-166.

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clinationto expresstheirjoys, sorrows,and griefin songshascontributed to the preservationof folkloretradition.Thus it was possible,even
as late as 1965,to hearthe tellingof fascinatingstoriesand the singingof
beautifulsongs perhapsmore melancholythan cheerfulin Medjimurje
(to the northof Zagreb),on the Adriaticislands,andin the neighborhood
of Ni? in Serbia,whichI had a chanceto visit.Probablythe bestpastures
of folklore in Yugoslavia are Montenegro,Krajinain northwestern
Bosnia,and Macedonia,some of whichI had visitedformerly.
The maincentersfor the collectionand studyof folklorein Yugoslavia
are the folkloreinstitutesin Croatiaand Bosnia:Institutefor Folk Art
(Institut za narodnu umjetnost)in Zagreb, Croatia, and the Department

of Folklore at the ProvincialMuseum(Zemaliskimuzej)in Sarajevo,

Bosnia. In the other states are variousinstitutesand committeesof a
widerscopewhichincludealso the studyof folklore:in Belgrade,Serbiathe EthnographicInstitute(Etnografskiinstitut),the museumof Dositej
Obradovicand Vuk Karadzic,and a specialcommitteeof the Academy
of Sciencesfor the publicationof folk songs;andin Ljubljana,Sloveniathe EthnographyInstituteof the SlovenianAcademyof Sciencesand
Arts and the Institute for Folk Music (Glasbeno-Narodopisniinstitut).

Also ethnographicmuseumsorganizethe collectionand studyof folklore

within the area of their immediateinterest. Of specialimportanceis,
finally, the activity of folklore professors,who are affiliatedwith the
departmentsof ethnology,literature,or Slavic philology at the major

The study of folklorein Yugoslaviahas been primarilyin the hands

of philologists.Of the earlierscholars,Tomo Mareticand PavlePopovic
receivedtheir basic trainingin philology,but were active also as folklorists. It is thereforenot surprisingthat they,in theiracademiclectures
and in research,treated "folk literature"in the frameworkof philology. They had hardlyany contactwith the livingfolkloretradition,but
basedtheirstudy on the Vuk Karadziccollection.This trend,whichhas
continuedat severaluniversitiesto the present,is representedby such
scholarsas Vido Latkovic(who died recently),SvetozarMatic, Nikola
Banasevi6,VojislavJovanovic,and VojislavDjuric.Some of them have
shown strongantagonismtowardfieldwork.
A new trend, characterizedby treatingfolklore as living tradition,
made its appearancein the folklore institutesafter the second World
War. These institutesbegan organizingextensivefield collections.This

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trend was initiated by Matija Murko, a professor of Slovene origin in

Prague, who undertook several successful field trips to Yugoslavia.
It is possible that the collecting expeditions to Yugoslavia organized by
Milman Parry and Albert Lord may have also contributed to it.
The differencein approaches between the scholars working at universities and those centered around institutes has not yet been overcome.
The former still adhere to the bookish lore and to Vuk Karadzic, whereas
the latter base their studies on materials collected on field trips. It is
heartening to note that during recent years university professors have become aware of the fine results of the work done in the institutes and are
becoming more lenient toward the new approaches. Also some younger
professors have been appointed (such as Tvrtko Cubeli6 at Zagreb and
Kiril Penusliski at Skoplje) who are enthusiastic field collectors. All this
may, in the not too distant future, lead to the victory of the modern
Serbo-Croatian folklore was exceptional among smaller nations in
Europe in that it comparatively early attracted the attention of a number
of great poets. It was especially the touching and beautiful ballad "Hasanaginica" that attracted Walter Scott, Goethe, and Puskin. The interest
shown by these famous men of letters toward "Hasanaginica"was studied,
at a large scale, before the second World War (by M. Murko, M. Cur6in
Camille Lucerna, etc.); however, some contributions have been made
even after the war. J. Milovic has given a summary of his own former
studies (written mostly in German) concerning the interest of Goethe
and his contemporaries in Serbo-Croatian folk poetry.4 M. Curcin has
tried to date Goethe's translation of "Hasanaginica" more precisely on
the basis of Goethe's mood at a certain period and of the similarity of
some motifs in Goethe's poetry,5 an endeavor termed as not successful
by a reviewer.6T. Cubelic has a study of the translation of"Hasanaginica"
by Scott, Goethe, and Puskin now in preparation.
The interest in the collection and study of folklore in Yugoslavia has
been traced back to Ossian. Mira Jankovic showed how the influence of the "Songs of Ossian" on Fortis, Herder, and Kopitar reached
Jevto Milovic, "Goethe i srpsko-hrvatska narodna poezija," Filozofski fakultet u
Zadru, 1956/1957 (Zadar, 1958), pp. 67-84.
6 M. (urcin, "Intimna pozadina Geteove prerade
'Hasanaginice'," RJAZU, 304
(1955), 81-104.
6 Milos
Djordjevic in PKJIF, 21 (1955), sv. 3-4, 363-364.

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Serbia and there gave impetus to Vuk Karadzic's collecting activity.7

The main attention of Yugoslav folklorists interested in the history
of their folklore scholarship has naturally been concentrated on Vuk
Karadzic. Vuk (as he is usually called) assumes the role in Yugoslavia
comparable to that of Jacob Grimm in Germany and Elias Lonnrot in
Finland. He was the creator of the Serbian literary language, the initiator
of collecting and an actual collector of folklore, and the compiler of the
most extensive and most valuable folklore collections in Serbia. Interest
in the work of this giant has, instead of abating, shown signs of a steady
growth. In 1957, a society for the study of Vuk and Dositej Obradovic
(the founder of the new Serbian literature) was created at their museums
in Belgrade, and a yearbook for the publication of studies about them
was established. (So far six volumes have been published.8)The year
1964, the centennial of Vuk's death, rocketed the interest in him higher
than it had ever been before.
The most comprehensive work on Vuk published in recent years is a
biography by Miodrag Popovic.9 The work follows the life and work of
Vuk against the broad historical and cultural background of his time.
Written in a style reminiscent of a novel, it gives a trustworthy picture
of Vuk as a human being - of his ceaseless fight against poverty, his family
cares, his relations with friends and enemies, and his superhuman capacity for work. Considering the fact that Vuk was a cripple (he had an
artificial left leg since his youth), the reader of Popovic's work cannot
but have the highest admiration for the extent of Vuk's achievements.
Since Popovic is not a folklore scholar, his discussion of Vuk as a folklorist is less meritorious.
It is impossible to list here articles written on Vuk during the recent
decades. I shall mention, for the sake of example, a few of them. N.
Banasevic discussed the singing tradition in Vuk's family - that of his
uncle Joksim and his father - in an article10 that provoked a sharp
criticism from S. Matic.11The data showing Vuk's interest toward Serbian
7 Mira Jankovic, "Ossiankao poticaj za sakupljanjenarodnihpjesamakod juznih
slavena," ZN2O, 38 (1954), 177-221.
8 Kovcezic.Prilozii gradjao Dositejui Vuku,I - (Belgrade,1958-).
9 MiodragPopovic, VukStef. Karadzic,1787-1864(Belgrade,1964).
10 N. Banalevic, "Vukovrod i pesnickopredanjeo Kosovskimjunacima,"Kovdezi6,
11(1959), 32-41.
11 S. Matic in ZMS, VIII (1960), 234-236.

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songs were gathered and published by B. Marinkovic.'2 Matic dealt with

Vuk's attitude toward the ekavski songs.13An article by Banasevic discussed Vuk's view concerning a number of aspects of the epic song, such
as his application of the term junacke pjesme (heroic epic songs), the
distinction made by Vuk between the good and bad songs, the greater
significance attached by him to the so-called old songs, the various types
of singers, and Vuk's classification of the heroic songs.14 Some articles
have been written defending Vuk against various accusations. Vuk had
been accused, for instance, of publishing folksongs sometimes without
indicating the source from which he had received them. V. Latkovic,
in a study of the problem,15came to the conclusion that "Vuk did not
conceal from anybody from whom he had heard epic songs or from whom
he had received the written texts of them."
One of the most interesting questions involving Vuk is the editorial
changes he made in the texts. Like other collectors of folklore of the first
half of the nineteenth century, including the brothers Grimm, Vuk subjected folksongs and folktales to considerable editorial changes before
publication. Especially his editorial practices have provoked numerous
articles from folklorists. The prevailing trend has justified Vuk's editorial
procedure. Zivomir Mladenovic, in his study on Vuk as the editor of
folksongs,16 ends with the following interesting conclusion: "To the
question: did Vuk have the right to change, to such an extent, the texts
of folksongs which he published, we have to answer that he doubtlessly
had this right, because he carried within himself the highest standard
for the beauty of our folk poetry and that in the name of this standard he
corrected only those verses which had deficiencies. He considered it his
duty to intervene wherever the folksong verses were not complete,
supposing correctly that this incompleteness must have arisen either
from unskillful recording or from bad singing." Miljan Mojasevic

Borivoje Marinkovic, "Prva Vukova interesovanjaza srpske narodne pesme,"

Knjiievnosti jezik, 1958, br. 9, 445-456. This article was publishedafterwardsas an
introduction to a collection of Karadzic'swritings, Vuk Stef. Karadzic, 0 srpskoj
narodnojpoeziji, ed. B. Marinkovic(Belgrade,1964), pp. 7-30.
13 S. Matic, "Vukov odnos prema ekavskim pesmama narodnim,"Nas jezik, IX
(Belgrade,1958-1959),sv. 3-4, 93-101.
14 N.
Banasevic,"Ranijai novijanaukai Vukovi pogledina narodnuepiku,"PKJIF,
30 (1964), sv. 3-4, 171-190.
15 V. Latkovic, "Vukov 'racun od
junackih pesama'," Kovez~ie,11 (1959), 42-60.
11 Zivomir Mladenovic,"Vuk kao redaktornarodnih pesama,"Kovcezi6,
I (1958),

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gives an account of the stylization of Serbian folktales by Vuk.17 He is

more factual and thus less emotional about Vuk's editorial changes than
Mladenovic. It turns out that Vuk's folktale collection of 1853 contained
fifty tales; eleven of them had been listened to by Vuk first and only afterwards had been written down from memory; thirty-nine had been sent
to him by various correspondents of differing degrees of literacy. "Out
of the different styles, Vuk made one, single folktale style, with the intention that this style would be the model of Serbian prose."
Maja Boskovic-Stulli, dealing with the question of the authenticity of
folktale texts,18 is of a stronger critical mind. After having emphasized
that the changes (which sometimes made the texts of tales less traditional)
were necessary for Vuk for various reasons, among others, for providing
a model for the Serbian literary language, she continues: "But we must
not make fetishes of esteem and love; we must not consider his [i.e.,
Vuk's] way of publishing of folktales the best model also for us."
Among the general problems of Yugoslav folklore, the question of the
ethnically mixed areas and border regions is especially fascinating.
Yugoslavia, as a multinational state, has experienced an acute antagonism between different nationalities. M. Boskovic-Stulli gives interesting examples19 of the tendency of Serbian and Croatian scholars to
designate their collections either Serbian or Croatian, respectively, and
to stress the superior role of their particular nationality in folklore
creation. She further reiterates the endeavor of some scholars to publish
Croatian folklore as "Italian." Her personal attitude is that the national
boundaries of folklore are fluid and that folklore should not be used for
any national-political purposes. In another article20devoted to the same
problems, Boskovic-Stulli showed that Jagic laid special emphasis on
the Serbian share in the Serbo-Croatian epic.
Among the individual genres, the study of the heroic epic songs has
received much attention in Yugoslavia, perhaps more than all the other
genres combined.
Miljan Mojasevic, "O Vukovoj stilizaciji srpskih narodnih pripovedaka,"ZEM
(1953), 300-315.
Maja Boskovic-Stulli,"O narodnoj prici i njezinu autenticnomizrazu,"SE, XII
(1959), 102-107.
19 MajaBoskovic-Stulli,"Nekametodoloskapitanjau proucavanjufolkloragranicnih
i etnicki mjesovitih podrucja,"RK, IV (1957), 201-211.
Maja Boskovic-Stulli, "Neka pitanja nase narodne poezije i Vatroslav Jagic,"
Pregled,X (Sarajevo,1958), br. 6, 555-565.

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The Yugoslav epic songs fall clearly into two verse types: (a) the long
verse, the so-called bugarstice verse, having fourteen-eighteen, usually
fifteen-seventeen syllables in a line, and (b) the so-called deseterac, with
ten syllables in a line. The relationship between these two verse types and
their chronology still belong to the disputed questions of Yugoslav
folklore. It has been pointed out that the vocabulary and the syntax
of the epic bugargticediffer from the vocabulary and syntax of the popular
poetry, a fact which has led to the conclusion that bugarstice was used
originally in art poetry. Some scholars (A. Schmaus, M. Gavazzi) maintain that the bugarstice is older than the deseterac verse, whereas others
(e.g., T. Cubelic) represent the opposite view.
Gavazzi found a tale and a song in the Gradisce area (east of Austria),
inhabited by the Christians who emigrated there in the sixteenth century
from the southwestern portion of Croatia. Since both the tale and the
song appear as bugarsticesongs in southern Croatia, Gavazzi concludes21
that the bugarsticemust have been in use in Croatia before the departure
of the Croatians to Gradisce. Schmaus applied the analysis of style (the
double epithet) in his study on bugarstice,22and, likewise, concluded
that the bugarstice is older than the deseterac. Cubelic maintains that
bugarstice songs constitute in their form, language, and way of expression a special group, which is different from all other folksong groups.
Since bugarsticesongs appear in a restricted area and in a definite period
of time (sixteenth-eighteenth centuries) and since their language is close
to the old written language, Cubelic concludes that "literarily educated
people directly participated in the creation of bugarstice."23
One of the most important general works on the Yugoslav epic is
Matija Murko's Tragom srpsko-hrvatske narodne epike (In the Footsteps of the Serbo-Croatian Epic).24 This work is a report of Murko's
field trips in Yugoslavia from 1930 to 1932, supplemented with factual
material drawn from literature. It gives a broad picture of the state of the
Yugoslav epic, from the "biological" point of view, between the two
World Wars. The author concentrates especially on the singers, but dis21

Milovan Gavazzi, "Dva motiva iz narodne poezije gradiscanskihhrvata,"ZRFF,

I (1951), 203-220.

Alois Schmaus, "Stilanalyse und Chronologie(Bugarsticaund Zehnsilberepik),"

RK, VI (1959), 111-116.
Tvrtko Cubelic, Lirske narodne pjesme. Antologija, 4th ed. (Zagreb, 1963), 31.
Matija Murko, Tragom srpsko-hrvatske narodne epike, I-II (= JAZU, Djela, 42)
(Zagreb, 1951).

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cusses also other aspects of the epic in considerable detail. Whereas

Murko's work was hailed in some quarters enthusiastically, there were
others (e.g., N. Banasevic), who subjected it to severe criticism, evidently
because of their different attitudes toward field work.25
Since the Serbo-Croatian heroic epic is centered around historical
events and historical personages, the question of the relationship between
history and the epic has been always acute. For Tomo Maretic, a linguist
and folklorist at the beginning of this century, the value of an epic song
depended upon its faithfulness to the historical event depicted. The
present Yugoslav scholars have been interested primarily in establishing
only the historical prototypes of the epic heroes; but some of them
have gone further to study the changes in the attitude toward the historical events and heroes and in faithfulness to the historical truth.
The late Stjepan Banovic studied extensively the historical background
of different events and persons depicted in folksongs.26 He proved the
historical identity of many popular heroes of the Yugoslav epic, including
some heroes of the Moslem songs. Risto Kovijanic attempted to identify
the famous blacksmith Novak in Serbian epic songs with a historical
person,27 but his arguments are not sufficiently conclusive. More interesting is a study by Vido Latkovic on folksongs as the mirror of the past.28
Latkovic views the historical songs in the perspective of time. The songs
recorded right after their creation have a much more faithful description
of an event than those recorded later. On the other hand, the artistic
value of the song increases, according to Latkovic, with the lengthening
of time between its creation and recording.
Salko Nazeic6 published a book-length study of the hajduks' fights
in the neighborhood of Dubrovnik and of the folksongs about them.29
The greater part of the work is devoted to the description of the historical
events. Nazecic finds that the majority of the epic songs about hajduks
were historical and were created immediately after the event. He, like
Latkovic, observes the process of de-historization as time goes on.
Nazeic6 emphasizes especially the trend toward the idealization of hajduks
in the songs in later times. This, he says, was in concord with the change of

See M. Bogkovicovd-Stulli, "Studium lidove slovesnosti ...," p. 82.

See V. Zganec, "Stjepan Banovic," NSF, 1963, sv. 7, 315-316.
Risto Kovijanic, "Novak kovac," NSF, 1962, sv. 2, 81-90.

Vido Latkovic, "Narodne pjesme kao ogledalo nageproslosti,"S?, I (1946), br.

4-5, 277-285.
Salko Nazecic, Iz nage narodneepike (Sarajevo, 1959).

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the people's attitude toward the hajduks:the people forgot their brigandage
and began idealizing them as freedom fighters against the Turks.
Concerning the question of the origin of the Yugoslav heroic epic, the
Soviet Russian theories have been transplanted to Yugoslavia. A significant role in this transfer was played by Nikolaj Kravcov, an expert on
Yugoslav folklore in the Soviet Union. In 1933, Kravcov outlined his
theory of the origin of the Yugoslav epic in the military aristocracy.30
This was in line with the theory of the origin of the heroic epic prevailing
in the Soviet Union at that time. However, after this theory was declared
erroneous in the Soviet Union in 1936 and was replaced by the theory
of the popular origin of the epic, Kravcov returned to the problem of the
Yugoslav epic. In an article published in Russia,31Kravcov emphasized
the historical character of the Serbian epic. He did not mention his former theory, but his repeated references to the people32 and his silence
about the military aristocracy showed clearly that he had abandoned
his former theory and was following the official Soviet viewpoint.
Vojislav Djuric took up Kravcov's former theory of the aristocracy
as the creator of the epic in 1949 and again in 1950 and subjected it to
a detailed and crushing criticism,33although Kravcov himself had evidently discarded it. The same criticism was reprinted, with hardly any
changes, by Djuric in his anthology of popular heroic songs four years
later.34 While criticizing Kravcov, Djuric went to another extreme,
"looking for and proclaiming the democratic and high moral qualities
of folksongs practically everywhere, even there where they have not so
much been expressed, overlooking a whole series of other important
peculiarities of folk poetry."35
The theory of the popular origin of the Serbo-Croatian epic has been
generally accepted by Yugoslav folklorists. Kravcov reiterated his new

N. Kravcov,ed., Serbskijepos (n.p., 1933), pp. 15 ff.

N. I. Kravcov, "Serbskijepos i istorija," Sovetskajaetnografija,1948, No. 3,
Cf. Kravcov'sstatement:"The Serbianepic ... is historicalin its recreationof the
basic aspects of the people's life and of these aspirationsand ideals with which the
people have lived" (p. 100). See also pp. 92 and 98.
33 VojislavDjuri6,"Neka pitanjatumacenjanarodneepike,"SS, IV (1949), br. 8-10,
60-92; "Narodna knjizevnost,"Predavanjasa kursa za nastavnikesrpskogjezika i
knjizevnosti(Belgrade,1950), pp. 101 ff.
VojislavDjuri6, Antologijanarodnihjunackihpesama (Belgrade, 1954), pp. xvii81

35 Maja Bogkovicov,-Stulli, "Studium lidove slovesnosti ...," p. 37.

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ideas in an article publishedin Yugoslaviarecently,36in a clear and

emphatic way: "The Serbo-Croatianepic is traditional,for it was
createdby the people; in it are expressedthe popularviews and ideals,
becausein it are represented,from the popularpoint of view, theevents
of people'shistoryand the popularheroes,and becauseit embodiesthe
popularideas of peace, patriotism,and humanism."
Thequestionof the connectionsbetweentheYugoslavandthe Homeric
epics has continuedto fascinateboth the classicalphilologistsand folklorists. Among the former ones, Milos Djuric has acquireda special
reputationin this field. In an articlethat summarizesthe resultsof his
Djuriclists some twentyfeaturescommonto both the Yugoslav and the Homericepics. Some of thesefeatures(e.g., the use of ornamental epithets, formulas, numbersthree, four, seven, nine and the
formulaicdescriptionof the arrivalof the morning)are of the kind that
cannotbe usedfor provingany "connections"(veze) betweentheseepics,
despiteDjuric'seffortsto do so. N. M. SimicconnectsechoesfromGreek
mythologywith a motif in the Yugoslavepic (the competitionbetween
a mortaland a supernatural).38
But even more surprisingthan the referencesto these farfetchedsimilaritiesare Simic'sargumentsabout the
superiorityof the Yugoslavepic to the Homericepic.39
The best contributionsto the theme underdiscussionwere made by
StjepanBanovicand AlbertLord.40
BanoviB showed,with carefulconsideration,that all the basic motifs in the song "How PrimoracIlija
Shoots the Suitors of His Wife"occur in Odysseus'disposal of Penelope's suitors. Lord, on the other hand, found reminiscencesof garac
Mehmedagha'sgoing from one place to anotherin the stages of Telemachus'journey to Pylos and then to Sparta.Lord assumedthat this
traditionmay havebeen continuousin the BalkanssinceHomerictimes.
Nikolaj Kravcov, "Juznoslovenski,srpsko-hrvatskii srpski epos," NSF, 1962,
sv. 3-4, 179-185,esp. 179.
37 Milos N. Djuri6, "Veze Homerove poezije s nasom narodnom i umetnickom
poezijom," GSAN, I (1949), sv. 3, 508-511. The expanded version of the same in
ZRSAN, X=ZRIPK, I (1951), 165-216.
38 N. M. Simic, "Antickeparalele: Narodne pesme KraljevicMarko i Vila," 2iva
antika, V (Skoplje, 1955), sv. 1, 68-72.
39 "Although in both examples ... the poetic and the ethic concept of our [i.e.,
Yugoslav]song surpassesby far that bloodlessfragmentof the Homericsong" (p. 69).
Another similarpassageon p. 72.
StjepanBanovic, "Motivi iz Odiseje u hrvatskojnarodnoj pjesmi iz Makarskog
Primorja,"ZNZO, 35 (1951), 139-244;A. Lord, "HomericEchoes in Bihac,"ZNZO,
40 (1962), 313-320.

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The study of the structure of the Yugoslav epic has been pursued successfully by the Austrian scholar Alois Schmaus. In his book, Studije
o krajinskoj epici (Studies on the Krajina Epic),4' Schmaus studied in
great detail the special tendencies appearing in the development of the
epic in Krajina (northwestern Bosnia). The epic of the Moslem population in Krajina differs from the epic of the remainder of Yugoslavia in
that it shows traits, although just at the initial stage, characteristic of
long epics, such as Nibelungenliedor Kalevala. Schmaus showed, utilizing
the methodology worked out by A. Heusler, H. Schneider, etc., that the
Krajina epic is characterized by the broadening of the epic songs crosswise, rather than lengthwise, that is, building up the cross-section of a
song rather than stringing the songs mechanically one after another.
The action in the Krajina epic is developing toward double-strandedness:
it takes place, for example, in the hero's and the enemy's camps. Characteristic is also the so-called center (sredina, Schauszene): a person, having
occupied a central position, gives account of everything that is going
on in range of his vision.
In a small structuralstudy,42Schmaus gives examples of the functioning
of the principle of dominance in Yugoslav folklore. He shows how in
the area where the epic dominates (central areas of Yugoslavia), the
ballads and lyric songs acquire typically epic traits; whereas in the area
where the epic-lyric dominates (peripheral areas of Yugoslavia), the epic
loses much of its narrative character.
The structural approach has been applied also by some Yugoslav
scholars, notably by Maja Boskovic-Stulli and Tvrtko Cubelic.43Stulli
seeks to answer the question: what happens to a fairy tale when it is
recast into an epic song? She finds that, in addition to numerous external
changes, there are basic changes affecting the structure. Whereas in
tales the hero is in search of adventures, the corresponding epic songs
stress the hero's exploits as the manifestation of his physical power and
prowess. Cubelic, discussing the Yugoslav epic folksongs as a whole,
emphasizes that there exists a natural and a literary uniformity in the
Yugoslav folksongs as a definite literary form and a definite method of
the oral expression; and that there exists a uniform problem in the sense
41 A. Schmaus, Studije o krajinskoj epici (RJAZU, 297) (Zagreb, 1953).

Alois Schmaus,"Gattungund Stil in der Volksdichtung,"RK, IV (1957), 169-173.
43 Maja Boskovic-Stulli,"Sizeinarodnihbajki u hrvatosrpskimepskim pjesmama,"

NU, I (1962), 15-36.

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of definitetradition,definitestyle, definiteskill, and a definiteartistic

The originof the epic songs and the trendsin the epic traditionhave
been the subjectof a few studies. VeselinIajkanovic'spaper "On the
Origin and Development of the Popular Epic Poetry"45contains a
numberof highlyhypothetical,questionablestatements.Cajkanovicadhered to the ideas of the mythologicalschool as late as the 1950's,
maintainingthat "PrinceMarko replacedour ancient national god."
TrifunDjukic illustratedthe processof the creationof new songs and
their disseminationamong the people.46Milenko S. Filipovic showed,
with two examples,how two personscooperatedin the creationof epic
songs; in both cases the songs spreadand becamepopular.47Svetozar
Radojcictook up the questionof the relationshipbetweenfigurativeart
and folksongs.48He went as far as to use churchart for dating the
creation of individualsongs. As a reviewerrightlypointed out,49the
old frescoesand miniaturesmay haveinspiredsome detailsin folksongs,
but hardlythe whole songs. PetarS. Vlahovicdiscussedthe replacement
of the epic songs in Vrsac, one of the culturalcentersin Vojvodina,by
the new songsand the revivalof the old epic traditionby the immigrants
from the epic areas,especiallyafterthe secondWorldWar.50
Among the cycles of the epic songs, the Kosovo cycle has attracted
muchattentionin recentyears.This cyclehad beenconsideredthe oldest
in the Yugoslavheroicepic. But SvetozarMatic, one of the keenestand
most versatilefolkloristsof Yugoslavia,advancedthe idea that it was,
in reality,of a verylate origin.51Accordingto Matic, the Kosovo songs
44 T. Cubelic, "Svijeti oblikovni (struktumi)
principisrpskohrvatskeepske narodne
pjesme,"SE, XIX (1961), 135-148,esp. 139-140.
45 Veselin Cajkanovic,"O postankui razvojusrpskenarodneepske poezije."ZMS,
VI-VII (1958-59),81-96.
46 Trifun
Djukic, "O postankyepske pesmeu vezi sa dogadjajima,"RK, VIII (1961),
47 Milenko S. Filipovic, "Koautorstvo u narodnoj pesmi," NSF, 1962, sv. 3-4,
SvetozarRadojcic, "O nekim zajednickimmotivima nase narodne pesme i naseg
starog slikarstva,"ZRSAN, 36 = Vizantoloskiinstitut,II (1953), 159-178;r6sumein
GSAN, II (1950), sv. 2, 349-350.
49 V. L [atkovic]in PKJIF, XX (1954), br. 3-4, 363-364.
50 Petar ?. Vlahovi6, "Epske pesme i njihovi nosioci u Vrscu," GEMC, I (1961),
51 S. Mati6, "PorekloKosovskih pesama kratkogastiha,"ZMS, I (1953), 7-25. This
and a number of other studies were publishedsubsequentlyin S. Matic's collection,
Nas narodniep i nas stih (Novi Sad, 1964).

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were created in the Srem monastery under the influence of the Serbian
liberation movement at the end of the eighteenth and the beginning of
the nineteenth centuries. Mati6's theory was based on the fact that all
the Kosovo songs, except one, were recorded by Vuk in Srem, and that
neither Vuk nor his correspondents had found them elsewhere. The
appearance of the Kosovo songs in various places later was attributed
by Matic to the influence of the folksong collections of Vuk and others.
Matic's theory was met with sharp criticism which was rather well
substantiated on the part of N. Banasevic, V. Latkovic, N. Ljubinkovic,
and others. But the problem of the origin of the Kosovo songs has not
yet been solved. "The fact that the songs of this cycle differ essentially
in their contents, style, the limited number of variants, etc., from other
Serbo-Croatian epic songs remains an open and very significant problem
facing the scholarship in the future as well."52
A number of studies have been published on individual epic songs or
groups of them. Especially important are the studies of the late Ivan Grafenauer, a Slovene scholar. Grafenauer'sfield of specialization was legends
and legendary songs, especially those centered around King Matjaz.53
He applied the cultural-historical method and endeavored to discern
the ancient social and cultural substrata.
M. Boskovic-Stulli, in her study of the song of the old Vujadin,54
showed how different milieu and different periods of time can reshape
the song tradition. In another study,55 she connected the figure of the
strong herdsman, who had the courage to stand up even to the king,
with the peculiar social-political conditions prevailing in the Dinarian
area for centuries.
Matija Lopac studied folksongs of the type of "Dusan's Marriage,"56
which centered around the difficult tasks the hero had to overcome in
order to obtain the bride. The author's attempt to find the explanation
for the difficult tasks in marriagecustoms is not convincing. N. Banasevic
discussed some knotty questions in a blind woman's version of the
"Maiden of Kosovo."57 Radoslav Medenica presented a summary,

Maja Boskovicova-Stulli, "Studium lidov6 slovesnosti ...," p. 37.

53 Ivan Grafenauer,"Slovenskeljudskepesmi o kraljuMatjazu,"SE, III-IV (1951),

Maja Bogkovic-Stulli,"Pjesmao starom Vujadinu,"SE, XIII (1960), 65-77.
5 Maja Boskovic-Stulli,"Pjesmao silnom cobaninu,"RK, IX (1963), 231-238.
MatijaLopac, "Narodnepjesmetipa Vukovepjesme'ZenidbaDuganova'u svijetlu
etnologije,"EP, II (1960), 85-152.

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without examples, of his extensive study of "Banovic Strahinja,"58concentrating on the relationship between the variants. Tihomir Djordjevic
wrote a series of notes on Yugoslav folk poetry,59including the legends
about Prince Marko's promise to return and to liberate and unite the
Serbian people, and his retreat to a cave after the appearance of firearms. Anna Savic Rebac found elements of dualism in a legendary
song and traced them back to Bogomilism.60 Mira Sertic compared a
song sung by different singers after the lapse of some time and made
pertinent observations about the variants.61
The following studies of detailed problems deserve mention: N.
Banasevic's discussion of the names of vilas (Mandalina, Andjelija, Katarina, etc.) in folksongs; S. Matic's article on the verbal duel in folksongs;
and the same scholar's discussion of the verses of songs quoted by Vuk
in his Rjecnik (Dictionary) to illustrate the use of Serbian words.62 The
last mentioned study shows that the Rjecnik is an important source for
songs of which there are no other records.
Lyric songs, ballads, and romances are amply representedin Yugoslav
folklore, but have failed to arouse keen interest on the part of SerboCroatian folklorists. The most significant studies are written by Slovene
scholars, especially by Ivan Grafenauer and Zmaga Kumer. Grafenauer's
monographs on "The Beautiful Vida" and "The Penitent Sinner"63give
57 N. Banasevic,"Kosovska djevojkai neka Vukova tumacenja,"PKJIF, 26 (1960),

sv. 1-2, 39-46.

58 Rad. Medenica, "BanovicStrahinjau krugu varijanata,"RK, V (1958), 163-177.
Medenica'sextensivestudy has meanwhileappearedunder the title BanovicStrahinja
u kruguvarijanatai temao nevernizene u narodnojepici (SAN, Posebnaizdanja,381 =
Odeljenjeliteratureijezika, XIV) (Belgrade,1965).
59 TihomirR. Djordjevi6,"Beleskeo nasojnarodnojpoeziji,"ZRSAN, XIV = ZREI,
11(1951), 167-199.
60 Anica Savic Rebac, "O narodnojpesmi 'Car Duklijan i krstiteljJovan',"ZRSAN
X = ZRIPK, I (1951), 253-273.
Mira Sertic, "Problemiusmene predaje u narodnoj pjesmi," Filologija(Zagreb,
1962), br. 3, 141-158.An importantstudy on the form and function of the popular
ballad has appeared,afterthe completionof this survey,by the same author:"Formai
funkcijanarodne balade,"RJAZU, 338 (1965), 307-373.
Nikola Banasevic, "O imenima vila u narodnim pesmama,"ZRSAN, XVII =
ZRIPK, II (1952), 143-152; S. Matic, "Borbarecima u narodnoj pesmi," ZMS, III
(1955), 55-65; and "Narodna pesma u Vukovom 'Rjecniku',"ZMS, VIII (1960),
Ivan Grafenauer,Lepa Vida.Studijao izvoru,razvojuin razkrojunarodnebalade
o Lepi Vidi (= Akademijaznanosti in umetnostiv Ljubljani,Filozofsko-filoloskohistoricnirazred,Dela, IV) (Ljubljana,1953);and Spokorjenigresnik.Studijao izvoru,
ljudskepjesmi;to which has been
razvojuin razkrojuslovensko-hrvafko-vzhodno-alpske

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a detailed analysis of their origin and development against the broad

cultural-historical background. Kumer analyzes both the text and the
music of "The Ballad of the Bride-Infanticide,"64a Slovene ballad on an
international theme.
Of Serbo-Croatian studies, the articles by T. Cubelic and M. BoskovicStulli on the genre peculiarities of ballads deserve mention.65 Several
brief ballad studies are Jaksa Ravlic's discussion of the Croatian folksong
"A Girl Was Sitting at the Sea" and Petar ?. Vlahovic's treatment of
the "Death of Omer and Merime."66Ravlic deals with the translation of
the song into Italian and the area of its origin. Vlahovic assumes that
songs of the type of "Omer and Merime," which tell of two unhappy
lovers and which have appeared in different countries, have no genetic
relationship, but have originated from similar historical and economical
circumstances. This conclusion leaves us, however, sceptical.
The strong historic bent noticeable in the study of epic songs makes
itself felt also in the study of lyric songs; Alija Bejtic has found in twenty
Serbo-Croatian lyric songs reflections of real persons and their adventures.67Olinko Delorko's brief note on the greater significance of motifs
over names is not without theoretical interest.68
Songs about the War of Liberation, partisan songs, and workers'
folklore belong to the newest creation of Yugoslav folklore that originated during and after the second World War. Their collection and study
have been in full swing during the last decades. While the partisan
songs belong to genuine folklore, the workers' songs only occasionally
make use of the stylistic features of traditional folklore.
added: Zmaga Kumer, Slovenski napevi legendarnepesmi "Spokorjenigresnik,"
(SAZU, Razredza filoloske in literarnevede, Dela, XIX (Ljubljana,1965). The last

work is a thoroughlyrevisedversionof Grafenauer's

study, "Legendarna
'Spokorjenigresnik'," SAZU, Razred za zgodovinoin drugtvenevede, Razprave,I
(1950), 1-52.
Zmaga Kumer, Balada o nevesti detomorilki(=- SAZU, Razred za filoloske in
literarne vede, Dela, XVII (Ljubljana, 1963).
65 T. Cubelic, "Balada u narodnoj knijzevnosti," RK, V (1958), 83 ff.; M. Boskovic-

Stulli, "Neka suvremenamisljenjao baladi, "RK, VIII (1960), 105-108.

66 Jaksa Ravlic, "O hrvatskojnarodnojpjesmi'Sidilamoma krajmora',"ZN20, 38
(1954), 233-259; Petar ?. Vlahovic, "Nekoliko motiva slicnih narodnoj pesmi 'Smrt
Omerai Merime',"GEI, IV-VI (1955-57),249-260.
Alija Bejti6, "Prilozi proucavanjunasih narodnih pjesama," BIPF, II (1953),
387-405;III (1955), 104-124.
68 Olinko Delorko, "O nesigurnupolo2ajuimena i prezimenau hrvatskimi srpskim
narodnimbaladamai romancama,"RK, V (1958), 147-150.

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The study of revolutionaryand workers'folklore has been carried

on primarilyby Dusan Nedeljkovicand, to a lesserextent,by M. Boskovic-Stulli,MiljanMojasevi6,and others.69The most recentanthology
of songs and anecdoteson the revolutionand reconstructionwork is
by T. Cubelic.70
Since Yugoslavia has aboundedin eminent "singersof tales," the
greatestof whomsangfor Vuk,it is naturalto expectthat someattention
be given to their creativepersonality.Among the recentworks dealing
with the personalityof the singers,that by M. Panic-Surepon the blind
poet Filip Visnjic - the Serbian Homer - is especially noteworthy.71The

work includesa penetratingpicture of Visnjicas a human being and

folk poet and discusses the peculiaritiesof his songs. The author, a
poet himself,followscloselythe stormyeventsof the firstSerbianrevolution that serve as the backgroundfor the wanderingsand the poetic
creativityof Visnjic.This is the more importantsince Visnjicwas first
of all the poet of the revolution;his songs have even been used by
historiansto clarifysome disputedproblems(suchas the chronology)of
this uprising.
A numberof singerswho sang for Vuk have been studiedby Vladan
Nedic. In additionto an article on Filip Visnjic,Nedic has published
surveysof the eventfullife of the hajduk-singer
favoritesinger,and of the tragiclife of the blindwoman-guslar,Zivana,
whose most frequentthemewas familylove.72"Singingincessantlyof it,
Zivana was looking, at least in verse, for a substitutionfor her tragic
lonelinessas a blind wanderingbeggar."Some disputedproblemsconcerningVuk's less significantsinger,Rasko, were raisedby S. Matic,73
whose argumentsgave rise to polemics.74
The ancientsingersof Serbo-Croatian
epic songs up to the end of the
Dugan Nedeljkovic, "Prilog proucavanjuzakonitosti razvitka naseg narodnog
pevanja u periodu narodne revolucije, Oslobodilackograta i izgradnjesocijalizma
Jugoslavije,"ZRSAN, 68 = Etnografskiinstitut,III (1960), 39-167; Maja BoskovicStulli, "Narodnapoezija nase Oslobodilackeborbe kao problemsavremenogfolklornog stvaralagtva,"ZRSAN, 68 = Etnografskiinstitut,III (1960), 393-424.
T. Cubelic, Ustanaki revolucijau rijeci narodnogpjesnika(Zagreb, 1966).
M. Panic-Surep,Filip Visnjicpesnik bune (= Vremenai Ijudi,XIII) (Belgrade,
Vladan Nedi6, Filip Visnjic(Belgrade, 1961); "Tesan Podrugovic,"Koviezic, III
(1960), 5-17; "SlepaZivana,pevac Vuka Karadzica,"PKJIF, 29 (1963), sv. 1-2, 59-71.
73 SvetozarMatic, "Vukovpevac Rasko," ZMS, II (1954), 58-66.
74 V. Latkovic in PKJIF, 22 (1956), sv. 3-4, 310-315.

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eighteenth century were dealt with by V. Latkovic in a study based on

rich source material.75 Some general observations about the singers
(for instance, concerning the women versus men, the failure of the
singers' memory) were made by 0. Delorko76 on the basis of the personal
impressions gained during his field work in Croatia. Another study by
Delorko77 compared the songs of an eighty-four year-old singer with
those recorded from her when she was seventeen years of age. Four
generations of tellers, singers, and guslars were examined and compared
by Djenana Buturovic;78 her conclusion was that the second oldest group,
those of about sixty years of age, were the best singers and guslars.
The versification, language, and style of Yugoslav folksongs have
been the subject of only a few studies. Kiril Taranovski studied SerboCroatian versification in some detail,79 and Stipe Banovic discussed a
type of rhyme.80Tvrtko Cubelic analyzed the style of ballads. S. Matic
devoted two articles to the repetition of prepositions in Yugoslav folksongs and grave markers (stecci).81 Matic interprets this repetition as a
metrical feature, even in old documents - a conclusion that cannot be
The prose genres in Yugoslavia have received much less attention than
poetry. In the study of folktales and legends, the works by Ivan Grafenauer, Milko Maticetov, and M. Boskovic-Stulli are most significant.
Grafenauer, in his analysis of several legends about King Matjaz,82
traces them partly to the western, partly to the eastern tradition. Maticetov's study of the burned and reborn man83 connects extremely few

V. Latkovic, "O pevacima srpskohrvatskihnarodnih epskih pesama do kraja

XVIII veka,"PKJIF, XX (1954), sv. 3-4, 184-202.
Olinko Delorko, "Neka opa2anja o kazivacimanarodnih pjesama u pojedinim
podrucjimaHrvatske,"RK, IV (1957), 187-194.
77 Olinko
Delorko, "MatijagSeelja,kazivacicanarodne poezije na Dugom otoku,"
ZNZO, 38 (1954), 223-232.
Djenana Buturovic,"Epskanarodna tradicijaTrebinjskesume," RK, IX (1962).
79 Kiril Taranovski,"Principisrpskohrvatskeversifikacije,"PKJIF, XX (1954), sv.

1-2, 14-27.
Stipe Banovid,"Tri priloga za prou6avanjehrvatskenarodne i umjetnepoezije,"


RJAZU, 290 - Odjel za filologiju, III (1952), 197-230.

81 Svetozar Mati6, "Tragovistiha na ste6cima,"ZMS, IV-V (1956-1957),80-93; XI

(1963), 5-16.
Ivan Grafenauer, Slovenske pripovedke o kralju Matjazu (= SAZU, Razred za
filoloske in literaturne vede, Dela, IV) (Ljubljana, 1951).
Milko Maticetov, Sezgani in prerojeni clovek (== SAZU, Razred za filologke in
literarne vede, Dela, XV) (Ljubljana, 1961).

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and fragmentarydata from a wide geographicalarea and from greatly

differentperiodsinto a coherentwhole. Boskovic-Stulli'scomprehensive
studyof the tale about King Midaswith the animal-likeheadis in press.
A brief summary84
made public shows that this tale existed before the
Romansand beforethe introductionof Christianityand that the names
of Diocletian,Trajan,and Irud (Herod)were includedlater.
There are a few brief studiesof legendsconcerninghistoricalfigures
that resemblethe legendsof King Matjaz.These are LjubicaKlancic's
note about Ivan Crnojevic'spromiseto come back to help liberatehis
native area and Radmila Fabijanic'sarticle on the legends about the
M. S. Filipovic's
sufferingsof the evil EmperorDukljanin(Diocletian).85
note on the tale about the killing of old personsdiscussesvariationsof
this tale by the same teller.86
VlajkoPalavestrahas been engagedfor some time in the study of the
legendsand tales of Hercegovinaas a partof the over-allresearchproject
of the Zemaljskimuzej. In a study87he soughtto investigatethe ethnic
past, the economy, and the cultureof Livanjskopolje with particular
regardto its ethnic evolution. For this purposehe examinedthe relation betweenthe tales of Livanjskopolje and the tales of the areas
from which its population descended.In another study,88Palavestra
gaveexamplesof the richnessof the folk proseof Hercegovina,especially
for legendsand shortjoking stories.
The study of the popular drama has been carried on by Nikola
Bonifacic-Rozin,Tvrtko Cubelic, and, in Slovenia, by Niko Kuret.
Bonifacic-Ro2in'sarticlesare on such topics as the scenic elementsin
the springfestivals,"lookingfor the bird"in the weddingcustoms,and
the colendacustoms. Cubelic has studied the structureand elements
of folk drama. Kuret, an expert on masks, has a few studies also on
Slovene folk dramas.89
M. Boskovic-Stulli,"Napomene uz narodnu pricu o kralju sa zivotinjskimobiljezjem glave," RK, I-II (1958), 105-106.
LjubicaKlancic, "Legendao Ivanu Cmojevicu,"GEMC,II (1962), 293-296;
Radmila Fabijanic, "Car Dukljanin u narodnim predanjima,"GEMC, IV (1964),
Milenko S. Filipovic, "Prilogproucavanjuzivota narodnihprice,"GEI, I (1952),
87 Vlajko Palavestra, "Komparativnoistrazivanjenarodnih pripovjedakakao pomo6no sredstvoza proucavanjeetnickihodnosa," RK, VI (1959), 117-121.
88 VlajkoPalavestra,"Narodnepripovijetkei predanjeu Hercegovini,"RK,IX (1962),

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The so-called "littlegenres"do not enjoy much prestigein Yugoslavia; 90

this is reflectedin the scarcity of studies on them. Most recent is T. Cubeli6's anthology of proverbs and riddles9l with an introduction on their
classification and stylistics. T. R. Djordjevic explained the origin and
meaning of twenty-five Yugoslav proverbs, and M. S. Lalevic discussed
the evolution and changes of meaning in proverbs.92
There exist three general surveys on Serbo-Croatian folklore, all of
them entitled Narodna knjizevnost(Folk Literature), by Vojislav Djuric,
Vido Latkovic, and Tvrtko Cubelic.93 They are intended for students
and are therefore elementary. Djuric's survey deals primarily with the
epic and less extensively with the lyric, whereas other genres (tales,
proverbs, and riddles) are discussed very briefly. Djuric endeavors to
treat folklore from the Marxist point of view and gives citations from
Marx, Lenin, and Gorkij. Latkovic, in his booklet, defines oral literature, as opposed to written literature, and mentions the genres of
folk literature only briefly.Cubelic's survey includes, among other things,
the origin, the thematic and ideological basis, the dissemination, and
the significance of folklore.
During the recent decades, a few important collections of folklore
have been published which contain either entirely or preponderantlynew
materials. In this group belong, for instance, the collections by Milosevic,
Parry and Lord, Vasiljevic, and Zganec,94the series Narodno stvaralastvo

Nikola Bonifacic-Rozin, "Scenski elementi u proljetnimophodnim obicajima,"

RK, IX (1962), 323-331; "Svadebnaigra 'Trazenjeptice' kod Valvasorai danas,"
NSF, 1962, sv. 1, 27-31; "Kalendarskiophodi i cestitanja,"Pucki kalendar(Zagreb,
1965), 119-127; Tvrtko Cubelic, "Narodno dramsko stvaralastvo," Sveueiliste u
Zagrebu, Filozofski fakultet, Radovi zavoda za slavensku filologiju, VI (1964), 85-107;

Niko Kuret, "Ljubljanskaigra o paradizuin njen evropskiokvir," SAZU, Razprave,

IV (1958), 203-253; Ziljsko stehvanje in njegov evropski okvir (= SAZU, Razred za
filoloski in literarne vede, Dela, XVI) (Ljubljana, 1963).
90 Cf. V. Djuric's statement: "The riddles are less important."("Narodnaknjizevnost," p. 134; see note 33.)

91 Tvrtko Cubelic, Narodne poslovice i zagonetke (Zagreb, 1957).

Tihomir R. Djordjevic,"Iz nasih narodnih poslovica," ZRSAN, IV = ZREI, I

(1950), 77-96; M. S. Lalevic, "O razvojui promenamaznacenjaposlovica," GEMB,
XVIII (1955), 207-214.
93 Vojislav Djuric, "Narodna knijzevnost"(see note 33); Vido Latkovic, Narodna
knjizevnost(Belgrade, 1957); Tvrtko Cubelic, "Narodna knjizevnost,"in Z. Skreb
and F. Petre, Uvodu knjizevnost(Zagreb,1961),67-108.
94 Vlado Milogevi6,Bosanskenarodnepjesme,I-IV (BanjaLuka, 1954-1964);Milman

Parry and Albert B. Lord, Srpskohrvatske junacke pjesme, II: Novi Pazar, Srpsko-

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Istre,95and some volumes of the series Pet stoljeca hrvatskeknjizevnosti.96

It should be mentionedfinallythat thereare a numberof periodicals

on folkloreand ethnologyin Yugoslavia,97considerablymore than one
would expect from a country with the population of about twenty
The precedingbrief surveyhas shown that the study of folklore has
been pursued vigorously in Yugoslavia. Yugoslav folklorists have
achievedsignificantresultsin the study of epic songs, tales, and legends.
Young,well-trainedfolkloristsare enteringthe fieldto fill the gap caused
hrvatskitekstovi(Belgradeand Cambridge,1953) (Vol. I, publishedin 1954, contains
the English translations); Miodrag A. Vasiljevic, Narodne melodije iz Sandzaka
(= SAN, Posebna izdanja,205; Muzikoloskiinstitut, V) (Belgrade, 1953); Narodne
melodijeLeskovackogkraja (= SAN, Posebnaizdanja,330; Muzikoloskiinstitut,XI)
(Belgrade, 1960); Narodne melodije Crne Gore (= Muzikoloski institut, Posebna
izdanja, XII) (Belgrade, 1965); Vinko 2ganec, Hrvatske narodnepjesme kajkavske
(Matica Hrvatska, 1950); Narodne popijevke hrvatskogZagorja, [Vol. I:] Napjevi;
[Vol. II:] Tekstovi (= Zbornikjugoslavenskihnarodnihpopjevaka,IV-V) (Zagreb,
1950-1952);Hrvatskenarodnepopijevkeiz Koprivnicei okoline(=Zbornik jugoslavenskih narodnihpopjevaka,VII) (Zagreb,1962).
95 NarodnostvaralastvoIstre(Zagreb,Institutza narodnuumjetnost),Vol. I: MajaBoskovic-Stulli,Istarskenarodneprice (1959); Vol. II: Olinko Delorko, Istarskenarodne
pjesme (1960); Vol. II: Ivan Ivancan, Istarskinarodniplesovi (1963).
96 Pet stoljeca hrvatskeknjizevnosti(Zagreb, Matica hrvatska), II kolo, Vol. 23:
Olinko Delorko, Narodnelirskepjesme(1963);Vol. 26: MajaBoskovic-Stulli.Narodne
pripovijetke(1963); Vol. 27: Nikola Bonifacic Rozin, Narodne drame, poslovice i
zagonetke(1963); III kolo, Vol. 24: Olinko Delorko, Narodneepskepjesme,I (1964);
Vol. 25: Maja Boskovic-Stulli,Narodneepskepjesme, II (1964).
97 The more
importantYugoslav periodicalsin folklore are:
BiltenInstitutaza proucavanjefolklora u Sarajevu(Sarajevo,1951-1955).
Glasnik Zemaljskog muzeja u Sarajevu.Nova serija (Sarajevo, Zemaljski muzej,
1946-). The title of this publication has varied; the first fascicle (1946) was published under the title Glasnikdrzavnogmuzeja u Sarajevu.A sub-series containing
articles on folklore was first called (1954-1957) "Istorijai etnografija,"afterwards
(since 1958) "Etnologija."
Narodnaumjetnost(Zagreb, Institut za narodnu umjetnost, 1962-).
Narodno stvaralastvo - folklor. Organ Saveza udruzenjafolklorista Jugoslavije
Rad kongresafolklorista Jugoslavije (1958-). The place of publication varies.
The title was changedas follows beginningwith the 6th volume: Rad VII-ogkongresa
Saveza folklorista Jugoslavije(1960), etc.
Slovenskietnograf.Casopisza etnografijoi folkloro (Ljubljana,Etnografskimuzej,
Srpski etnografskizbornik,II odeljenje: 2ivot i obicaji narodni(Belgrade,Srpska
kraljevskaakademijanauka [Srpskaakademijanauka i umetnosti],1924-).
Zbornikza narodnizivot i obicajejuznih slavena(Zagreb,Jugoslavenskaakademija
znanosti i umjetnosti,1896-).

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by the death or retirement from active research of such distinguished

scholars as Grafenauer, Filipovic, and Latkovic, The extent of the interest
in folklore in Yugoslavia is demonstrated best by the folklore conferences,
arrangedannually since 1952. These conferences are attended by hundreds
of scholars and other interested persons, and at each one, in recent times,
more than a hundred papers are given.
Indiana University


Bi/ten Instituta za proucavanje folklora, Sarajevo

Etnoloski pregled, Belgrade
Glasnik Etnografskog instituta SAN, Belgrade
Glasnik Etnografskog muzeja u Beogradu
Glasnik Etnografskog muzeja na Cetiiju
Glasnik SAN, Belgrade
Jugoslavenskaja akademija znanosti i urnjetnosti, Zagreb
Narodno stvaralastvo - folklor, Belgrade
Narodna umjetnost, Zagreb
Prilozi za knjizevnost, jezik, istoriju i folklor, Belgrade
Rad JAZU, Zagreb
Rad kongresa Saveza folklorista Jugoslavije (the place of publication varies)
Srpska akademija nauka, Belgrade
Slovenska akademija znanosti in umetnosti, Ljubljana
Slovenski etnograf, Ljubljana
Srpski etnografski zbornik, SAN, Belgrade
Savremena skola, Belgrade
Zbornik Etnografskog muzeja u Beogradu 1901-1951, Belgrade, 1953
Zbornik Matice Srpske za knjizevnost i jezik, Novi Sad
Zbornik za narodni zivot i obicaje juinih slavena, izd. JAZU, Zagreb
Zbornik radova, Etnografski institut, SAN, Belgrade
Zbornik radova, Filozofskifakultet. Sveuciliste u Zagrebu
Zbornik radova, Institut za proueavanje knjizevnosti, SAN, Belgrade
Zbornik radova, SAN, Belgrade

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