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New constructions using all in the discourse of San Francisco teenagers and young adults are exemplied in (1)(4).
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This study documents the distribution of this new usage of all, distinguishes
it from the quantier all, and presents an analysis of all as a marker of a
speakers upcoming unique characterization of an individual in the discourse. I argue that, although all is found in a variety of syntactic environments, it bears a single discourse function that identies its scope with what
the speaker perceives as a single salient property or set of properties. This
hypothesis unies the disparate syntactic and discourse environments in
which this marker appears and accounts for differences between all and its
syntactically viable alternatives.
The rst section presents data to document the wide variety of syntactic
environments in which all appears (as compared to the quantier all, which
is highly restricted in distribution). The second section introduces the
quotative use of the new all. The third analyzes all as a marker of the
speakers upcoming unique characterization of some entity in the discourse. Finally, all is contrasted with the noncontrastive focus marker like
(Underhill 1988; Miller and Weinert 1995) and the quotative like (Blyth,
Recktenwald, and Wang 1990; Romaine and Lange 1991), also found in
this speech community.
THE DATA
The new all has a surprisingly wide syntactic distribution. It has been
observed preceding adjective phrases (APs), verb phrases (VPs), prepositional phrases (PPs), a noun phrase (NP), and a sentense (S), though it is
most commonly heard before APs and VPs. In contrast, the quantier all is
a specier that semantically modies an NP and syntactically either precedes its NP or undergoes Q-oat, moving to a post-NP position (e.g., All the
American Speech, Vol. 76, No. 2, Summer 2001
Copyright 2001 by the American Dialect Society
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birds ew away The birds all ew away). Unlike the quantier all, the new all
cannot oat and always precedes the material over which it has scope.
Examples are drawn from a corpus of 160 tokens of all that were
recorded after hearing them in naturally occurring speech in San Francisco over the past four years. The speakers were teenagers and young
adults. Though this was not a controlled sociolinguistic study,1 all was
obser ved to be used in casual conversation by large numbers of teenagers
and young adults of both genders, from a variety of ethnic and social
backgrounds, gay or lesbian and straight. The examples below demonstrate
all in each of its new syntactic environments, with all plus its scope in each
particular discourse in small caps.2
Two differences can be noted between the new all and the traditional
use of all in preadjectival position. First, the new all has not been observed
to have any semantic restrictions on the adjectives it can precede. The
traditional use of all is semantically restricted to appear with only a subset
of adjectives in English. So, for example, shes all wet is ne with the
traditional all, but shes all hungry is not. In (5)(7), all is used with adjectives
which would not allow the traditional all.
Second, the traditional all does not allow scope over phrasal APs. In a
sentence like (8), the traditional all could be used with the adjective excited,
but not with the AP totally excited. In (9) and (10), which use adjectives
acceptable with the traditional all, the scope of all ranges over only the
adjectives, not over the following PPs.
9. Are you all nished with that project?
10. Shes all wet from the rain.
In contrast, (7) and (8) demonstrate the use of the new all with scope over
phrasal APs.
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The examples in (11)(16) were heard in stories in which past actions were
being related, using either past tense or the historical present. All in (12)
(16) has scope over not only the verb but also the direct object (1214), the
PP (1315), and the locative plus adjunct adverb (16). Example (17) shows
that all is not restricted to past tense or historical present and can be used
with ongoing or habitual action.
17. Girlfriend, how should I know?! You know her, she travels all over the bar,
all talkin bout startin over, startin over.
Several examples in the corpus show the use of all with scope over what
in some syntactic frameworks would be a VP and in others a nonconstituent,
for instance, (18)(20).
18. Im all in the back seat with my milk carton.
19. He was all like this with his leg [shows leg position].
20. He stopped by, and I was all there holding my milk carton.
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21. Yesterday, Francisco and Michelle were all by the lockers, and Francisco was all, Why didnt you call me back yesterday? and Michelle was
all, Because my mom was trippin. And Francisco was all, Well, why
have you been ignoring me? And Michelle was all, Because.
22. Are you 3 all into school now that you moved away?
23. And shes all in my face and all [facial expression of anger], you know
what I mean?
The quantier all is allowed only before PPs headed by of (e.g., All of the
paintings sold). In contrast, new discourse all appears before a wide range of
prepositions. The quantier all would be ungrammatical with scope over
the following PPs in each of the examples in (21)(23).4
In (24), the speaker is relating the story of getting a new apartment and
describing his landlord. All is used in (24) with scope over a single count
NP. The quantier all cannot be used with single count NPs in this dialect.5
In (25), the speaker uses the S after all to describe herself in certain
situations. The quantier all would be ungrammatical in (25), as it cannot
have scope over S.
Thus, the new use of all is documented in a wide variety of syntactic
contexts which would not allow the quantier all. In the following section,
one more environment is added to the set: all introducing direct and
constructed dialogue.
QUOTATIVE ALL
Sixty-eight percent of the examples of all in the corpus are quotatives, many
of which introduce either direct speech or constructed speech in a story.
Examples of all used as quotatives for single instances of direct speech in a
story are provided in (26)(30).
26. So Im just all, Can you just tell me how much our bill was?
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35. And so hes all, NO, Im not getting out of the car. And then I was all,
Well, could you please give him a message for me please? Hes all,
What? Im all, Tell him to leave Mary alone. And hes all, OK. And
hes all, Well, Im supposed to give YOU a message. And I was all,
Whatever!
In (36), the speaker is describing her mental state, rather than quoting her
actual utterance. The incident took place in the bathroom of a San Francisco restaurant, where the speaker had asked the occupant of the next stall
for some toilet paper. She uttered (36) after being handed the extra roll
from the next stall. She did not actually say, Oh NO! in the discourse but
used the constructed quotation to describe her reaction when she found
that her stall had no toilet paper. In (37), the speaker and his girlfriend
were walking their dog in the park, and the boyfriend pointed to a drawing
of a dog on the pooper-scooper bag dispenser. Here, in constructed speech,
the speaker puts himself in the place of a dog in a drawing and imagines
what such a dog might be saying.
All is also used to imitate actual or constructed nonverbal behavior.
The examples in (38)(41) show all introducing body positions and/or
gestures.
38. Im speeding down the hill, and I dont know how to stop, and Im all
[ails arms with terried expression].
39. Did you see when we walked into that bar last night? Everyone was all
[hand raised at chest level with palm out].
40. Yeah, shes all [facial and body gestures denoting primped up], but Im
prettier.
41. Youre all [lifts leg like dog urinating on cus tree in apartment].
In (38), the gesture is the physical equivalent of a quotative used for actual
behavior. The speaker is imitating her body position and facial expression
during her rst in-line skating experience. In (39) and (40), the gestures
are nonverbal equivalents to lexical items, rather than imitations of any
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actual body positions. In (41), the speaker is joking about the hearer
getting eas from her boyfriends cat and uses a leg-lifting gesture to evoke
the behavior of a generic dog. In this case, all is used to introduce constructed nonverbal behavior.
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The speech community that uses all also uses both the noncontrastive focus
marker like (Underhill 1988; Miller and Weinert 1995) and the quotative
like (Blyth, Recktenwald, and Wang 1990; Romaine and Lange 1991;
Ferrara and Bell 1995). Sometimes all and like overlap in distribution: both
can be used to precede some of the same types of constituents, and both are
used to introduce reported or constructed dialogue or nonverbal behavior.
However, all is readily distinguished from both versions of like because it
can co-occur with them, as in (42)(45).
42. He was all like in baggy jeans and a wife beater [ribbed white tank top].
43. She was all like [imitates cr ying], Why didnt you tell me that was a bad
idea?
44. So she said she couldnt pick me up and I was all like, Whatever.
45. And she was all like [facial expression of boredom, rolling eyes].
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It is not the inanimacy of the NP in (47) that blocks all. Consider (48),
said in a San Francisco tattoo parlor.
48. . . . and have the water all spraying off your design.
Here, the water is depicted as having one salient property relevant to the
discussionthat it would be spraying off the tattooed design. This is the
speakers unique characterization of the water as it appears in this discourse.
Another environment in which like is used but all would be infelicitous
is given in (49).
49. I havent seen her in like two years.
In this example, the noncontrastive focus like highlights the amount of time
in the utterance. No individual or entity is being uniquely characterized
here, so all would not be used either before like or in its place in this
sentence.
CONCLUSION
My analysis of the new use of all in the casual conversation of teenagers and
young adults in San Francisco provides a unied account for all of the
obser ved data and predicts infelicitous environments for this construction.
All introduces salient properties described by VPs, APs, PPs, and even
an NP and an S, as well as reported speech, constructed speech, reported
nonverbal behavior, and constructed nonverbal behavior. Given that all
signals the speakers unique characterization of some individual or entity
in the discourse, it is not surprising that all often appears in emotionally
charged stories in which the speakers particular interpretation of characters and events is crucial.
NOTES
This is an expanded version of a paper presented at the 1997 Annual Meeting of
the International Linguistics Association. I would like to thank Liz Schuler and
students in my Linguistics 420 and Semantics 719 classes for their assistance in data
collection.
1.
See Ferrara and Bell (1995) and Dailey-OCain (2000) for sociolinguistic
treatments of like. Sociolinguistic investigation of all has yet to be carried out.
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REFERENCES
Blyth, Carl, Jr., Sigrid Recktenwald, and Jenny Wang. 1990. Im Like, Say What?!:
A New Quotative in American Oral Narrative. American Speech 65: 21527.
Dailey-OCain, Jennifer. 2000. The Sociolinguistic Distribution of and Attitudes
toward Focuser like and Quotative like. Journal of Sociolinguistics 4: 6080.
Ferrara, Kathleen, and Barbara Bell. 1995. Sociolinguistic Variation and Discourse Function of Constructed Dialogue Introducers: The Case of be + like.
American Speech 70: 26590.
Miller, J., and R. Weinert. 1995. The Function of LIKE in Dialogue. Journal of
Pragmatics 23: 36593.
Romaine, Suzanne, and Deborah Lange. 1991. The Use of like as a Marker of
Reported Speech and Thought: A Case of Grammaticalization in Progress.
American Speech 66: 22779.
Underhill, Robert. 1988. Like Is, Like, Focus. American Speech 63: 23446.
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