Académique Documents
Professionnel Documents
Culture Documents
Museum Anthropology Vol. 28, Issue 2, pp. 1730, ISSN 0892-8339, online ISSN 1548-1379. Copyright 2005 American
Anthropological Association. All rights reserved. Please direct all requests for permission to photocopy or reproduce article
content through the University of California Presss Rights and Permissions website, www.ucpress.edu/journals/rights.htm.
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2. West Faade. West Facade of the National Museum of the American Indian. Photo by Robert C. Lautman.
The Exhibitions
The best way to experience the museum is from
the top floor down. One emerges from the elevators
into a spacious hallway. At some hours, museum
staff members are giving small hands-on demonstrations of techniques such as quillwork. These
activities take place near wall cases filled with
objects. These small surveys of the museums vast
holdings are called Windows on the Collection.
Appearing on every floor in the halls that overlook
the rotunda, these display cases serve as a kind of
visible storage, presenting a panoply of objects and
materials. Their arrangements are artistic, and
their contents perhaps intentionally designed to jar
the visitor. For example, the largest case on the
fourth floor displays animal imagery of all sorts.
Older sculptures of birds, mammals and sea creatures appear alongside witty contemporary works
such as Larry Becks version of a Yupik mask made
of rubber tire treads and metal tools, and Jim
Schopperts Walrus Loves Baby Clams mask.
Recently-made ivory carvings challenge the
common distinction between so-called authentic
fine art and commodity (a distinction which may
be pass in the academic world, but which still
holds strong among much of the general public).
These objects are not themselves labeled, but before
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3. Lobby space. Potomac, National Museum of the American Indian. Photo by R.A. Whiteside, National Museum of the
American Indian.
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4. View of the guns and bibles that appear in the Our Peoples: Giving Voice to Our Histories exhibition at the
National Museum of the American Indian in Washington, D.C. Photo by Katherine Fogden, NMAI.
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sometimes comes to the fore: One example shall suffice: The Qeqchi (more often known in the literature as Kekchi) Maya gallery sadly misses the
chance to make some excellent links between
ancient and modern Maya histories and cosmologies. Elsewhere, a wall labels assertion of the loss
of 200,000 Maya and the destruction of 800 villages
during Guatemalas statesponsored war of terror
against Maya communities in the 1980s seems
overstated. (The United Nations fact-finding commission in 1999 said 448 villages were substantially
destroyed. See www.soaw.org.)
The fourth floor has rooms that can be configured to make gallery spaces, meeting rooms, or
classrooms of different sizes. Two of these were used
to house a traveling exhibit, The Jewelry of Ben
Nighthorse, organized by the Center of
Southwestern Studies at Fort Lewis College in
Durango, Colorado. Neither of us was aware that
Ben Nighthorse Campbell, the U. S. Senator from
Colorado is an award-winning jewelry designer. His
work was most impressive. Campbell (a Northern
Cheyenne, whose work is marketed under the
name Ben Nighthorse) initiated and helped pass
legislation to establish NMAI as part of the
Smithsonian. Many people know him as an independent-minded advocate for Indian rights; it was
a pleasure to see his fluency and his stature in this
artistic medium.10
On the third floor, an expansive exhibition space
was given over to Native Modernism, a first-rate
art historical examination of the work of George
Morrison (Chippewa, 1919-2000) and Allan Houser
(Apache, 19141994), two of the most important
Native artists of the mid- to late 20th century
(Figure 5). In its elegant design and spacious layout,
this gallery was a welcomed visual relief from the
permanent installations, all of which were densely
packed with texts and objects. Curated by Truman
Lowe (Ho-chunk, himself a well-known artist who
serves as Curator of Contemporary Art at NMAI),
the exhibit carefully chronicles the history of the
work of these two key figures in 20th century Native
art. It amply surveys Morrisons abstract expressionist paintings of the 1950s and 60s, and his
meticulous wood collages of the 1970s and 80s, as
well as Housers naturalistic drawings of nudes and
other Indian subjects and his monumental sculptural works that distill those naturalistic figures
into semi-abstract forms.
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The Reviews
This brings us back to the oddly dissonant comments of the two major reviews. It would appear
that both the New York and Washington D.C. journalists not only have strong opinions about what the
NMAI should be, but also retain relatively simplistic and atavistic attitudes towards Native culture
and history and their public presentation. Rothstein
of The New York Times objects to what he sees as
inadequate research, especially, in his words, since
American Indians largely had no written languages,
and since so much trauma had decimated the tribes,
the need for scholarship and analysis of secondary
sources is all the more critical. True as such a seemingly-objective statement may be, it adheres to the
prejudice, seen most clearly in some Canadian land
claims court decisions, that oral history is fictitious.
He goes on to almost mockingly describe the ten
most crucial moments in Tohono Oodham history,
which include the birds teaching humans to call for
rain, and a 2000 desert walk for health. Rothstein
seems unaware that in their present circumstances,
a groups mythic beginnings are often just as important as addressing the serious health problems that
plague so many contemporary Native communities.
In the Washington Post, Paul Richard objects to
the fact that the museum has more places to shop,
gather, and eat, than it has for art. First of all, this
is simply not true. Secondly, this is, as all the
museum publicity makes clear, not an art museum,
although it contains and displays art. Instead of criticizing these choices made by the museum, one can
celebrate its references to living cultures which
prize their Native foods, cherish time spent in community, and appreciate the opportunity to make an
income by selling their own creations. Richard also
dismisses the authenticity of pots made for gift shop
sale, and the value of trading-post bracelets and
beaded purses, thus demonstrating his own ignorance of the significance that so-called tourist art
and inter-cultural commerce has long had for
American Indians. Richard clings to an outmoded
paradigm of the authentic and the unsullied
a world in which commerce plays no part.
Oddly, this same reviewer, in a separate article,
singled out the Native Modernism exhibit as the
only one worthy of praise. He calls it the best-looking and the least amorphous exhibit in the entire
museum because, as he explains, it shows you
beauty steadily evolving and skill expanding, and
history in detail, which most of the others dont
(Richard 2004b). Paul Richard seems not to appreciate that the curatorial staff has deliberately
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chosen to offer visitors multiple aesthetic, historical, and cultural experiences. He authoritatively
proclaims,
Art is seldom comfortable in identity museums
this one for Jews, that one for women, this one
for Indians. All such institutions are inherently
restrictive, and by confining they mislead. Get
into its mood and this shows spacious
Morrisons ought to take your thoughts not just
to Lake Superior, but also to Cape Cod and
Antibes, as Allan Housers heroes and madonnas
should send your mind to Florence, not just to
Santa Fe.
What he conveniently forgets is that identity museums were constituted, of necessity, because of the
silences and omissions in so-called mainstream art
museums which, until the last two decades, showed
scant interest in the arts of women and minorities,
and in non-canonical forms. But more importantly,
this reviewer misses the point: Yes, Indian art may
face Europe as much as it faces the Great Lakes or
the deserts of New Mexico. That it sends your mind
to Florence does not nullify its Native identity, only
complicates and enriches that Native identity in the
eyes of those viewers who had never before been presented with the cosmopolitanism of Indian cultural
expression and experience.
By refusing to present its multi-valenced stories in the expected fashion, NMAI has been subject
to reductive criticism in the nations newspapers of
record. Many of these criticisms are, as we have
pointed out, unfair. Perhaps the museum made a tactical error in its pre-opening publicity; it positioned
itself as the conveyor of indigenous knowledge that
stood in opposition to anthropological knowledge. In
fact, much perfectly legitimate research informed
many of the exhibits, so this supposed opposition is
not, in fact, entirely accurate. It did however raise
the hackles of those ready to challenge the exhibits
as intellectually impoverished, perhaps without
pausing to reflect that somewhat different intellectual paradigms were operative here.
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References Cited
Ferguson, Bruce
1996 Exhibition Rhetorics: Material Speech and Utter
Sense. In Thinking About Exhibitions. Reesa Greenberg,
Bruce Ferguson, and Sandy Nairne, eds. P. 184. New York
and London: Routledge.
Hill, Tom
2004 Introduction: A Backward Glimpse Through the
Museum Door. In Creations Journey: Native American
Identity and Belief. Tom Hill and Richard W. Hill, eds.
Pp. 14, 19. New York: National Museum of the American
Indian.
hooks, bell
1990
Choosing the Margin as a Space of Radical
Openness. In Yearning: Race, Gender, and Cultural
Politics. Boston: South End Press.
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2005