Graduate Journal of Asia-Pacific Studies

6:1 (2008), 51 - 65
.

The Utilization of Discourses of Femininity by Japanese

Politicians: Tanaka Makiko Case Study

EmmaDALTON
UniversityofWollongong,Australia

MANYSCHOLARShavenotedthatJapanisadeeplygendersegregatedsociety, 1 andthisis

clearly obvious in the political world where the number of female representatives is very
low and the dominant image of a politician is a cardboard cutout elderly or middleaged
maninadarkcoloured suit. 2 FemalepoliticiansinJapanoftenappearpubliclyinvividor
pastelcolours,asifeagertoreinforcetheiralreadyapparentdifferencefromthedrabmen
long entrenched in the system. Apart from gendering their external image, some Japanese
femalepoliticiansatbothlocalandnationallevelsalsocampaignontheperceivedstrength
of their womanhood, sometimes by referring to their experiences as homemakers and
mothers.UsingTanakaMakiko(hereinafterTanaka)asanexample,thispaperconsidersthe
depth of preconceptions in Japan about gender and investigates dominant Japanese
discourses of gender and femininity and the way which female politiciansin particular,
Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) womenadopt and subvert femininity discourses. This
paper focuses primarily on LDP women for two reasons. First, the LDP is the largest and
mostpowerfulpartyinJapanandalsoamalestronghold. 3 Second,thereisalackofworkon
LDPwomenamongtheliteratureonwomeninJapanesepolitics. 4
ThispaperfirstillustratesthewaypoliticsinJapanisagenderedactivity,influenced
by gender ideologies prevalent in Japanese society. It examines preconceived notions of a
womans role amongst the Japanese public, scholars and politicians and discusses
expectations of female politicians in Japan as a consequence of dominant gendered
discourses.Thissectionincludesdiscussionofthevarioustypesofwomensparticipationin
politics and the legitimization of this type of participation. The implications of gendering
their political identity for women aspiring to elitelevel politics are also considered. By
focusingontheirgenderedidentity,someLDPwomenlegitimizetheiractivitiesaswomen
inthemaledominatedworldofpolitics.BecausethedominantimageofapoliticianinJapan
is male, when women enter politics and attempt to maintain their position within such an
arena, some choose to become gender blind and in doing so adopt masculine political
tactics, 5 while otherswho are the focus of this paperutilize dominant discourses of
femininitytojustifytheirpresenceinaworldthatwouldbenefitfromawomansinsight. 6
The second part of the paper introduces Tanakas political experiences. Specifically,
this section will analyse print media including representations of Tanaka that reveal a
woman who utilized the dominant discourses of femininity by strategically adopting the
housewifeimage,butwasalsoreferredtobysome,includinghermother,asunfeminine.
This is an example of simultaneous adoption and subversion of femininity discourses. On
the one hand, Tanaka adopted an overtly feminine identitythe housewifea gendered
role still exclusive to women, while on the other, resisted and subverted this identity by
being rebellious and outspoken. She therefore failed to comply with stereotypical
Dalton/ The Utilization of Discourses of Femininity by Japanese Politicians

51

characteristics associated with female gender roles in Japan, which, according to Azuma 7
includeweaknessandbeingsoftlyspoken.
The final section of the paper concludes that the gendering of politics in Japan is
profound. Tanakas experiences in politics, like those of many other Japanese women,
demonstrate that the identity of Japanese politics can be very gendered, particularly if
womenchoosetocapitalizeondominantdiscoursesoffemininity.Theexperiencesoffemale
politiciansinJapanandcommentsbypoliticians,mediaandthegeneralpublicindicatethat
while some stereotypical behaviour associated with femininity is appropriate in politics,
others are not. Female politicians thus manipulate these social expectations by adopting
certainstereotypicalcharacteristicsassociatedwithfemininityandsubvertingothers.

WomenandGenderinJapanesePolitics
NoarticleonfemaleJapanesepoliticiancanomitcommentsontheabysmalrepresentation
of women in politics. The absence of women in politics has been well researched by both
Japanese and Western scholars. 8 In Japans Upper House, women comprise 17.4% of
members, while the corresponding figure for the Lower House is an even lower 9.4%,
ranking them 131st out of 189 nations, according to the InterParliamentary Union (IPU)
Womens Database. 9 In terms of regional comparisons, according to the IPU, Vietnam,
Pakistan,China,theDemocraticPeoplesRepublicofKorea,SingaporeandthePhilippines
areexamplesofAsiancountriesthathavemorewomeninparliamentcomparedtoJapan. 10
The only countries in Asia to rank below Japan are India, Mongolia and Thailand. In the
same IPU database, Australia is ranked 36th, the United Kingdom 62nd, the USA 83rd, and
South Korea 100th. These statistics demonstrate Japans paucity of women in nationallevel
politicsrelativetoitsstatusasahighlyindustrializednation.
Women have been politically active in Japan since the early 20th century. 11 While
womenmaynotbepresentinlargenumbersinlegislativeassemblies,theyhavemanagedto
have an impact on policy and legislation through other avenues such as community
organizations and womens groups. 12 While scholars have certainly proven that those
avenues,includinglocallevelactivism,arelegitimateandperhapsempoweringforwomen,
thispaperismoreconcernedwithwomeninnationallevelpolitics,specificallyfemaleLDP
parliament(Diet)members.
The rationale behind womens active involvement in community groups can be
explained by the difference in political interests along gender lines that Patterson and
Nishikawafindamongvoters.Accordingtothem,womenaremoreinterestedthanmenin
social welfare, education and womens issues, while men show a clear preference over
women for issues such as administrative reform and the budget deficit. 13 Patterson and
Nishikawa argue that the gender gap in voting can be attributed to the fact that women
support or reject certain political parties based on issues they see as important, and vote
accordingly. 14
On the other hand, some scholars have found that Japanese women claim to be
uninterestedinpoliticsandthattheytendtothinkthattheiractivitiesintheprivatesphere
(such as community activities, volunteer programs, neighbourhood cleanup activities etc)
arenotpolitical. 15 IwaogoessofarastosaythatthemajorityofJapanesewomenseepolitics
as a filthy occupation that has no relation to their lives and values. 16 More recently,
however, Martin argues that Japanese women are not uninterested or apathetic, but are
alienatedbecauseofthedisenchantmenttheyfeeltowardsthetypeofpoliticsthattheLDP
and other parties have to offer. 17 She claims that this alienation has led to the increase in

52

www.auckland.ac.nz/gjaps

number of female independent votersthose who do not have voting loyalty to one
particularparty.
The personal web pages of several female LDP members reveal this gender gap
extendsfromvoterstoincludepoliticalrepresentatives.Alargerproportionofwomenthan
menhaveportfoliosinthesoftareasofpoliticssuchastheenvironmentandwelfare,while
more men concern themselves with areas such as defence, agriculture and fiscal reform.
Some also firmly believe in fixed gender roles: Nishikawa Kyko, a member of the LDP
Constitution revision panel, established in June 2004, states in relation to revision of the
clause protecting gender equality, article 24: Complaining about fixed gender roles is
nonsensical.Itsasimplefactthatmenandwomenhavefixedrolesbasedontheirsex.Only
womencanbearachild.Criticizingsexrolesisweakeningwomensminds.Mothersshould
naturallyappreciatetheirresponsibilitiestowardtheirchildren. 18 Suchastatementrevealsa
profoundly conservative belief in the distinctly different roles of women and men. This is
supportedbypublicationsbyotherfemaleLDPDietmembers:LDPLowerHousemember,
Iwaki Nobuko, writes that selfish mothers are the root of all evil. 19 She reminds parents
that mothers and fathers have distinct roles: mothers should shower their children with
unconditionallove,whilefathersshouldteachchildrenhowtoliveanddisciplinethem. 20
Yamanaka Akiko, an LDP Lower House member, writes, on advice from Margaret
Guilfoyle,thefirstwomantobecomeanAustralianCabinetmemberin1975,thatelegance
and composure are important characteristics for ambitious women. 21 Making sure one is
always elegant is, apparently, one method of taking advantage of ones femininity (josei
rashisa),andcomposureisnecessarybecausewomenarelikelytoberegardedasemotional.
Both elegance and the expression of emotion are typically feminine characteristics. 22 The
former, however, according to Guilfoyle and Yamanaka, 23 is an ideal that women should
aspire to, while the latter is something women must resist. This is an example of the
simultaneous adoption and subversion of stereotypical feminine characteristics that
Yamanaka Akiko (and Margaret Guilfoyle) believes is necessary to ascend the political
ladder. It is inappropriate for a politician to display emotions, but elegance is desirable,
particularlyforawoman.

Genderideologiesinpolitics
The Cabinet Office Gender Equality Bureau in Japan defines gender as being the socially
constructeddifferencesbetweenmenandwomen,comparedwiththebiologicaldifferences
men and women are born with. 24 Since the Japanese womens liberation movement (man
ribu), which gained currency in the early 1970s, it has been claimed by feminists such as
Ueno Chizuko that while sex is biological, gender is socially constructed and the idea of
femininityisasocialfabrication. 25
ThedepthofgendersegregationinJapanandthesocializationofboysandgirlshave
beenexploredbyseveralscholars,particularlyinthecontextofschooling. 26 Untilthe1990s,
when gender equality became a major political issue, culminating in 1999 with the
establishment of the Fundamental Law on Gender Equality (Danjo Kyd Sankaku Shakai
Kihonh hereinafter FLGE), school textbooks were written in a rysai kenbo tone. This
encouragedgirlstoadoptthegoodwife,wisemotherideologythesocialidealwhereby
women were valued mostly for their contribution to the family as mothers, touted by the
Japanese government from the late 1800s onwards. 27 At the same time, there has been a
backlashagainstschoolswhichhaveadoptedthegenderfreeeducationpoliciesmandated
by the FLGE. This backlash has been supported, and in some cases spearheaded by LDP
Dalton/ The Utilization of Discourses of Femininity by Japanese Politicians

53

Dietmembers. 28 Muchofthepublicalsoseemtobelieveinthetraditionaldivisionoflabor
alonggenderlines.AccordingtotheCabinetOfficesPublicOpinionPollonaGenderEqual
Society, taken in November 2003, 41.2% of women and 49.7% of men agree with the
statement:thehusbandshouldbethebreadwinner,andthewifeshouldstayathome. 29 In
comparison, the corresponding percentages in South Korea in 2003 for women and men
respectively were 13.2% and 20.2%. Similarly, the figures for the USA in 2003 for women
andmenrespectivelywere18.1%and21.7%.
Some scholars point to the different worlds women and men inhabit in Japan. Khor
revealsinherstudyonJapanesewomensorganizationsahighlevelofgendersegregation
in society and a persistence of culturally prescribed roles for men and women. 30 Some
Japanesescholarssubscribetoafeministargumentthatpointstoawomensculture 31 ora
sisterhood 32 bornefromdeepcleavagesinthesocializationofboysandgirlsinJapan.Ling
andMatsunoassertthebenefitsandimportanceofthewomensculturewhichtheyclaim
isthefoundationfortheformationofcommunitygroupsrunby,andpopularwith,women.
Theyclaim,onthebasisofpersonalinterviews(conductedin1990),thatfemalepoliticians
enterpoliticstogetthingsdoneincontrasttomenwhoenterpoliticsinaquestforpersonal
power. 33 While some women may describe their political ambitions as being based in a
desire to get things done, their subjective assertions alone are insufficient to support an
argument that women enter politicians not for power, but for pragmatic reasons. It is
difficulttoprovethatmenareonlyinterestedinpower,orinfactthatwomenarenot.Itis
importanttotreatthesesortsofgeneralizedassertionswithcareastheyrelyonessentialist
notionsofgenderanddonotbroadenunderstandingorprovokefurtherthought.
Tosumup,thedivisionbetweenthegenders,andperceptionsofdistinctgenderroles
is salient in Japan, especially in the maledominated area of politics. The perception that
womenandmenhavedifferentrolesaccordingtotheirgenderisillustratedinopinionpolls
and by claims made by politicians themselves. Politicians are able to utilize these deeply
ingrainedpreconceivednotionsoftherolesofwomenandmenintheircampaigns.

Thelegitimizationofwomendoingpolitics
Many recent studies of women in Japanese politics laud the efforts of women in local
communitygroupssuchastheSeikatsushaKurabu(SeikatsuClubConsumersCooperative
Union), and outline the success of these women in making political inroads via non
traditional means. 34 This type of politics, conducted primarily by middleupper class
middleagedwomen,isreferredtoashousewifefeminism 35 anditssuccessinJapancanbe
seen in the increase in number of representatives elected from the political offshoot of
SeikatsushaCoop,Nettowaaku. 36 Housewifefeminism,however,isnormallylimitedtolocal
issuesanddoesnotusuallytranslateintopathwaystonationallevelactivity.LeBlancargues
in her ethnographic study of Japanese women in community organizations that a woman
cantakeherhousewifeimageonlysofarintopoliticsbecausethehighershegetsthelessshe
canactuallybeahousewifethatis,shehaslittletimetodevotetohouseholddutiesasher
political life takes over. 37 Mackie raises the interesting question of whether women who
participate in local activism could be thought of as conservatives who maintain the status
quobyreinforcinggenderedspheresofactivityorasradicalsbecausetheyarechallenging
themalecentricmodeloftraditionalpoliticsbycreatinganewbrandofpolitics. 38 Asimilar
ambiguityisdiscussedbyNoltewhoexaminestheJapanesesuffragemovementintheearly
1900s and notes that the profoundly conservative Japan Womens Christian Temperance
Union (WCTU) was simultaneously radical in rejecting existing social moral norms by

54

www.auckland.ac.nz/gjaps

seeking suffrage for women for the betterment of social morality. 39 Tanakas political
experience also embodied this collisionoftheprogressive andtheconservative in that she
wasabletoreachanunprecedentedlevelofpoliticalstatusforawomanwhilemaintaininga
feminineimageconsistentwiththestatusquo.Tanakascampaignstrategyin1993included
identifyingherselfasahousewifededicatedtocleaningupthecorruptioninpolitics.This
tacticappealedtothepublicwhoheldpreconceivednotionsoffemininityandassistedher
toclimbthepoliticalladder.
Some selflabelled housewives do, as Tanaka eventually did, enter national level
politics,andsomefemaleLDPDietmembersproudlyasserttheirrolesasmothersorpoint
totheirexperiencesashomemakers.Inherarticleentitled,Whatpoliticsneedsnowisthe
perspective of ordinary women, Lower House LDP member Okashita Nobuko argues for
the increase in female Diet members on the grounds that the experiences of ordinary
women,inparticular,housewiveswithchildren,areimportanttoolsinthepoliticalarena. 40
Incontrast,somemaleLDPDietmembersmentionfamilymembersintheirprofilepageof
theirwebsites,butdonotutilizetheirstatusasfathertoarguetheirviewpoint.Forexample,
formerPrimeMinisterKoizumiisasinglefatherwhohassolecustodyoftwoofhisthree
children. This fact rarely causes comment. In contrast, Koizumi praises former Foreign
Minister Kawagauchi Yoriko on her Messages of support page of her website by
commenting that as a mother of two, Kawaguchi has done a wonderful job of combining
work with motherhood. 41 Here we see the valorization of women, but not men, being
boundtothehomeandfamily.ThefactthatKawaguchiishighlyeducated,hasworkedfor
theWorldBankasaneconomist,hasbeentheJapaneseambassadortotheU.S.andhasheld
two cabinet posts is overshadowed by her gender and her ability to combine work with
motherhood.

Genderingpoliticalbehaviourforfemalepoliticians
The gendering of political behaviour and identity can have implications for female
politicians,orwomenaspiringtobecomepoliticians.DoiTakako,whowillbediscussedin
detail further on, is an example of a female politician who did not focus on her gendered
identity. She managed to reach a very high level of the political ladder (leader of the then
Japan Socialist Party, hereinafter JSP) without subscribing to preconceived notions of
femininity,whileatthesametimegivingsomeofherpoliticalactivitiesafeministagenda.
She did not utilize her gender to climb the political ladder or appeal to voters. There are
many more female politicians, however, including Tanaka, who have capitalized on their
gendered identity. LeBlancs argument, mentioned previously, that housewife feminism
does not often lead to political activity on a more elite level is accurate in that a female
politician can not genuinely adopt a current housewife identity (because if she was truly a
housewifeshewouldnthavetimetobeapolitician!).Shecan,however,takeadvantageof
her past experience as a housewife by utilising it as a campaign tool and distinguishing
herselffromthemalepoliticianswhocannotadoptthestereotypicallyfeminineidentityof
housewife.
ItisdifficulttoimaginethattheLDPwouldplacealotoftrustinawomanaspiringto
a cabinet position if she had been campaigning on the strength of her experience as a
housewifeormother.Themajorityofcabinetministershavevastexperienceandeducation
inthefieldsofbusinessorlaw,anditisimplicitthatthisisthetypeofexperiencenecessary
to ascend to such positions. Nevertheless the experiences of Tanaka demonstrate that she
adoptedthehousewifeimagetoheradvantage,eveninnationallevelpolitics.She,however,
Dalton/ The Utilization of Discourses of Femininity by Japanese Politicians

55

was an exception largely because of her political pedigree. She also had a privileged
background, an overseas school education and a degree from one of the most prestigious
universities in Japan, Waseda University. In contrast, Tanakas replacement, Kawaguchi
Yoriko had already held ministerial positions, and also had experience as an ambassador
andasaneconomist.AsTakeda argues, thegenderspecific political strategies adopted by
femalepoliticiansinJapanservetobothempowerandconstrainthem. 42 Ontheonehand,
campaigning on the strength of her motherhood, her experience as a housewife, or in the
case of current LDP Lower House member Tokashiki Naomi, her past career as an Office
Lady, can legitimize a womans activity in the previously inaccessible public sphere of
politics.Ontheotherhand,itcanalsolimitherpoliticalactivitytowomensissuesbecause
she sells herself as a woman rather than a politician and will thus be regarded as such.
Furthermore, it not only limits her own activities, but serves to reinforce stereotypical sex
roles among the general public. Whether they like it or not, female politicians are role
models because of the public space they occupy, particularly if they have publications,
whichmanyofthemdo.
Drawingattentiontoonesimaginedfemininitybyutilizinggenderedidentitiessuch
asmotherandhousewifemayalsoleadtocertainexpectationsofthepublicorthemedia
particularlyforelitelevelpoliticianswhohavehighpublicprofilesthatfemalepoliticians
fulfilanimaginedidealofthewomanpolitician(joseiseijika).Thisidealincludesbeingless
corruptandgreedythanmeninpolitics. 43

The case study of Tanaka outlined below demonstrates the extent to which it is
possibleforafemalepoliticiantoutilizedominantgendereddiscoursestotheiradvantage.
It also illustrates the negative implications for a female in politics when she is seen not
simplyasapolitician,butasawomanpolitician.

TanakaMakiko
TanakaMakikoaffectionatelyknownassimplyMakiko 44 bytheJapanesepublicisthe
daughterofTanakaKakueiwhowastheprimeministerofJapanfrom1972to1974,andone
ofthemostpowerfulpostwarpoliticians.Heenjoyedimmensepopularity,butwasforced
to resign his prime ministership amidst a bribery scandal in 1974. He was found guilty of
these bribery charges in 1982, sentenced to four years imprisonment and fined for the
amounthereceived inbribes. Heappealedthe sentenceand refused to give up his seatin
theDiet,resigningfromtheLDPandservingasanIndependentuntilhesufferedastrokein
1985. Until his health made it impossible, he continued to wield significant power from
behind the scenes. 45 He passed away in 1993. Tanaka Makiko was heavily involved in
supportinghispoliticalcareer.

TanakaMakikosentranceintopolitics
Before considering Tanakas political experience, it is important to discuss the political
climate around the time she entered politics, and in particular to take into account the
experiences of Doi Takako, who was influential in carving the way for more women to
participateinelitelevelpolitics.AlthoughJapanesepoliticsisheavilypopulatedwithmen,
andtheLDPinparticularisamalebastion, 46 Tanakadidnotemergeintoapoliticalarena
that was devoid of women. There had been a surge in female political participation at the
nationallevelsincethemid1980s. 47 Forexample,DoiTakakobecamethefirstfemalehead
of a political party in Japan, becoming the chairperson of the JSP in 1986 (at the time the

56

www.auckland.ac.nz/gjaps

strongest opposition party), and again in the mid1990s. 48 She gained popularity among a
largenumberofwomenwhensheledthethenJSPinopposingtheintroductionofthethree
percent consumption tax in 1989. This issue mobilized Japanese women because women
control the household budgets. 49 The support she received from legions of middleaged
womenwasbasedontheirabilitytoidentifywithher,particularlyonthisissue. 50 Shewas,
like Tanaka, a compelling orator, upfront and unwilling to participate in the behindthe
scenesdealsthatcharacterizedJapanesepolitics.
Doiisascholarofconstitutionallawandhadbeenactiveinthewomensmovement,
campaigningagainstsextourstoSouthEastAsiaandagainsttheJapaneseImperialsystem
for its basis in patrilineal descent. 51 Chosen by her party as a last resort during a time of
internalpartycrisis,Doiwasabletochangethepartysimageandfindanewdirectionforit
includingpromotingthecausesofwomenandurbancitizens.Shehighlightedthepotential
advantages of harnessing the womens vote and just as importantly, the advantages of
womenoccupyingpoliticallypowerfulpositions. 52
Johnson notes that Doi was able to appeal to women voters without subscribing to
dominant gender discourses of femininity such as motherhood, or by claiming to bring a
womansvisiontopolitics.Rather,withherlegaltraining,sheappealedtotheideasframed
within the Constitution of Japan and criticized various elements she believed stood in
conflictwithitsuchastheimperialsystembecauseofitsinherentlysexistbasisinpatrilineal
descentandLDPattemptstorearmJapanwhichruncountertothepeaceclause. 53
ItwasacombinationofDoisinfluence,publicreactiontotheintroductionofthevery
unpopular consumption tax, accession to U.S. pressure to open agricultural commodity
marketsandtwopoliticalscandals 54 thatsawtheLDPloseitsUpperHousemajorityanda
record number of women elected to the Diet in the 1989 elections. 55 This was dubbed the
Madonnaboom.WhilemostoftheMadonnaselectedwerepoliticalamateurswhoonthe
wholefailedtochangethepolitical system,theemergenceofsuchalargenumberwomen
intothenationalpoliticalarenapavedthewayformorewomentofollow. 56
With this as a backdrop, Tanaka was first elected in 1993, at the age of 49, to the
Niigataprefectureseat.Afterlookingafterherailingfatherforalmosttenyears,itbecame
clear to Tanaka that the Japanese welfare system was inadequate and she felt that the
system had no sympathy or understanding of human pains. [She] thought [she] could
become a lawmaker and change that. 57 Of course, Tanakas politician father was also an
impetus to enter the political arena. The practice of dynastic succession in political
candidacyiscommoninJapanalthoughitismorecommontopassfromfathertoson.
Tanakaenjoyedenormouspopularityand,intheleaduptothe2001LDPleadership
election, 58 wasJapansmostpopularpoliticianwithanapprovalratingofninetypercent. 59
Shebackedtheeventualwinner,KoizumiJunichir,whoappointedarecordfivewomento
hiscabinet,includingTanakatothehighlycovetedpostofMinisterofForeignAffairsasa
rewardforhersupport.
Tanaka and Koizumi started their election campaigns in 2001 with the same
prioritiesto reform the LDP by creating transparency within the party and cabinet. 60
Tanaka later criticized Koizumi for falling back in with the conservative old guard and
losingsightofhisreformistagenda.Koizumi,andmostoftherestoftheparty,wascritical
of Tanaka for her undiplomatic style which they perceived to be potentially harmful to
Japansrelations with foreigncountries. 61 Specifically,her overt criticismofher ownparty
members was seen as destructive and unhelpful. However, many members of the public,
particularly women, disenchantedwith corrupt politicians who seemed more interested in
Dalton/ The Utilization of Discourses of Femininity by Japanese Politicians

57

power than in representing their interests, were glad to see someone voicing their
concerns. 62

Housewifeandmotheridentitiesinpolitics
Tanaka took up politics after raising three children and supporting her husband in
elections. 63 Inherbook,TokinoSugiyukuMamani(AsTimeGoesBy),sheexplainsheropinion
oneducationalissuesbyidentifyingherselfasahousewifeandmother. 64 Theexperienceof
beingahousewifeissomethingnomalepoliticianbearsclaimtoinJapan,soitisaheavily
gendered assertion. 65 Appealing to voters with her upfront and nononsense manner by
utilising the gendered concept of housewife and promising to clean up a government
taintedbycorruptionhelpedTanakawinherfirstDietseat. 66 Cleaninguppoliticshasbeen
a gendered promise dating back to the 1930s when the Womens Suffrage League, led by
Ichikawa Fusae, campaigned on the grounds that women would clean up electoral
corruption. 67 However, cleaning up corruption is no longer a promise that only women
makePrime Minister Koizumi made a similar one before coming to power in 2001. 68 It
seems that the promise to clean up corruption, however, is more likely to believed if it
comes from a woman. This is illustrated by Social Democratic Party leader Fukushima
MizuhosresponsetotherevelationofseveralbriberyincidentssoonafterTanakaselection
tominister.FukushimaobservedthatinbringingLDPcorruptionoutintotheopen,Tanaka
hadachievedsomethingmalecabinetmemberswouldneverbeableto. 69
Japanese works published around the time Tanaka became a Diet member dedicate
largesectionstoherpositionandexperiencesasamotherandhousewife.70 Forexample,in
the 7chapter Zubari Makiko Bushi (Phrases from StraightTalking Makiko) three chapters are
directlyrelatedtoherdomesticlifePhrasesfromahousewifewhovaluesthehome,Phrasesfrom
a mother who packs lunches lovingly, and Phrases from an upandcoming wife who makes her
husbandtheman.TheintroductiontoEndTakashisbook,publishedin1994,declaresthe
potential benefits of Tanaka becoming prime minister by borrowing a metaphor first used
byearlyfeministwriterHiratsukaRaich,claimingthatwhatJapanneedsnowisawarm
leader that can be conceptualized as the sun and as a mother, making a connection
betweenthematernal,warmthandpolitics.71
Itagaki notes that Tanakas fashion sense was even part of her tactic to capitalize on
herordinaryhousewifeimage. 72 AccordingtoItagaki,Tanakastrategicallydresseddownin
jeans and baggy tshirts during election campaigns so that she could emit an air of
approachabilityandordinariness.ItagakicomparesthistothedresssenseofDoiTakako,
who is always professional and immaculate, and notes that while Tanaka is a mother of
three,Doiis single andchildless.The particularlanguage Itagaki usesto compare thetwo
reflects the general perception of women in politics in Japan at the time: he argues that
comparedtoDoi,Tanakasfashionsensesmellsoflife,andthatthisisbecauseTanakais
appropriatelymarried,hasborneandraisedthreechildren,hastheexperienceofbeinga
wife,housewifeandmother,andhaslookedafteranailingfather.HethuslabelsTanakaa
housewife politician. Doi, on the other hand, is labelled by Itagaki a single upperclass
politicianwhodoesnotsmelloflife.Doiwasalsocriticizedbymalepoliticiansforbeing
blunt and unfeminine. 73 These judgements of Doi and Tanaka suggest an expectation of
women to be bound in some way to the home and family. Tanakas utilization of the
housewifeidentitywasverysuccessfulingainingpopularityamongstthepublicaswellas
validation in the eyes of writers and scholars like Itagaki. The images created by Itagaki
reinforce in readers stereotypical roles for women. Moreover, these descriptions fail to

58

www.auckland.ac.nz/gjaps

acknowledgeTanakasprivilegedupbringing.Shemaynothavedressedlikeanupperclass
politician, but as mentioned previously, armed with an excellent education and an elite
politicalpedigree,shewasnoordinaryhousewife.
Further, in describing her daughter, Tanakas mother said that although she had a
good heart, if there was something she did not agree with she would fight against it
persistently and so therefore should have been a boy. 74 Tanakas personality trait of
assertion, identified by her mother, is one way that Tanaka resisted the stereotypical
femininecharacteristicofpassivity.Tanakaseldestdaughtersaidthathermotherwasvery
cheerfulandtoughsoshewasgladshetookafterherfather,implyingthat,asagirl,she
doesnotwanttobetough. 75 HereagainweseeinTanakastoughpersonalityaresistance
tobehavinginamorestereotypicallyfemininemanner.
OntheonehandTanakaresistedcertainstereotypicalcharactertraitsassociatedwith
femininity while on the other, by capitalizing on her housewife experience, she utilized to
her advantage the concept of a commonality among women during her campaign for her
first Diet seat in 1993. She told a press conference that she wanted to make politics
accessible from the vantage point of the kitchen and projected an image appealing to
womenbecausesherealizedthatoverhalftheeligiblevotersarewomen. 76 Againduringa
Lower House committee meeting in 1993, she posed a question about agricultural
administrationtothethenDirectorGeneraloftheEnvironmentAgency,HironakaWakako,
fromtheviewpointofahousewife,fromthesameplatformasanyhousewifewhospends
timeinthekitchen. 77 WhileshedidnotclaimtobearepresentativeofallJapanesewomen,
by utilizing her status and experience as a housewife, Tanaka adopted discourses of
femininitytorelatetowomenvoters.

TanakasremovalfromtheLDP
AlthoughmostofthecriticismdirectedatTanakawasbasedonherperformanceasforeign
minister, sometimes her misconduct was referred to in light of her being a woman.
Sociologist Kawanishi Yko commented during a radio debate that she wished Tanaka
would be a little more ladylike, even though she understood that was her style. 78 This
commentreflectsanexpectationofwomenpoliticianstobehaveinacertainmannermore
in adherence with ladylike norms which include being less opinionated and rebellious.
This is anexample ofthe negative implications ofutilizinggendered discoursesfor public
approval.Onceinpower,thosegendereddiscoursesmayfollowapoliticianthroughouther
careerandifherbehaviourisincompatiblewithdominantgendereddiscourses,thepublic
orthemediaarelikelytobecomedisillusioned.
Further genderbased condemnation was directed at Tanaka by Koizumi when she
waspushedtotearsduringatelevisioninterviewinJanuary,2002.Thebackgroundtothis
wasaconflictwithintheministryoverwhetherornottwoNGOshadbeeninvitedtoattend
a donor conference for Afghanistanthis also led to her eventual sacking. Tanaka had
accusedseniorLDPlawmaker,SuzukiMuneo,ofpressuringtheMinistryofForeignAffairs
(MOFA) to disallow the attendance of Japanese NGOs, Peace Winds Japan and Japan
Platform,butMOFAsviceminister,NogamiYoshiji,whomKoizumialsofired,accusedher
of lying. Suzuki Muneo also denied her claims. It was in the face of these accusations of
lyingthatTanakacriedontelevision.Koizumisresponsewas:Tearsarewomensgreatest
weapons.Whenwomencry,mencannotcompetewiththem. 79 Thisstatementunderscores
my argument that politicians must not express emotions. There are negative consequences
for women in public positions of power who crytherefore the typically feminine trait of
Dalton/ The Utilization of Discourses of Femininity by Japanese Politicians

59

emotional expression must be resisted. This was not the first time that Tanaka had been
condemned for showing emotionthe Yomiuri Shinbun criticized her for being ruled by
sentimentandemotion. 80 Koizumiscomment,however,waswidelycondemned,aswashis
eventualsackingoftheminister,particularlybyJapanesewomen. 81
AfterthesackingofTanakaandNogami,theapprovalratingoftheLDPplummeted
from72percenton26/27January2002to49percenton2/3February2002. 82 Itmustbenoted
thatthisfeudwasonlyoneincidentthatoccurredduringTanakasreignasministerwhich
wasdistinguished by the internalbickeringthat characterized MOFAatthe time,andthat
her sacking came after a culmination of incidents. Koizumi had hoped that the popularity
sheheldinthepublicwouldhelpenhancethepartysimage.Unfortunatelyforbothofthem,
they clashed over several important issues relating to international relations as well as
domestic affairs, and Koizumi fired her less than a year after her appointment. She
maintained her seat in the Diet until August 2002, when she was forced to resign over
accusationsofaninvolvementinabriberyscandal.InNovemberofthesameyearshewas
reelected in the general election to the same seat as an Independent which she currently
maintains. In November, 2003, she formally aligned herself with the Democratic Party of
Japan 83 thus rejecting the unwomanfriendly government for a party that is more
supportiveofwomentheopposition. 84
This passage has demonstrated that a female politician is always in a double bind
withregardstogenderedappearances.Ontheonehand,ifsheactslikeamanasMargaret
Thatcher was believed to by some, 85 she is condemned for not acting ladylike. On the
otherhand,ifsheexpressessomeemotion,sheiscriticisedforbeingruledbyemotionand
thereforeunfitforapositionofpowerwhichistraditionallyassociatedwithmen.
The implications for utilizing gendered identities for a female politician in Japan,
however,arenotallbad.DespiteTanakaselitebackground,shecameintopoliticsasaself
claimed housewife and mother. Adopting this feminine identity assisted Tanaka to gain
enormous public popularity, particularly among women. By identifying herself as one of
them, Tanaka appealed to mothers and housewives who felt they could trust her to voice
their concerns more than they could the men in power who seemed to be embroiled in
scandals and bribes. While utilising these typically feminine identities, she maintained her
outspokenpersonality,whichintheeyesofmany,includingthepressandherfamilywas
unfeminine. In this way Tanaka was able to appear simultaneously feminine and
unfeminine,andthisprovedtobeasuccessfultacticingainingacovetedcabinetpost.Her
outspokenness,however,alsoearnedheralotofcriticism.

WhileTakedaarguesthatutilizingfeminineidentitiessuchasTanakadidcanhave
the effect of limiting the activity a woman politician can have, in Tanakas case it did not.
Tanaka was posted to a high level cabinet ministry, a position typically held by a man.
Nevertheless,inmakingthisassertion,Idonotdismissthesignificanceofherelitepolitical
backgroundwhichremainsaconstantdespitehersimultaneousadoptionandsubversionof
gendereddiscourses.

Conclusion
ThispaperhasexaminedthewayinwhichJapanesepoliticsisheavilygendered;the
way that female politicians are viewed by the public, the media and other politicians, and
thewaytheyportraythemselvesaswomen.Asillustrated,somefemalepoliticianschoose
tomarketthemselvesaswomenwithexperienceasmothersorhousewives.Likemanyother
female politicians, Tanaka utilized dominant gender discourses to her advantage. Her

60

www.auckland.ac.nz/gjaps

strategicuseofherstatusasamotherandhousewifewastypicalofmanywomeninpolitics.
Her political pedigree was highly instrumental in advancing her political career, but
strategies involving the use of dominant discourses of gender and femininity also assisted
hertoclimbthepoliticalranksthataresooftenoverpopulatedwithmen,byappealingto
women voters. The housewife and mother identity is one that only women can adopt and
onethatmanyfemalepoliticiansdosowithenthusiasm.Realisingthatmencannotcompete
withtheminthemotherhoodandhousewifestakes,somepoliticianschoosetoutilizethese
feminineidentitiesofhousewifeormotherassellingpoints.AsdemonstratedbyKoizumis
comment on Kawaguchis website and assertions made by political scientists and
sociologists, some members of society project upon female politicians their preconceived
gender stereotypes. Female politicians are not immune to societys preconceptions of
femininity,andsomeofthemdonotnecessarilywanttobe.
Utilisingfemininitydiscoursesbywomenpoliticianscan,asTakedapointsout,leadto
limitationofthetypeofactivityopentowomeninpolitics.Itcanalsoengenderexpectations
amongst the public and media that those who utilize dominant gendered discourses
maintaintheirimaginedfeminineidentitythroughouttheircareer.
Apartfromsomemediareports,Tanakasmotheranddaughteralsopointedoutthat
Tanakawasnotasfeminineasshecouldhavebeen.Thisresistancetostereotypicalfeminine
behaviourcombinedwiththeadoptionofadominantfemininitydiscoursethehousewife
andmotheridentityhasbeendemonstratedinotherformsinotherwomenpoliticiansas
well. Yamanaka Akiko heeds Margaret Guilfoyles advice to both adopt stereotypical
feminine characteristics (elegance) and subvert others (emotional expression). While it is
acceptable and perhaps even desirable to adopt certain feminine characteristics such as
elegance, other feminine characteristics such as emotional expression or passivity are
resistedbymostfemalepoliticiansbecausetheydonotbelongintheworldofpoliticswhere
composureandassertionarenecessary.
The adoption of feminine identities and the subversion of certain behaviours
associated with femininity is a strategy that many women adopt in Japanese politics. This
strategy allows them to simultaneously be regarded as feminine women and be treated
seriously in the maledominated world of politics where some stereotypical characteristics
associatedwithfemininityareinappropriate.

Dalton/ The Utilization of Discourses of Femininity by Japanese Politicians

61

NOTES
T.Inoue,C.Ueno,andY.Ehara,eds.SeiYakuwari(SexRoles),IwanamiShoten,Tokyo,1995.
R.M.LeBlanc,BicycleCitizens:ThePoliticalWorldoftheJapaneseHousewife,UniversityofCalifornia
Press,Berkley,1999,p.82.
3AsofMarch,2007,femalerepresentationinbothhouseswaslowestintheLDPcomparedwith
otherparties:womenrepresented14.1%ofLDPUpperHousememberscomparedwith18.5%,23.8%,
20%and14.3%respectivelyfortheDemocraticPartyofJapan(DPJ),theKomeito,theSocialDemocratic
Party(SDP)andtheJapanCommunistParty(JCP).IntheLowerHouse,femalesaccountforonly9.4%
oftotalmembershipwithfemaleLDPrepresentationat8.8%,rankingthematiedbottomwiththeDPJ
outofthefivemainpoliticalpartiesintermsoftheproportionoffemaleLowerHousemembers.
4LiteratureonwomeninJapanesepoliticstendstoconsidertheirunder
representationingeneral,withoutfocusonpartyaffiliation.See,forexample,T.gai,JendatoSeijisanka
(TheImpactofWomeninPolitics)(*Authorstranslationoftitle.Allothertranslationsaremyownunless
otherwisestated),Seirshobo,Tokyo,2005;C.&H.Bochel,Exploringthelowlevelsofwomens
representationinJapaneselocalgovernment,JapaneseJournalofPoliticalScience,vol.6(2005),pp.375
392;Y.Maeda,Externalconstraintsonfemalepoliticalparticipation,JapaneseJournalofPoliticalScience,
vol.6(2005),pp.345373.Moreover,scrutinyofindividualshasbeenconcentratedontheformerJapan
SocialistPartyleader,DoiTakako.
5AtypicallycitedexampleofthisinpoliticsoutsideofJapanisMargaretThatcher.See,forexample
N.Puwar,Thinkingaboutmakingadifference,TheBritishJournalofPoliticsandInternationalRelations,
vol.6,1(2004),p.175;K.Ross,Womensplaceinmalespace:Genderandeffectinparliamentary
context,ParliamentaryAffairs,vol.55,1(2002),p.197.
6M.Mitsui,MomoironoKenryoku:SekainoJoseitachiwaSekaiwoKaeru(PinkPower:WomenoftheWorld
toTransformtheWorld),Sanseido,Tokyo,1992,OtokowoKese!NoruwwoKaetaJoseinoKdet(Erasethe
men!TheWomensCoupDEtatThatTransformedNorway),MainichiShinbunsha,Tokyo,1999.
7K.Azuma,SeisanoShakaiShinriGaku(SocialPsychologyofGender),DainipponTsh,Tokyo,1979,
citedinY.SugiharaandE.Katsurada,GenderrolepersonalitytraitsinJapaneseculturePsychologyof
WomenQuarterly,vol.24(2000)p.311.
8Forexample,T.gai,Japanesewomenandpoliticalinstitutions:whyarewomenpolitically
underrepresented?PoliticalScience,vol.34(2001),pp.207210,JendatoSeijisanka(TheImpactofWomenin
Politics);S.J.Pharr,LosingFace:StatusPoliticsinJapan,UniversityofCaliforniaPress,Berkley,1990,
Moralismandthegendergap:judgmentsofpoliticalethicsinJapan,PoliticalPsychology,vol.19,1
(1998),pp.211236,PoliticalWomeninJapan,UniversityofCaliforniaPress,London,1981.
MostofthescholarshipontheunderrepresentationofwomeninpoliticsinJapanisofafeminist
naturetheliteraturefromthefieldofpoliticalscienceinJapanhaslargelyignoredwomenandtheir
absenceandhasinsteadfocusedontheLiberalDemocraticPartyanditsdominanceofthepolitical
landscape.
9WomeninNationalParliamentsInterparliamentaryUnion,availableat:
http://www.ipu.org/english/home.htm(4October2007).
10ApartfromthePhilippines,theseAsiancountriesarealsorankedhigherthantheU.S.AbytheIPU.
11V.Mackie,CreatingSocialistWomeninJapan.Gender,LabourandActivism,19001937,Cambridge
UniversityPress,Cambridge,1997.
12R.M.LeBlanc;I.Peng,Socialcareincrisis:gender,demography,andwelfarestaterestructuringin
Japan,SocialPolitics,vol.9,3(2002),pp.411443.
13D.PattersonandM.Nishikawa,Politicalinterestorinterestinpolitics?Genderandpartysupport
inpostwarJapan,WomenandPolitics,vol.24,2(2002),p.19.
14ibid.,pp.134.
15R.M.LeBlanc;T.Iwai,TheMadonnaBoom:WomenintheJapaneseDiet,JournalofJapanese
Studies,vol.19,1(1993),pp.103120;S.Iwao,TheJapaneseWoman:TraditionalImageandChangingReality,
HarvardUniversityPress,Cambridge,1994.
16S.Iwao,p.215.
17S.LMartin,Alienated,independentandfemale:lessonsfromtheJapaneseelectorate,Social
ScienceJapanJournal,vol.7,1(2004),pp.119.
18S.Kogure,Turningbacktheclockongenderequality.ProposedConstitutionalrevision
jeopardizesJapanesewomensrights,JapanFocus,(2005),availableat:
http://japanfocus.org/article.asp?id=290,(24May2006).
1
2

62

www.auckland.ac.nz/gjaps

19N.Iwaki,WagaKowoNobasuNanatsunoMah(7MagicTipsforBringingupourChildren),
AUn,Tokyo,2001,p.61.
20ibid.,p.138.
21A.Yamanaka,UnyokuJoseiniUmaretaraSekaiwoButainiHitoshigoto(ThoseLuckyEnoughtobeBorn
aWoman,MaketheWorldYourStage),HokuseidoShoten,Tokyo,2004,p.149.
22S.L.HutsonComeauxandJ.R.Kelly,Genderstereotypesofemotionalreactions:How
wejudgeanemotionasvalid,SexRoles,vol.47,1/2(2002),p.1.
23A.Yamanaka,p.149.
24GenderInformationSite,availableat:http://www.gender.go.jp/index.html(23January2007).
25M.sawa,Governmentapproachestogenderequalityinthemid1990s,SocialScienceJapan
Journal,vol.3,1(2000),p.7.
26
Foradiscussionoftherecentevolutionofhomeeconomicstextbooksusedinschools,
seeH.Tando,Kateikaninanigaokiteiruka(ThesituationwithHomeEconomicstextbooks),Sekai,vol.
4,(2005),pp.110115.ForfurtherreadingsongenderroleidentityinJapananditsdevelopmentinthe
contextofschooling,seeY.SugiharaandE.Katsurada,GenderrolepersonalitytraitsinJapanese
cultureandE.KatsuradaandY.Sugihara,Genderroleidentity,attitudestowardsmarriage,and
gendersegregatedschoolbackgrounds,SexRoles,vol.47,5/6(2002),pp.249258.
27ibid
28H.Hardacre,ConstitutionrevisionandJapanesereligion,JapaneseStudies,vol.25,3(2005),p.241.
29GenderInformationSite,availableat:http://www.gender.go.jp/english_contents/index.html(2
September2006).Afurtherbreakdownrevealsthat11%ofwomenand14.6%ofmencompletelyagree,
and30.2%ofwomenand35.1%ofmenratheragree.
30D.Khor,Organizingforchange:womensgrassrootsactivisminJapan,FeministStudies,vol.25,3
(1999),p.648.
31Y.LingandA.Matsuno,WomensstruggleforempowermentinJapan,inJ.M.Bystydzienski,ed.,
WomenTransformingPolitics:WorldwideStrategiesforEmpowerment,IndianaUniversityPress,
Bloomington1992,p.59.
32C.Ueno,TheJapanesewomensmovement,inG.McCormackandY.Sugimoto,eds.,TheJapanese
Trajectory:ModernizationandBeyond,CambridgeUniversityPress,Cambridge1988,p.181.
33Y.LingandA.Matsuno,p.59.
34J.GelbandM.EstevezAbe,PoliticalwomeninJapan:acasestudyoftheSeikatsushaNetwork
movement,SocialScienceJapanJournal,vol.1,2(1998),pp.263279;P.E.Lam,GreenPoliticsinJapan,
Routledge,London,1999;R.M.LeBlanc.
35Y.Kobayashi,APathTowardGenderEquality:StateFeminisminJapan,Routledge,NewYork,2004,
p.67.
36Seeitswebsitehttp://www.seikatsuclub.coop/english/index.html
37R.M.LeBlanc,p.198.
38V.Mackie,ThedimensionsofcitizenshipinmodernJapan,inA.Vandenberg,ed.,Citizenshipand
DemocracyinaGlobalEra,Macmillan,London2000,p.248.
39S.H.Nolte,Womensrightsandsocietysneeds:Japans1931suffragebill,ComparativeStudiesin
SocietyandHistory,vol.28,4(1986),p.699.
N.Okashita,Imakososeijinifutsnojoseikankakugahitsuy(Whatpoliticsneedsnow
isthesenseofordinarywomen).GekkanJiyminsh,vol.5,(2001),p.65.
41SeeKawaguchisofficialwebsitehttp://www.yorikokawaguchi.jp/
42 H.Takeda,GenderingtheJapanesepoliticalsystem:thegenderspecificpatternofpolitical
activityandwomenspoliticalparticipation,JournalofJapaneseStudies,vol.26,2(2006),p.195.
T.Iwai,TheMadonnaBoom:WomenintheJapaneseDiet,JournalofJapaneseStudies,vol.19,1
(1993),p.108.
44Makikoishergivenname.TocallsomeonebytheirgivennameinJapanimpliesasenseof
closenessandperhapsevenaffection.
45L.D.Hayes,IntroductiontoJapanesePolitics,2nded,MarloweandCompany,NewYork,1994,p.85.
46Seeendnote4
47 T.Iwai; M.Iwamoto,TheMadonnaBoom:TheprogressofJapanesewomenintopoliticsinthe

1980s,PoliticalScience,vol.34(2001),p.225;T.gai,JendatoSeijisanka(TheImpactofWomeninPolitics).

The Japan Socialist Party changed its name in 1996 to the Social Democratic Party and is
currently headed by another womanFukushima Mizuho.
48

Dalton/ The Utilization of Discourses of Femininity by Japanese Politicians

63

S.Iwao,p.225.
ibid.,p.229.
51L.L.Johnson,ThefeministpoliticsofTakakoDoiandthesocialdemocraticpartyofJapan,Women
StudiesInternationalForum,vol.15,3(1992),p.386.
52S.Iwao,p.20.
53L.L.Johnson,p.393.
54TheRecruitScandal,acaseofinsidertradingwherebytheRecruitCosmoscompanydistributed
itsstocktoDietmembersincludingthenPrimeMinisterTakeshita;andasexscandalsurrounding
incomingPrimeMinisterUno.
55M.Iwamoto,p.225.
56I.Lenz,Frommothersofthenationtoglobalcivilsociety:thechangingroleoftheJapanese
womensmovementinglobalization,SocialScienceJapanJournal,vol.9,1(2006),p.93.
57H.Takayama,Borntospeakout,NewsweekInternational,(2001),availableat:
http://www.highbeam.com/library/doc3.asp?DOCID=1G1:73598151&num=1&ctrlInfo=Round20%3APro
d%3ASR%3AResult&ao=&FreePremium=BOTH(6June2006).
58TheLDPleadershipelectioniscarriedoutbytheparty.AstheLDPhasmajoritygovernment,the
winneroftheLDPelectioninevitablybecomesthePrimeMinister.
59Profile:JapaneseForeignMinisterMakikoTanaka,NationalPublicRadio:Washington,(2001),
availableat:
http://www.highbeam.com/library/doc3.asp?DOCID=1P1:45272852&num=6&ctrlInfo=Round20%3APro
d%3ASR%3AResult&ao=&FreePremium=BOTH(15June,2006).
H.Takayama,Lightningrod,NewsweekInternational,(2001),availableat:
http://www.highbeam.com/library/doc3.asp?DOCID=1G1:80127638&num=13&ctrlInfo=Round20%3APr
od%3ASR%3AResult&ao=&FreePremium=BOTH(6June2006).
61J.Conachy,MakikoTanakareturnstopoliticalprominenceinJapan,WorldSocialistWebSite,
(2003),availableat:http://www.wsws.org/articles/2003/nov2003/japn28.shtml(14May2006).
62H.Itagaki,ZubariMakikobushi:TanakaMakikowaChichiKakueiwoKoerareruka:MataItchatta!Yukai
TskaiMgorokush(PhrasesfromStraightTalkingMakiko),1sted,TokyoKshob,Tokyo,1994,p.2.
63HerhusbandTanakaNaoki(neeSuzuki),whomshemarriedin1969,isalsoanLDPDiet
member.
64M.Tanaka,TokinoSugiyukuMamani(AsTimeGoesBy),ShufutoSeikatsusha,Tokyo,1989,p.149.
65ItisinterestingtoconsiderthatformerAustralianLaborPartyleader,MarkLatham,aspartofhis
retirementbecameahousehusbandnotonlyisthegenderreversed,soistheorderofdoingthings.
66H.Itagaki,ZubariMakikobushi:TanakaMakikowaChichiKakueiwoKoerareruka:MataItchatta!Yukai
TskaiMgorokush(PhrasesfromStraightTalkingMakiko),p.20.
67V.Mackie,FeminisminModernJapan.Citizenship,EmbodimentandSexuality,CambridgeUniversity
Press,Cambridge,2003,p.63.
68H.Takayama,Lightningrod.
69ibid.
70See,forexample,H.Itagaki,ZubariMakikoBushi:TanakaMakikowaChichiKakueiwoKoerareruka:
MataItchatta!YukaiTsukaiMogorokushu(PhrasesfromStraightTalkingMakiko);T.End,TanakaMakiko:
ChichiKaraMusumeenoYuigon:NazeMakikowaHakkiriMonogaIerunoka(TanakaMakiko:AFathersLast
WordstoHisDaughter:HowMakikoCanBeSoOutspoken),ParuShuppan,Tokyo,1994;H.Itagaki,Tanaka
MakikotoiuIkikata(TanakaMakikosWayofLife),1sted,TokyoBesutoSerzu,Tokyo,1994.
71T.End,p.4.
72H.Itagaki,TanakaMakikotoiuIkikata(TanakaMakikosWayofLife),p.65.
73B.Bishop,GlobalizationandwomenslabouractivisminJapan,ElectronicJournalofContemporary
JapaneseStudies,2(2002),availableathttp://www.japanesestudies.org.uk/articles/Bishop.html(1May
2006).
74M.Tanaka,p.269.
75ibid.
76H.Itagaki,TanakaMakikotoiuIkikata(TanakaMakikosWayofLife),p.21.
77ibid.,p.167.
78Profile:JapaneseForeignMinisterMakikoTanaka,(2001).
79J.Brooke(2002)Japansforeignministerisfiredaftermonthsoffeuding.NewYorkTimes(LateEdition
(EastCoast)),p.A6.
49
50

64

www.auckland.ac.nz/gjaps

80CitedinProfile:JapaneseForeignMinisterMakikoTanaka,NationalPublicRadio,online,2001,
availableat
http://www.highbeam.com/library/doc3.asp?DOCID=1P1:45272852&num=6&ctrlInfo=Round20%3APro
d%3ASR%3AResult&ao=&FreePremium=BOTH(18June2006).
81S.Kakuchi,PoliticsJapan:firingofpopularofficialboundtohurtpremier,online,2002,availableat
http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=248799401&Fmt=7&clientId=20901&RQT=309&VName=PQD(28
May2006).
82T.Ito,StructuralconstructionofJapanesepoliticsasanalternativetostructuralreform,Electronic
JournalofContemporaryJapaneseStudies,(2005),availableat
http://www.japanesestudies.org.uk/discussionpapers/2005/Ito.html(27May2006).
83J.Conachy.
84M.Aiuchi,HowwomenwonorlostintheJapaneseLowerHouseelection:casestudies
ofwomencandidateswhoranaschallengers,PoliticalScience,vol.34,(2001),p.222.Thiscasestudyof
femaleDPJcandidatesinthe2000LowerHouseelectionsconsidersthestoryofacandidatewho
switchedaffiliationfromtheLDPtotheDPJafterrecognisingtheapparentlimitationandgynophobia
ofthemaledominatedLDP.
85A.Ticker,YouJustDontUnderstand:TroubledEngagementsBetweenFeministsandIRTheorists,Dept.of
InternationalRelationsAustralianNationalUniversity,Canberra,1996,p.12.

Dalton/ The Utilization of Discourses of Femininity by Japanese Politicians

65