Language Assessment Quarterly

ISSN: 1543-4303 (Print) 1543-4311 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/hlaq20

International Language Test Taking Among Young

Learners: A Hong Kong Case Study
Alice Chik & Sharon Besser
To cite this article: Alice Chik & Sharon Besser (2011) International Language Test Taking
Among Young Learners: A Hong Kong Case Study, Language Assessment Quarterly, 8:1, 73-91,
DOI: 10.1080/15434303.2010.537417
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15434303.2010.537417

Published online: 10 Feb 2011.

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Language Assessment Quarterly, 8: 7391, 2011

Copyright Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
ISSN: 1543-4303 print / 1543-4311 online
DOI: 10.1080/15434303.2010.537417

International Language Test Taking Among Young

Learners: A Hong Kong Case Study
Alice Chik
City University of Hong Kong

Sharon Besser
The Hong Kong Polytechnic University

Many children around the globe are learning English as a foreign language, especially in Asia.
Numbers of participants and development of programs are increasing rapidly, as is a commercial
testing movement targeted toward assessing this group of young learners. For example, the popular
Cambridge Young Learners English test series has had more than 360,000 young testers globally
(Cambridge ESOL Examinations, 2004, 2007). Published research on assessment for young learners has focused on developing reliable and appropriate assessment instruments at school or national
levels, but little work has focused on the private uses of commercial international language tests
for children. Reporting on a 3-year project investigating Hong Kong young learners participation
in commercial international language test taking and preparation, this article explores stakeholders
perceptions on the practice in order to examine the social consequences. The project adopted a multimethod qualitative approach with data including interviews with stakeholders from the education
and commercial sectors, classroom observations, participant observation in online parenting forums,
and documentary research on media coverage and advertisements. Our findings suggested that in lieu
of clear and perceived fairness in their own education system, stakeholders were using language tests
as a grassroots movement to gain access to material educational resources.

INTRODUCTION
A significant side effect of the global spread of English is the rapid increase in the number of
children studying English around the world. Not only are more and more children from nonEnglish-speaking countries around the world learning English, but many are beginning their
study before formal schooling. In some parts of Asia, for example, children start English lessons
as early as 3 years old (Graddol, 2006; Nunan, 2003). Meeting the demand of implementing
and maintaining high-quality English as a foreign language instruction has put a huge burden
on primary (elementary) schools and early years settings (preschools). It is not surprising that
researchers and test developers have had a difficult time keeping up with both the quickened

Correspondence should be sent to Alice Chik, City University of Hong Kong, Department of English, Tat Chee
Avenue, Kowloon Tong, Kowloon, Hong Kong. E-mail: alice.chik@cityu.edu.hk

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pace of the introduction of English as a foreign language for young learners and the demand for
assessment that has followed (Alderson & Banerjee, 2001; Cameron, 2001; McKay, 2000, 2005).
Ideally, assessment methods are developed in partnership with researchers and stakeholders (Pinter, 2006). This demand for school- and national-level assessment of English language
learning for children has been so great that assessment tools have been developed rapidly, often
without systematic research or attention to principles that would ensure that the assessment supported teaching and learning practices (Cameron, 2001; Fairbairn & Fox, 2009). The private
sector is offering commercial international language tests of English for young learners, quickly
meeting the demands of stakeholders calling for English language tests. These international
English language tests for young learners meet the following criteria:
1. They are designed to assess English language proficiency of children ages 5 to 12.1
2. They are standardized and can be implemented to children all over the world. These tests
are designed for cross-cultural comparability, which means a child scoring full marks on
the test in India will be deemed equally as proficient as a child scoring the same mark in
France (McKay, 2006).
3. The tests are marketed globally as commercial products to individual learners.
4. To take the test, one must pay a fee.
Examples of such tests are the Cambridge Young Learners English Test (YLE),2 developed
by Cambridge ESOL Examinations, and the Pearson Test of English Young Learners (PTE
Young Learners).3 The YLE test series, for example, is currently administered in 68 countries and has more than 360,000 test takers annually (Cambridge ESOL Examinations, 2004,
2007).
It is undeniable that these tests are popular globally. Yet the suitability, wash-back effects,
and educational and social implications of this testing has been largely unexamined. Not
only are we concerned about the appropriateness of using such standardized language tests
for young learners but we are concerned that young children, by nature of their vulnerability in comparison with adults, are more likely to be disempowered or disadvantaged
by assessment (Cameron, 2001; Hughes, 2003; McKay, 2006; Pinter, 2006; Rea-Dickins,
2000). The emergence of language testing among children, as a social phenomenon, warrants critical examination as testing involves power differentials between test givers and
takers (Shohamy, 2001). As the global population of young learners of English increases,
it is essential to explore the social dimensions of assessment of young learners (Cameron,
2003).

1 Young learners is a term used both in the research literature to define the age group 5 to 12 (see, e.g., Cameron,
2001; Hasselgreen, 2005; Pinter, 2006; Rea-Dickins, 2000) and by test developers who market their tests for young
learners.
2 YLE consists of three levels (Starters, Movers, and Flyers). At each level, comprehensive skills are tested (listening,
reading and writing, speaking). Instead of test score, test takers are awarded shields, with 15 as the maximum. The test
series is generally recommended for learners between the ages of 7 and 12.
3 PTE Young Learners consists of four levels (Firstwords, Springboard, Quickmarch, and Breakthrough). Test takers
are awarded Distinction, Merit, Pass, or Fail. At each level, comprehensive skills are tested (listening, reading and writing,
speaking). The test series is generally recommended for learners between the ages of 8 and 13.

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LANGUAGE TESTING AS SOCIAL PRACTICE

As alluded to previously, the practice of testing for young learners raises a number of issues
and thus should be problematized. First, testing, in any format, is not neutral. McNamara (2004)
and Shohamy (2001) argued that language testing involves issues of power and control and is
linked to social and political functions. Because tests can be used to advantage some groups
while disadvantaging others, tests have become symbols of power for both individuals and society (Shohamy, 2001, p. 117). Throughout history and across cultures, language tests have been
employed for purposes beyond pedagogical needs. Language tests have been used to give social
recognition (as in the case of Arabic test in Israel; see Shohamy, 1998), to filter immigration (as
in the case of English test in Australia; see Hawthorne, 1997) and education admission (as university entrance prerequisite), or to deny political asylum (see Extra, Spotti, & van Avermaet, 2009;
McNamara & Roever, 2006; Shohamy & McNamara, 2009, for further discussion). Implicit in a
language test is a set of values, and according to McNamara and Roever (2006), such values are
necessarily political and social and can be understood most fruitfully in terms of the discourses
within which language tests have their meaning (p. 199). Tests need, therefore, to be examined
within their unique social context.
The use of language tests for targeting young learners at institutional and national levels has
been discussed. Edelenbos and Vinje (2000), for example, looked at the test of English as a foreign language in Primary Six in the Netherlands. Some have been critical of developing national
level tools, citing the difficulties of such an enterprise (see Hasselgreen, 2000, for a discussion
on Norwegian; Gattullo, 2000, on Italian; and Kiss & Nikolov, 2005, on Hungarian contexts).
Others have criticized the appropriateness of the use of standardized language test (Butler &
Stevens, 2001; Cameron, 2001; Pinter, 2006).
A further issue particularly relevant to young learners is the identification of the stakeholder.
By stakeholder, we mean who the test is taken by and who the test is taken for. With young learner
tests, we typically have multiple stakeholders: the young test takers, their parents, their teachers,
teachers and principals on admission committees, and so on. These interlocking and interactive
relationships between stakeholders give rise to complex power dynamics. The research on testing
young learners from this critical perspective is underdeveloped (McKay, 2006).

INTERNATIONAL LANGUAGE TESTING FOR YOUNG LEARNERS

Because of the demand from stakeholders in non-English-speaking countries (i.e, children and
parents) who want to showcase the childs English proficiency for purposes such as school
admissions coupled with the scarcity of valid language assessment measures at national levels,
internationally marketed English language tests have flourished, filling the gap between supply
and demand (Alderson & Banerjee, 2001; Bailey, 2005; McKay, 2006). As previously mentioned, the YLE and PTE Young Learners series are two of the most widely used tests. Unlike
the Test of English as a Foreign Language (TOEFL) or International English Language Test
System (IELTS), which are used for university admissions or job requirements, these tests for
young learners typically do not serve official admission purposes, such as being used in entrance
exams for primary and secondary school. However, the YLE and the PTE do seem to have a
rising unofficial status in educational systems. In Hong Kong, for example, there is enormous

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pressure on families to get their children into a limited number of prestigious English-medium
secondary schools (Hopkins, 2006; Poon, 2009).

INTERNATIONAL LANGUAGE TEST TAKING AMONG HONG KONG

YOUNG LEARNERS
Hong Kong is an ideal setting to explore commercial language testing among young learners.
First, as in other postcolonial contexts, English proficiency is linked to high social status (Li,
1999). Second, all students have mandatory daily English lessons starting in their 1st year of
primary school, with many children taking English lessons privately and in kindergarten before
they begin schooling. Second, taking commercial language testing is very common and popular. More than 18,000 Hong Kong students took the YLE test as private candidates in 2006
(Jiang, 2007), an increase from about 10,000 in 2002 (Harrington & Chan, 2005). Although no
information is available on the most current test-taking statistics, anecdotal evidence suggests
that this number increases every year. There is also evidence of a significant amount of hype
surrounding the practice. The commercial education sector is flooded with businesses offering
test preparation materials and tutorial courses. The public is bombarded with information and
advertising about these tests and test preparation courses. A Google search on international tests
for young learners, for example, produced more than 10,000 results from Hong Kong, including
school notices, discussion threads on parenting forums, news reports, and learning centre advertisements. An additional proof of popularity is that the test-taking practice in Hong Kong starts
at a younger age than in other countries. The YLE, for example is a test series recommended
for children between 7 and 12 years old. Although most countries, including Korea, France, and
India, adhere to this recommendation (British Council, 2009), the Hong Kong test administration agency recently lowered the YLE entrance age to 5 years old due to what the British Council
describes as popular demand (British Council Hong Kong, 2008).
Despite their popularity, it is also noteworthy that certificates from these young learners test
series do not enjoy official status in the public education system in Hong Kong (Qian, 2008).
Without official endorsement, the reasons that children take the tests in Hong Kong merit further
investigation.

BACKGROUND ON SCHOOL PLACES ALLOCATION IN HONG KONG

The demand for assessment of English language proficiency of Hong Kong young learners may
be intricately linked to the allocation of places at both primary and secondary school levels.
Although all public and subsidized schools administer the same prescribed curriculum, they differ in the medium of instruction (in either Cantonese Chinese or English) at secondary level.
Currently only 112 of the total of 527 secondary schools operate with an English-medium curriculum. This means that all content subjects (except Chinese, Chinese History, and Putonghua)
are taught in English. Given the social status of English, not surprisingly, admission to Englishmedium schools is also highly competitive (see Li, 2009; Lin & Man, 2009; Poon, 2009; and
Tsui, 2004, for further discussion). Although all eligible children are entitled to free universal

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education, admission to elite primary and English-medium secondary schools can be very selective. Schools admit their Primary One and Secondary One students first through school-based
Discretionary Placement, and then through government-organized Central Allocation.
The Discretionary Placement system is of most relevance to our study. This phase of admissions allows the schools freedom to exercise selective student admission. Schools can reserve
a fixed percentage of places as Discretionary Places (50% for primary and 30% for secondary
schools). Prior to the application period, schools must make admission criteria and weightings
available to the public. Although written admission tests are not allowed, schools can administer bilingual or trilingual admission interviews (English, Cantonese, and Putonghua Chinese)
and request evidence of academic performance (Education Commission, 2005). As this is a
highly competitive process, it is often at this stage that applicants voluntarily submit evidence
of extracurricular activities participation, including certificates awarded by music examination
and language testing bodies.
There is a growing body of literature demonstrating the reliability and validity of these language tests. The YLE, for example, was used as a proficiency measurement tool in case studies
of effectiveness of theme-based syllabus for young English learners in Turkey (Alptekin, Eretin,
& Bayyurt, 2007), and effectiveness of English language immersion programs in China (Cheng,
Li, Kirby, Qiang, & Wade-Woolley, 2010). The YLE also underwent rigorous development based
on a spoken corpus (Bailey, 2005; McKay, 2006). However, the social dimensions have yet to
be explored in the research literature. We are particularly intrigued by the social and educational
impacts of these tests popularity and have framed our study around these issues. Specifically,
we formulated the following research questions:
RQ1: Why do young learners take these international language tests?
RQ2: How are results of international language tests used in educational contexts?
RQ3: How important is test taking and what are its social consequences?

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY, SETTING, AND DATA ANALYSIS

In this study, we adopted a multimethod qualitative approach to gain insight into the perceptions and experiences of test taking from various stakeholders in public and private education
sectors (Creswell & Plano Clark, 2007). The data collection methods included interviews, classroom observations, participant observation in online parenting forums, and documentary research
on media coverage and advertisements. We sent invitations to all primary schools that posted
information about international testing on their websites. Among the respondents, six primary
schools corresponded to the spectrum of the local educational settings, which included school
location and operation model, student population, and demographics of the school district, and
were selected to participate in a larger study on impacts of language testing. We also conducted
in-depth study with two focal schools (Schools A & B). These are the findings reported in this
article. At Schools A and B, we interviewed the principals, senior teachers, parents, and students. In addition to these primary schools, we conducted interviews with two secondary school
principals (Principals X and Y).
To gain insights into the wider social context, we conducted interviews at a commercial language learning centre, documented media coverage and advertisements, and became participant
observers in online parenting forums.

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Data Sources
School A is sponsored by a trade union, whereas School B is sponsored by a religious body.
Both schools are subsidized by the government on their operational costs, which are governed by
the size of student population. The two focal schools are public non-fee-paying primary schools,
which use Chinese (spoken Cantonese) as the medium of instruction and adopt the Education
Bureauprescribed English language curriculum. The operation models (trade union, charity- or
church-sponsored) of School A and B represented the majority of primary schools (446 of a total
of 582 primary schools in Hong Kong).
The student population of School A, normally below 300, is small by Hong Kong standards.
With such a small student population, the school was not allocated resources to employ a fulltime, native English-speaking teacher. The school aims at serving the less privileged community
with many of the students coming from socioeconomic disadvantaged backgrounds: singleparent, new immigrant, and welfare families. School A posted past YLE test performances,
treating test performances as extracurricular activities like sports and music awards, on the school
website and created a strong online message that achievement in international language tests is
the first step to English-medium secondary school admission.
School B takes students mostly from lower middle-class family backgrounds. Unlike School
A, it has a student population of around 800 and was thus allocated resources to employ a fulltime, native English-speaking teacher. The school enjoys a recognized reputation within, but
not beyond, its district. Although the school follows the prescribed language curriculum, all
students are strongly encouraged to take international language tests, and students performances
are listed on the school website. Together, Schools A and B were representatives of specific types
of schools advocating the use of international language tests.
Secondary school Principal Y serves in a Chinese-medium secondary school that enjoys a
good reputation within its district but is not particularly well known. Principal X serves in an
English-medium school that enjoys an excellent territory-wide reputation. Neither secondary
school has any link with the two focal primary schools. However, Principal Xs secondary school
has its own feeder primary school.
The commercial language learning centre, Centre C, offers private English language tuition to
primary students. In addition to classes in grammar, writing, and reading, they also offer classes
designed to prepare students to take the YLE. This centre operated similarly to most privately
run language learning canters in Hong Kong.
Our media documentary data came from newspapers and online parenting forums. We
tracked the major local newspapers (two English and four Chinese) and eight Chinese parenting
magazines4 between August 2007 and March 2009 for coverage on commercial language testing.
Our tracking of the parenting forums began with an initial focus on a particular thread originating
in 2007, in which parents debated about the ethical issues involved when a kindergarten (children aged 35) organized a cross-border trip for their students to take the YLE Pre-Starters test
in Shenzhen, China. The Pre-Starters test, designed for young learners who were too young to
take the Starters Test (designed for 7- to 12-year-olds), was not offered in Hong Kong at that
4 The newspapers and magazines included South China Morning Post, The Standard, Ming Pao, Apple Daily, Orient
Daily News, Sing Tao, Next Magazine, Sudden Weekly, East Week, The School, OURS Magazine, Baby News, Parents,
Three Weekly, and The Parents Journal.

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time. This debate alerted us to follow and observe the four most popular public-access parenting
forums5 from January 2007 to March 2009, focusing on discussions relevant to school admission
and to international language test taking and preparation.
Data Analysis
The data collected from various sources represented different perspectives in our case study, and
the following steps were involved in the analysis (Yin, 2009). First, all interviews were translated (from Cantonese into English) and transcribed. Each researcher independently reviewed
the transcripts for thematic threads, which were then compared for triangulation. The themes
and relevant interview excerpts were used to build a case description. These themes were also
used to map out test taking as a social and educational phenomenon (Layder, 1993). Later these
themes enabled us to approach the data collected from media and online parenting forums for
focused analysis.
These emerging themes were in two related areas. One centered around the stakeholders
perception of why young learners take international language tests, how the results are used, and
how important it is to take these tests (Table 1). These themes were reappropriating, ignoring,
de-emphasising, and promoting the international language tests. The other themes had to do with
how the groups were using the test for their own gain, for example, personal gain, to improve the
reputation of the school, to support students in their admissions process to secondary school and
to support or commercial gain. Table 1 gives examples of the themes and illustrates how they
apply to the stakeholders and contexts.

FINDINGS
In this section, we present the data on how the stakeholders positioned the international language
tests in terms of relevance and importance as well as in terms of gain or advancement. The data
are organized by context to illustrate the differentiation between these positionings.
Primary Schools: Reappropriating International Language Tests
In this section, we discuss the perspectives revealed by stakeholders from two public primary
schools (Schools A and B), both promoted the use of international language test scores for
secondary school admission advancement.
According to the principal, School A is a disadvantaged school with disadvantaged students.
He explained that his students didnt do well at getting admitted to a good school during the
Discretionary Placement phase. The reason his students didnt do well was because his students came from low-income backgrounds. They did not have additional extracurricular activity
certificates because they cannot afford those expensive music or ballet classes that many
middle-class children enjoy (Principal A). He believed that evidence of extracurricular activities

5 The

discussion forums included BabyKingdom, EduKingdom, Hong Kong Discussion Forum, and UWants.

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TABLE 1
Data Analysis: Themes Emerged

Context
Primary School A
Principal
Parents
Students
Primary School B
Principal
Parents
Students
Secondary schools
Principal CMI
Principal EMI
Language learning
centres
Centre C
Media
Sing Tao Daily
Sudden Weekly
Ming Pao Daily
Hong Kong
Education Bureau
Online parenting
forums

Reappropriating Ignoring
Tests
Tests

De-emphasising
Tests

Promoting
Tests

Perceived Gain From

Tests (e.g. Personal
Gain, Improved School
Reputation etc.)

Note. CMI = Chinese-medium instruction; EMI = English-medium instruction.

boost the candidates competitiveness at the Discretionary Placement stage. Because of this perceived disadvantage, his school took the initiative by subsidizing YLE test preparation classes
and sponsoring examination fees to give the more competent students the opportunities that
their families cannot afford (Principal A). In this way, the high-achieving students could submit YLE test scores for secondary-school admission interviews. The principal believed language
test taking empowered the academically inclined students to be competitive against their middleclass peers who were applying to the same schools. He explained that his students became more
confident when the test certificates showed that their English is comparable to students from
elite primary schools (Principal A).
This belief of positive correlation between international language test results and secondary
school placement was also evidenced in parents and students statements,
I want my son to be more confident and have a chance to go to an English-medium school. The
test was expensive and I did not expect him to get full shields, but we were happy that the school
sponsored the examination fees, (Parent, Primary School A)

The students were quick to point out the link between test certificates and English-medium
secondary school placement,

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I was nervous about the test because I had to talk to a foreigner. We do not have any foreigner teacher
in school. When I have a certificate, I can go to an English-medium secondary school. (P5 Student,
Primary School A)

The six students that we interviewed all provided similar arguments and suggested that they felt
privileged to be sponsored to take the language tests. One source of privileging was the opportunity to talk to foreigner teacher, even though the teacher was their test examiner. They
were also pleasantly surprised by their good performances. As one student said. I was actually
quite good at English (P6 Student). It is notable that these students did not equate their good
grades in English at school with being good at English. Instead, they seemed to need this external test to showcase their proficiency. From this perspective, the students felt empowered through
test taking. Among the stakeholders of School A, certificates from language tests were seen as
stepping-stones to English-medium secondary school admission. However, this opportunity was
not provided to every student, as Principal A admitted that, given their limited budget, the school
could afford to sponsor only the more competent students.
At School B, parents, students, principal, and teacher made similar arguments on the positive correlation between language tests and admission. Not only did the students at School B
understand the assumed importance of the tests for secondary school admission to the coveted
highest ranking and English-medium schools, but they expressed a lack of faith in the school
system of assessment as a legitimate measure of English language achievement. One student
claimed that certificates from international tests must be more credible than the school reports
(P6 Student 1, Primary School B). He also proudly said that many of his classmates listened to
his advice and took the tests. Another student also agreed with this point, but she also provided
an extra reason:
All my friends have taken or are taking YLE tests. I will be at a disadvantage if I dont. (P6 Student
2, Primary School B)

Both students took tests from more than one test series, and at the time of our interviews, they
were doing test preparation. Despite the fact that international language tests for young learners
are optional and do not fulfill any official admission requirements, students believed that the test
series could serve as evidence of their proficiency in English. This implied a need for an external
benchmarking of English proficiency. Compared with students from School A, students in School
B appeared to be more aware of the test-taking practices of their classmates. Almost all of them
mentioned that they did not want to be left behind when it came to test taking. In addition, most
of them sat in multiple tests and were happy to compare and contrast all available language tests
on the market.
Students were not the only group asserting peer pressure when it came to test taking; their
parents did the same.
I heard from my friends that certificates are important. Taking these tests and the preparation classes
are actually quite expensive, but I dont want my son to be disadvantaged. I believe he is learning
something, but the important point is that he has something to prove his proficiency in English.
(Parent, Primary School B)

The competitive environment among the parents was one of the driving forces for language testing. This was coupled with the perceived need for external assessment of English proficiency.

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All the parents we interviewed believed test certificates provided a competitive edge during secondary school admission application, and the financial burden of taking them was an educational
necessity. This belief might have been further prompted by the schools encouragement. When
test-related announcements were made during PTA meetings, the principal stressed that having
the perfect score from an international test was more trust-worthy than being ranked number
one.
It is not easy to convince others that our students are as good as, if not better than, students from
those elite schools, the certificates give extra credentials. (Principal, Primary School B)

As international test series were viewed as strategic tools for Secondary One placement, School
B also recommended other test series and subsidized the test preparation classes. The principal
explained that by encouraging and assisting their students to take international tests: We are
helping the students to go to English-medium secondary schools.

Secondary Schools: Ignoring International Language Tests

Before the annual commencement of the Discretionary Places admission phase, schools have to
publicly list their selection criteria. A web-based research of all Hong Kong English-medium
secondary schools (112 schools) showed that most required the following documents for admission consideration: certificates of extracurricular activities and awards, evidence of good English
skills, and/or learning of musical instruments. There was no indication that language test certificates were required. From the interviews, stakeholders from the primary education sector clearly
assumed that the commercial international language tests play an essential role in the admission process, but the secondary school principals we spoke to held different opinions. Principal
Y serves a Chinese-medium school located in a public housing estates district. The majority of
the students come from within the community. Applicants dont typically submit tests scores for
admission application. Principal Y did not view tests as indicative of English proficiency and, in
contrast to the lack of faith in school-based assessment, he believed that
our knowledge of the academic standards of the primary schools in our district is the basis for
benchmarking among students from different schools. (Principal Y, Chinese-medium secondary
school)

He also criticized that such tests were beyond the means of many families. Principal Xs Englishmedium school is located in an affluent residential district. Similarly, Principal X did not think
language test certificates were very important, but for a different reason. Her school is linked
with a feeder primary school, which means students from the feeder primary school will be
given priority in admission consideration, and places available to students from other schools are
limited. Applicants from the nonfeeder school were evaluated based on their performance at the
admission interview (conducted in English and Putonghua); test certificates may be reviewed
(Principal X, English-medium school). Contrary to the beliefs of stakeholders from primary sector, secondary school principals viewed test certificates only as additional information, not the
deciding factors in the admission process.

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FIGURE 1 An outdoor wall advertisement outside a kindergarten: 300

hundred kindergarten students took YLE with a passing rate of 86%.

Language Learning Centers: Promoting International Language Testing

The wall-size advertisement (Figure 1) demonstrates the commercial aspect of international language test taking for young learners. The director and tutors from Centre C, a well-established
commercial enterprise, revealed that parents are willing to spend thousands of dollars on test
preparation classes and materials. The representatives also stressed that

the certificates will make a difference to those good students in less elite schools because their results
are probably about the same as those in elite schools but the elite students will tend to be favored. . . .
As far as I know, when principals know that the students have YLE certificates, they will interview
them. Its like an admission form. (Tutor, Learning Centre C, in English)

The Centre used marketing rhetoric that played on these perceived inadequacies of attending
regular primary schools and offered a solution to a way out of the problem to successfully sell
the programme to clients. Other than Centre C, hundreds of smaller private language canters also
regularly take out newspaper and magazine advertisements (these are in addition to the official
advertisements from the test agencies). This advertising presence was pervasive, overwhelming
potential stakeholders with the perception of the prevalence and necessity of these language
tests, and the test preparation classes.

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The Media: Advocating International Language Tests

Although commercial learning centres were asserting the merits of commercial international
language tests as marketing ploys, the media contributed by constructing the practice of commercial testing as a de facto requirement for English-medium school admission with headlines
like Hong Kong Has the Youngest YLE Testing Age, Public Tests Become Kiddie Admission
Certificates (2008). Such headlines reflected the general direction of media coverage in the last
several years. Our news search suggested that an average of 10 reports were printed annually in
the major newspapers, not counting parenting magazines. Features on successful applicants to
elite English-medium schools with excellent language test results were also regularly published
(Choose, 2009).
In the past few years, media reports strongly suggested that taking tests would help entry
into elite primary schools and English-medium secondary schools. School principals were
quoted saying they would definitely refer to results from international language tests (English
Medium Schools, 2001). Sensing the rising popularity of language test taking, a legislator
already raised the concern of linking commercial international language testing to Secondary
One Admission. Although the Education Bureau has requested that certificates from fee-paying
tests should not be made a compulsory admission prerequisite, they admitted they had no authority over voluntary submission of such certificates (Hong Kong Legislative Council, 2002). The
Hong Kong Examinations and Assessment Authority, test administer of PTE Young Learners,
also acknowledged that test results were used for admission purposes, yet the authority saw
no problem with this practice as the trouble is not with the test but how parents and schools
make use of it (Harrington & Chan, 2005). When the government did not challenge media
reports, these gained more credibility. The impression created by the media clearly suggested that
international language test taking is the popular stepping-stone to elite education, specifically,
English-medium secondary education.

Online Parenting Forums: Debating International Language Tests

Although the media appeared to be homogeneous in their advocacy of test taking, opinions
expressed on web-based discussion forums were more divided. Over the last few years, there
was a vibrant and sustained discussion on international language test taking across parenting
forums. The debate on the pragmatic values of such test certificates for school admission not
only centred on the positive but also treaded on doubt.
To be honest, secondary schools do not pay attention to these certificates because the tests are usually
quite easy. (July 15, 2008, 06:24, in Chinese)

The debate hinged on the public perception of the School Places Allocation Systems.
For the lucky draw of the [central] government allocation system in September and January, it may
be useless. However, when applying [for] private school, I think [taking the tests] may help a lot.
(May 7, 2008, 11:41, in English)

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The divided opinions were typical, and parents also revealed their mistrust in the naming of the
Central Allocation systems as a lucky draw. There was an even stronger attitude that they do
not want their children to be left behind.
Now that every primary school student is taking YLE, it will be stupid not to do so. (August 16,
2007, 22:02, in Chinese)

This also came from parents perception that secondary schools do not necessarily rely on
students school-based performance.
Everyone knows schools are inflating the grades so their students performance would look better on
paper. Principals dont trust school reports, they only trust school names (January 13, 2008, 15:26,
in Chinese)

This viewpoint was also expressed by Principal B, who argued that international language
tests provided more objective and authoritative assessment. Parents viewed assessment at
the school level as a potential obstacle to English-medium secondary education. They viewed
English-medium secondary education as the logical precedent to tertiary education.
I am going to get my daughter to take YLE. I am worried that she may not get into English-medium
school, which means she wont get into university. (January 19, 2009, 22:54, in Chinese)

Even though such argumentation is clearly a fallacy and students from Chinese-medium
secondary schools do go on to university, the deeply rooted causal relationship between Englishmedium secondary and tertiary education was prevalent in discussion threads. Furthermore, the
race to elite education was not only limited to secondary schools; parents were also using test
certificates for admission to reputable primary schools as well. Given the importance of attending
the primary feeder schools for the elite secondary schools, this is not surprising.
There were also a good number of threads asking for more information about the tests and
their relationship to admissions:
Can anyone help? :-? :-? :-? Does any one know if [PTE Young Learners] is recognized or not? Is it
useful for Primary one admission? (January 7, 2008, 15:07, in Chinese)

Such enquiry was usually followed by threads providing answers:

London Test of English [now known as PTE Young Learners] is an internationally recognized English
proficiency test, so of course it is helpful for primary one admission. (January 8, 2008, 17:09, in
Chinese)

Some discussants also sought advice on getting perfect scores:

My niece (in P5) just took the Flyers [YLE series] and received 14 shields, should she retake the test
to get 15 shields for English-medium secondary school admission in P6? (June 13, 2008, 15:36, in
Chinese)

This was not an isolated thread, and parents were worried about not having the perfect test
scores, which implied that the competitive edge might not be gained.
Dont worry! You can let your kid take the test again if the first result is not good. The tests are
administered several times a year. If the result is not satisfactory, dont show it to others! (March 21,
2009, 02:51, in English)

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It seems, then, that some young learners were taking tests throughout the year. A related issue to
trying to achieve the perfect score was the issue of the youngest possible test-taking age,
My daughter attended Firstwords exam [PTE Young Learners series] last year when she was 4 years
old. (February 27, 2008, 16:48, in English)

This was not limited to only the PTE Young Learners series.
As far as I know, only kids over 6-year-old can take part in the [YLE] exam. However, by the time
you apply for P.1, kids must be under 6 years old. . . . Do you know is there any Cambridge English
exam for kids under 6-year-old? (May 7, 2008, 14:46, in English)

This entry represented the general sense of anxiety among the parents, and we found out that
later on that the British Council did start offering the test to children ages 5 or older due to citing
popular demand (British Council Hong Kong, 2008).
When parents were preparing their children for test taking, not surprisingly, they also sought
after test taking tips and information.
I downloaded the vocabulary list and past papers and taught my daughter myself. She took Starters
(14 shields) during the Kindergarten 3 summer, Movers (15 shields) in Primary 1 summer and just
took Flyers in this Primary 2 summer. (August 4, 2008, 14:01, in English)

There were also a number of test preparation kits available on the market, and parents were
flocking to these expensive kits.
I want to buy a set of [brand name] YLE reading kit at the group discount rate (30% off), can anyone
help? (January 18, 2009, 17:15, in Chinese)

The aforementioned reading kit, published by a small local company, was priced at 1200 HKD
(about C110 or $155 USD), but more than 60 online users signed up for group discount ordering
in the following 3 days. It appeared that though some parents might show ambivalence toward
testing, many more were willing to pay for testing materials.
The discussants in these forums focused on the uses of test certificates, the quality of test
preparation materials and canters, and the technicality of test taking (e.g., how to get an application form). Competition seemed to be a motivating force in the test-taking practice. There was
a distinct absence of any mention of English learning in these discussions about testing. The
online community appeared to perceive test series as tools for academic advancement, rather
than as tools for English learning.

DISCUSSION
In the previous section, we described how the stakeholders positioned the international language
tests in terms of perceived importance and relevance as well as perceived gain or advancement.
In this section, we illustrate how the various positions collectively contribute to the phenomenon
of popularity of international language testing among children in Hong Kong.

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1. Why Do Young Learners Take These International Language Tests?

First and foremost, it seemed that young learners are taking these commercial tests for the purpose of increasing their chances of getting into English-medium secondary schools. Students
were reminded to work very hard to prepare for the tests, which have no official place in the
educational system. They were reminded that these tests were their tickets to a better schooling
and future. To understand why the participants would think that language tests would lead to
academic advancement, and likewise social advancement, we need to understand how participants viewed the socioeducational structure of Hong Kong. Specifically, the participants seemed
to hold the following beliefs:
1. English-medium secondary education is more desirable for social advancement.
2. The Discretionary Placement system is the avenue for securing a place in Englishmedium school through individual academic merit.
3. Secondary schools are not allowed to administer written admission tests, and there was
a perceived lack of sufficient benchmarking of academic performance. Schools accept
voluntary submission of test certificates as evidence of academic excellence.
4. Certificates from international language tests are indisputable proof of competence in
English.
By analyzing these viewpoints, stakeholders, specifically primary school-aged children and
their parents, were using the international language tests to gain competitiveness in the secondary
admissions process. The test scores from the YLE and the PTE were their ticket to Englishmedium secondary education.
2. How Are Results of International Language Tests Used in Educational Context?
Interviews with stakeholders and observation of discussion threads indicated that these test series
were primarily prized as irrefutable proof of English proficiency. Stakeholders submitted these
certificates for admission consideration at both primary and secondary levels. Focus was consistently on achieving scores and not on learning and assessment. These latter aspects of testing
were strikingly absent from the stakeholders perspectives. Other aspects of testing, for instance,
learning and affective, were noticeably absent in all of the stakeholders discussions. Indeed, the
social purposes of the test seem more important than potential pedagogical uses.
International language tests are not being used for the assessment of language proficiency
from a teaching/learning perspective. Instead, international tests in Hong Kong are being used
for academic advancement purposes, which are not necessarily tied to learning. This focus on the
artefacts of certificates, rather than on the learners, is contrary to the learning focus of literature
on young learner assessment (Cameron, 2001; Pinter, 2006).
Although some secondary school principals and some participants gave a more critical evaluation of the test-taking practice, these viewpoints were in the minority. The majority view was that
these test series provided additional advantages in the complex education system. Stakeholders,
specifically children and parents, were surrounded by media feature reports and advertisements
advocating for the tests, effectively convincing parents and students that if they wanted to be
competitive in the admission process, they had to take these international tests. Although some

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families might see testing as a way to participate in a less-than-perfect education system, it was
also possible that they simply did not want to be left behind. From the discussion threads, we
also witnessed the practice of overtesting, when parents, not the children, were seeking the
perfect scores. This might mean that some young learners were taking and then retaking the test
series.
Finally, there was a strong indication that the School Places Allocation Systems are not
transparent enough for stakeholders. This translated into various perceptions about the unfairness of the system, for example, the way it disadvantaged academically talented children
from nonelite primary schools and the perception that middle-class children had advantages
over lower class children. The correlation between these perceptions and the motivation
of the families to look beyond the school to find ways to be more competitive seemed
undeniable.

3. How Important Is Test Taking and What Are Its Social Consequences?
Testing is not neutral because test givers are more powerful than test takers (Shohamy, 2001).
At first glance, stakeholders appeared to use tests as a grassroots movement to subvert perceived
inbuilt inequalities in the allocation of educational resources in Hong Kong. Primary school principals and parents felt that they were providing additional academic advancement opportunities
through the advocacy of test taking. From this viewpoint, the social practice of international
testing might be encouraged and celebrated. However the real power is held not by the stakeholders but by the testing agencies. These agencies are profiting from the parental worry over
their childrens future education opportunities.
Furthermore, even if test taking could be considered as a grassroots movement, it only empowers the group that has the resources to take the tests. Test taking still systematically disadvantages
other groups. The perceived empowerment felt by those part of the grassroots movement hinged
on access to test and admission information and, inevitably, financial flexibility. This access to
information and resources was not equal among all members of the society. Only participants
with the technology (computer and Internet access), knowledge (admission requirement and test
series), and financial resources (test and preparation tutorial fees) could gain access to testing
information and the resulting privileges. Clearly, then this group manoeuvred themselves into a
better position than those who could not afford these tests. Many children from disadvantaged
socioeconomic backgrounds simply cannot afford to take these tests. Primary School A was an
interesting exception by providing financial assistance for underprivileged students to take tests.
However, this assistance was available only for a small percentage of students. So, although the
school was attempting to help some, it inadvertently positioned those as more advantaged than
others who did not have the opportunity to take the test.
It must also be noted that the stakeholders in our study did not always agree about the
importance of test certificates as essential pathways to English-medium school admission. Test
takers might not necessarily get into English-medium schools, as revealed by the apathetic attitude of some secondary school principals toward testing and Hong Kong government policy of
de-emphasising the importance of such testing. However, this counterperspective seemed irrelevant to the current prevalence of the practice. The power dynamic of those who took the tests
compared to those who could not afford to take the tests was created nonetheless. As McNamara

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and Roever (2006) suggested, Any assessment can have far-reaching and unanticipated social
consequences (p. 2). Here, it would seem that unequal access to language testing arguably
perpetuates the inbuilt inequality in the education system.

CONCLUSION
The tradition in critical testing views testing as inseparable from the social and educational contexts it operates, thus testing is not neutral (Shohamy, 2001). The present study suggests that
international language test taking among young learners in Hong Kong is socially rather than
pedagogically driven. Because elite primary and English medium secondary schools are viewed
as desirable for future academic and social advancement, stakeholders were driven to seek all
possible avenues to such resources. At the secondary school level, admission requirement of
evidence of academic excellence and extracurricular participation indirectly favours those with
knowledge and financial resources. Stakeholders were convinced that certificates of international
tests provided additional privileged access to better schooling. This belief perpetuated voluntary
language testing practices. In this way, the present study revealed ways different stakeholders
articulated testing as a social rather than pedagogical necessity.
The findings from this study raised our concerns about the social impact on the less privileged students who cannot afford taking tests. Although testing may be prevalent within selected
socioeconomic groups in Hong Kong, it is certainly not a universal or inclusive practice, as
it is dependent on existing access to educational knowledge and financial resources. Financial
resources were mobilized for some learners to take international language tests, in the hope that
the return will materialize in the form of access to better schooling. When language tests are
used as an educational advancement strategy for students from privileged backgrounds, testing
as a social practice warrants critical evaluation.
In Hong Kong, stakeholders felt compelled to use language test certificates to minimize the
risk of not entering English medium education. The desirability of English-medium education,
a relic of historical and sociocultural past, served to popularize testing. It would be informative
to further probe the use of tests among young learners from a critical historical perspective to
understand whether the current trend is an isolated practice or part of the cultural heritage.
By exploring the experiences and viewpoints of stakeholders primarily involved with test
taking, there are limitations to our study. The majority of our stakeholders were already actively
engaged in test taking, and their lived experiences were skewed toward the positive impacts of
testing. With data drawing from a small sample, the present study also only highlighted a limited
glimpse into the test taking landscape; however, we do believe that the sample was representative
of the dominant public opinion during the time of the study.
Because the YLE and PTE Young Learners test series are administered in more than 50 countries, it is important that more be known, not only about the assessment tools but also about
the social impact and implications. It is also necessary to include international language tests
for young learners as part of the routine investigatory subject on par with other investigations of
widely used international language tests like IELTS or TOEFL. Because foreign language testing
for young learners is noncompulsory at the institutional level in most educational contexts, it is
essential to understand the reasons behind the participation at the individual level. This is where
future research in the area of assessment of young language learners should head.

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
We thank the anonymous reviewers of Language Assessment Quarterly for their insightful comments and suggestions on an earlier draft of this article; any remaining inadequacy was ours.
In addition, we would like to thank our research assistant Cassy Yeung for her hard work and
dedication to the project.

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