2

IsidoreofSeville
and theEvolutionofKingship
in VisigothicSpain
JaceT. Crouch

After their conversion to Catholicismin 589, theVisigothickingsof Spain

to relyon the supportof the Spanishchurch.The monarchs
beganincreasingly
themselvesneededan allyagainsttheturbulent
and rebelliousGothicnobility.
The Spanishbishops,fortheirpart,werewillingto collaboratewithVisigothic
on a levelthat"hadno parallelin western
monarchs
Europe."3The churcheventusuch
an
elementofthepoliticalinfrastructure
thatVisiallyconstituted
important
The efforts
oftheseSpanishbishopsultigothicSpainbecamea virtualdyarchy.
transformed
thetheoretical
basisoftheVisigothic
fromthatofa
mately
kingship
*For the earlyevolution of Germanic kingship see E. A. Thompson, The Visigothsin the Time of
Ulfila (Oxford:Oxford UniversityPress, 1966); E. A. Thompson, Romansand Barbarians:The Declineof
the WesternEmpire(Madison: Universityof Wisconsin Press, 1982), 38-57. See also: R. W. Carlyle,A
Historyof Medieval PoliticalThoughtin the West,4th ed. (New York: Barnes & Noble, 1950), vol. 1;
W. Ullmann, The CarolingianRenaissanceand the Idea of Kingship(London: Methuen, 1969); W. Ullmann, A Historyof PoliticalThoughtin theMiddle Ages(Baltimore:Penguin, 1970).
On the Visigothic realm, see E. A. Thompson, The Goths in Spain (Oxford: Oxford University
Press, 1969). For a recentand comprehensivebibliography,see A. Ferreiro,The Visigothsin Gaul and
(Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1988). See also Roger Collins, EarlyMedieval Spain: Unityin
Spain: A Bibliography
400-1000 (New York: Macmillan, 1983), 1-145; H. J. Diesner, IsidorvonSevilla und das WestDiversity,
gotischeSpanien(Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 1977); Jacques Fontaine, Cultureet spiritualiten Espagnedu
IVe au Vile sicle(London: Variorum, 1986); J. N. Hillgarth, VisigothicSpain, Byzantium,and the Insh
(London: Variorum,1985); P. D. King, Law and Societyin theVisigothic
Kingdom(Cambridge: Cambridge
UniversityPress, 1972); A. Ziegler,Churchand State in VisigothicSpain (Washington, D. C: Catholic
Universityof America Press, 1930).
3RogerCollins, EarlyMedievalEurope,300-1000 (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1991), 146.
On the emergenceof a church-state
dyarchyin earlymedieval Europe, see Ullmann, The Carolingian Renaissanceand theIdea of Kingship,71-111. This is not a modern concept that scholars impose on
the earlyMiddle Ages; Isidore of Seville describes what is effectively
a dyarchywhen he writes: "often
the heavenlykingdomis advanced throughthe earthlykingdom,such as when those within the Church
Iwho] behave contraryto the faithand disciplineof the Church are subdued by the strengthof princes,
and the punishmentwhich the Church in its humilityis not permittedto exerciseis then imposed on
the obstinacy of the proud by the power of princes," Sententiae3.51.5, ed. Garcia Loaisae; Patrologia
Latina Cursus Completus83.557-738 (Paris: J. P. Migne, 1862), hereaftercited as PL vol. no., col. no.
Unless otherwisenoted, all translationsof Isidore are myown.

10 Mediterranean
StudiesVolumeFour
Germanicwarleaderintoa Christianized
"Davidic"kingship
wherethemonarchy
workedcloselywiththeecclesiastical
to createand preservean earthly
hierarchy
One oftheprincipalparticipants
societyin whichthecureofsoulswas facilitated.
in thisprocessofchurch-state
was
amalgamation BishopIsidoreofSeville.
Isidore(d. 636) servedas bishopofSevilleduringtheyears 599-636 and
was recognized
alikeas thegreatest
intellectual
byVisigothic
kingsand churchmen
and spiritualauthority
of his day. Isidorewas one of the primemoversof the
above-mentioned
intellectual
and politicaldevelopments
in VisigothicSpain. He
serveda catalytic
in therealm,confirming
function
priorSpanishpolitico-religious
developments
throughhis theologicaland historicalwritings,
advisingtheVisias
to
the
role
of
a
Christian
and
hisleadergothickings
proper
sovereign, through
of
the
FourthCouncilofToledo(633) attempting
to strengthen
theinstituship
tionof monarchy
in Hispaniaboth byaddressingthe specificpoliticalneedsof
and byestablishing
an official
ofkingship
that
Visigothic
kingsthemselves
ideology
was fullyin accordwithhis own (and thechurch's)beliefs.Ultimately
Isidore's
activities
transformed
intotheexplicit
and official
politicaldogmaoftheVisigothic
thathad previously
existedonly
kingdommanyideasaboutthenatureofkingship
in inchoateform,
ifatall. The presentstudyattempts
to demonstrate
notonlywhat
Isidorewas trying
to accomplishin thepoliticalrealm,butalso how Isidorewas
influential
in someofthepoliticaleventsoftheearlyseventhcentury.
Most studieson Isidoreof Sevilletendto concentrate
on the intellectual,
or
of
Isidore's
life
and
ratherthanon
philosophical, theologicalaspects
writings
Isidoremighthavemadeto puthis ideasintopractice.Scholarshave
anyattempt
oftensuggested
thatIsidoremanifested
hispoliticaland/orsocialtheoriesthrough
activism
ofone sortoranother,butonlyrecently
havescholarsbegunto delveinto
how
and
Isidore
have
involved
in politicsand propaganda;8
himself
just
why
might
The best recent study is Jacques Fontaine, Isidorede Seville et la cultureclassique dans l'Espagne
2d ed., 3 vols. (Paris: tudes Augustiniennes, 1983). Recent bibliographies include J. N.
wisigothique,
Hillgarth, "The Position of Isidorian Studies: A Critical Review of the literature, 1936-1975," Studi
Medievaluser. 3, 24, no. 2 (1983): 817-905, and Ferreiro,Isidore,327-409.
Modern scholarshipon Isidore of Seville is voluminous. The lumenHispaniae has been the subject of eleven books and over fivehundred articlessince 1936 alone. Fontaine's Isidoreremainsthe most
importantrecent study of Isidore, and the appearance of its firstedition in 1959 sparked a veritable
renaissance of Isidorian studies. Fontaine has concentratedespecially on Isidore's cultivationand promotion of the seven liberal arts in Spain, arguingconvincinglythat Spain experienced a renaissanceIsidoriennethroughoutthe seventh century.J. N. Hillgarth, in the collection VisigothicSpain, Byzantium,
and the Irish,has demonstrated that one result of this Isidorian renaissance was the transmission of
both classical and patristiclearningto Ireland (via the Breton monasteriesof Galicia), whence the writings of Isidore became the foundation of the NorthumbrianRenaissance. For his comments on Visigothic historiography,
see below. The new critical,internationaledition of the Etymologiae
is slowlybeing
published, book by book, as each fascicleis completed. Citations in Ferreiro,Isidore.327-409.
7Carlyle,Historyof MedievalPoliticalThought1:221 f.; Sr. PatrickMullins, TKe SpiritualLifeaccording to Saint Isidoreof Seville (Wash., D. C: Catholic Univ. of America Press, 1940), 173-78; Ziegler,
Churchand State,95-99.
Recent articles by Fontaine, Hillgarth, and Reydellet,cited below, have begun to consider the
Isidorean renaissancein a political as well as an intellectualcontext J.du Quincy Adams' "The Political

ofKingship 11
JaceT. Crouch:IsidoreofSevilleand theEvolution
norhavetheyexaminedin thiscontextanyspecific
politicaleventin whichIsidore
mayhavebeen a majorparticipant.Despitethistendencyto deal withIsidore
as a scholarly
almostexclusively
cleric,it can be arguedthatIsidorewas actively
muchof his
involvedin thepoliticaleventsof theVisigothicrealmthroughout
thatIsidore'swritings
adultlife.My approachis threefold:
first,to demonstrate
the
nature
ofkingship
and
evincefirmpoliticalconvictions,
particularly
regarding
to sevto considerIsidore'srelationship
thedutiesofa Christianruler; secondly,
eventsofthe
to examinethe politico-religious
eralVisigothickings;and finally,
FourthCouncil of Toledo (633), whereinthe Spanishbishops,led byIsidore,
ofthe
resolvedcanonicallyto involvethemselves
activelyin the politicalaffairs
nature
of
church
established
the
sacral
and
wherein
the
kingship
Spanish
kingdom,
in Hispania.
Isidore'spoliticalideasaremostclearly
expressedin passagesoftheSententiae
with
theEtymologiae
concerned
Christian
short
work
(an encyclopedia
(a
morality),
canonoftheFourthCounand in theseventy-fifth
ofsacredand secularlearning),
of kingshipand its sacral
cil ofToledo (whichpronouncesupon the institution
shortglimpses
of
is also valuable,providing
Isidore'sHistoriaGothorum
nature).11
lethis attitudes
towardsseveralGothickings. Usefultoo arethefewsurviving
tersoftheperiod,whichincludeIsidore'scorrespondenceand thelettersofIsidore'sfriendand student,Braulioof Saragossa.14Numismaticevidenceis also
usefulat certainpoints,sincethechangingnatureoftheVisigothic
kingshiphad
an impacton Gothiccoins.
Grammar of Isidore of Seville" considers possible implicationsof Isidore's use of the word "populus" in
"
a political context,but ultimatelyconcludes that Isidore's use of populus" is too amorphous to have
au MoyenAge (Montral: Universit
consistentlyidentifiablepoliticalcontent ArtsLibrauxet Philosophie
de Montral. 1969). 763-75
Thompson, Goths in Spain, 170-79, devotes considerable attention to the Fourth Council of
Toledo, and mentionsthat Isidore was highlyinfluentialat this greatcouncil, but he does not examine
how Isidore mighthave been important,or whywe thinkthat he influencedthe canons of the council.
10Unless otherwisenoted, Isidore's worksare cited in the edition of Faustino Arevalo, PL 81-83.
Although portions of the new internationaledition of the Etymologiaehave been published, Isidore's
remarkson kingshipare in book 9, which has not yetappeared. Similarly,Isidore's remarkson kingship
in the Sententiaeappear in book 3, forwhich there is no new edition.
nSententiae,ed., Garcia Loaisae, PL 83.557-738; Etymologiae,ed., Faustino Arevalo, PL 82.74728; ConciliumToletanumQuartum,PL 84.363-390.
12Mommsen'scriticaledition of the Latin textis available in MonumentaGermaniaeHistrica,Aue
torumAntiquissimorum,
TomusXI: ChronicorumMinorumSaec. IV, V, V, Vil. , Volumen (Berlin: Weidman, 1894), 241-303. An English translationis available in Historyof the Kingsof theGoths,Vandals,
and SuevL 2d rev.ed.. trans. Guido Donini & Gordon B. Ford, Ir. (Leiden: E. I. Brill, 1970).
l3PL 83.893-914. Latin text and English translation in The Lettersof Isidoreof Seville, 2d ed.,
trans. Gordon B. Ford,Jr.(Amsterdam:Hakkert,1970). This edition has not gone withoutcriticism.
14Braulio'scorrespondencewith Isidore is collected in Claude Barlow, Braulioof Saragossa,Fructosus of Braga,vol. 2 of IberianFathers,Fathersof the Church, vols. 62-63 (Washington, D. C: Catholic
Universityof America Press, 1969), 15-26.
of Spain,Leovigildto Achila (New York:American
15GeorgeC. Miles, The Coinageof theVisigoths
NumismaticSociety, 1952); Philip Grierson,"VisigothicMetrology,"NumismaticChronicle,6th ser., 13
(1953): 74-87. A recentstudythat makes excellentuse of Visigothiccoins is J. N. Hillgarth,"Coins and
Chronicles:Propagandain Sixth-Century
Spain and the ByzantineBackground,"Histona15 (1966): 483-50.

12 Mediterranean
StudiesVolumeFour
Fromtheavailablesources,itis evidentthatIsidorespentpractically
hisentire
lifein theserviceofthechurch. Certainly
muchofhistimewasdevotedto study.
Nell MacFarlanehas remarked
thathe was "a voraciousreaderofboth
Katherine
and
Christian
and
delved
intoa varietyof subjectsnotusuallyof
authors,
pagan
to thechurchmen
interest
ofhis age." Isidoremanifested
his greatlearningby
on manytopics,thereby
for"hisown and succeeding
writing
voluminously
creating
ofpatristic
teachingin everybranchof sacredlearning." Thus
agesa synthesis
did Spain"succeedAfricaas theguardianofClassicaland Christianletters."
In additionto beinga scholar,Isidoreled an activelifein theaffairs
ofchurch
and statein theVisigothic
realm. As bishopofSeville,he was notonlythespiritual overseeroftheprovinceof Baetica,butresponsibleas wellforsuchworldly
tasksas administering
churchlandsand supervising
churchfinances.Isidorewas
botha judgeand a diplomatin his capacityas metropolitan,
and his surviving
lettersindicatethathe intervened
in
matters
of
ecclesiastical
forcefully
yetcautiously
disciplineand churchreform. Isidorealso servedas friendand advisorto Visigothickings,mostnotablySisebutand Sisenand.Sisebut,at least,appearsto have
been an eagercollaborator
withIsidore,and,together
withothermembers
ofthe
and
and
to
Visigothic
clergy nobility,
bishopconsciously
king
attempted preserve
theheritage
oftheirclassicaland Christianpast. Theyattempted
to redefine
and
restore
theirsocietyfromthetopdown,and ithas beenarguedthattheresultsof
a renaissance
hidorienne.
theirefforts
constituted
and
the
efforts
of suchleadingfiguresas Isidoreand
Nevertheless, despite
to faceextremely
continued
seriousinternal
Sisebut,theVisigothic
monarchy
political problems.The Visigothickingsmayhave made peace withthe HispanoRomanpopulation
andwiththeclergy
to Catholicism,
but
thoughtheirconversion
to theGothicnobility
thekingsstillboreno specialcharisma:as electedmonarchs
Gothicnoble.As a
theyhad no morerightto thethronethananyotherambitious
successionremainedturbulent
aftertheconversion
of589, withno
consequence,
but have been translatedinto English, and analyzed by
^Biographical materialsare fragmentary,
Mullins, SpintualLife.1-41.
Katherine Nell MacFarlane, Isidoreof Seville on the Pagan Gods (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1980), 3.
18Mullins,SpiritualLife,40.
J. N. Hillgarth, "Visigothic Spain and Early Christian Ireland," Proceedingsof the Royal Irish
Academy,62 (1962): 170. Hereaftercited as Hillgarth,"VisigothicSpain."
Fontaine, Isidore,12-16, 735-888; and "King Sisebus Vita Desideriiand the PoliticalFunction
of Visigothic Hagiography,"VisigothicSpain: New Approaches,ed. E. James(Oxford: Clarendon Press,
1980), 93-129. Hereaftercited as Fontaine, "Sisebut"
21Letters4-5. PL 83.899-902.
Fontaine, Isidore,876f.; "Sisebut," passim; Hillgarth,"VisigothicSpain," 168-170.
23Fontainedevotes an entire chapter in Isidore,to "La Renaissance Isidorienne: Sa Nature et ses
Limites,"863-888. Fontaine sees the Isidorian renaissance as being fourfoldin nature: an intellectual
renaissance,a moral rearmament,a religiousrevival,and the constructionof a new political,royal,and
national ideology.

ofKingship 13
JaceX Crouch:IsidoreofSevilleand theEvolution
institutionalized
system
(apartfromusurpation).
Intrigueand rebellionamongthe
Gothicnobility
continued
to be widespread. Sisebuthimself
mayhavebeenpoisoned. Suinthila(621-631),anotherkingwhomIsidorepraises,wasoverthrown
in theprevious
bySisenand,a GothicgeneralfromNarbonne. LikeAthanagild
Sisenandcalledin foreign
mercenaries
to supporthiscause,althoughthis
century,
timeitwas Franks,notByzantines.
Thus thesupportoftheSpanishchurchand itsbishopswas clearlynotsuffineeds. Specifically,
cientforthe monarchy's
the kingsneededto convincethe
thattheirmonarchical
was legitimate,
and thatitwas not
Gothicnobility
authority
to be challenged
or
rebellion.
The
had a stakein
church,
too,
through
conspiracy
in
to
it
that
the
was
tamed
a
that
or
at
eliminated, leastreduced,
nobility
way
seeing
towardsintrigue
and rebellionagainsttheking.The political
theGothictendency
chaosthatobtainedupon a violentchangeofrulers,or theattempt
thereof,
kept
therealmin nearlyconstantturmoil,to theperilofGoth and Romanalike,and
to the detriment
of ecclesiasticalpeace and order.Butwhat
moreimportantly,
couldthechurchdo?
SuchwerethepoliticalproblemsofVisigothic
Spainduringtheepiscopateof
to solve.Isidore'sapproachto
IsidoreofSeville,problemsthatIsidoreattempted
in hiswritings
a theory
of
to enunciate
theseproblems
seemsto havebeentwofold:
to thespecific
ofVisigothic
thatoffered
solutions
problems
Spain,and to
kingship
have thattheoryof kingshipproclaimedas the law of the land. This is an
It is highly
incautiousstatement,
and demandsimmediate
extremely
qualification.
thatIsidoreplannedat theoutsetthathis scattereddiscussionson the
unlikely
wouldbecometheofficial
natureofkingshipultimately
dogmaoftheVisigothic
on kingshipinto
realm.Morelikelyhe believedthatbyincorporating
cogitations
as
hiswritings
thathis intendedclericaland royalaudienceswouldbe enlightened
theseenlightened
to theirproperrolesin a Christiansociety.Eventually
kingsand
wouldmendtheirways,rulewell,and Hispaniawouldbecomea well-ordered
clergy
Christiankingdom.Isidorewas probablyas pleasantly
surprisedas anyonewhen
becamethelawofthelandin 633.
manyofhistheoriesofkingship
withhistheoriesof
AlthoughIsidorehas leftus no worksthatdeal exclusively
thosepassagesin
his
ideas
be
reconstructed
byexamining
may
kingship, political
57-65. Thompson, Gothsin Spain, 155-180, coversthese "decades of
^Isidore, Histona Gothorum,
rebellion" in detail.
25HistoriaGothorum,61, where Isidore notes that Sisebut may have died through immoderate
drinkingof a medication.
26Isidorecompleted a version of his HistoriaGothorumand Chroniconwhile Suinthila was still in
power, and so has leftno account of the rebellion against or the deposition of Suinthila. Isidore was
quite laudatoryof Suinthila. On the other hand, Suinthila's deposition was ratifiedby canon 75 of the
Fourth Council of Toledo, over which Isidore presided. PL 84.383-386.
27TKe FourthBook of the Chronicleof Fredegar,trans. J. M. Wallace-Hadrill (New York: Thomas
Nelson, 1960), 4.73.

StudiesVolumeFour
14 Mediterranean
itcan be
hisworkswhichdo provideevidenceofhispoliticalthought. Ultimately
thatIsidoreheld strongpoliticalviews,and thesepoliticalviews
demonstrated
in which
wereexclusively
concernedwithpreservingan earthlyenvironment
Christiansalvation
couldbe facilitated.
Isidorebelievedthatkingswereraisedup bythegraceofGod as His instruin authority
overthepeopleforthebenefit
ofthe
mentsoforderon earth,sitting
divine
were
restrained
the
fear
of
ruled
God,
by
authority,
onlyby
many. They
and weresubjectto no humanpunishment. Kingsweremenwho had a special
commissionfromand relationshipto God, and theywereanswerableto Him
alone. Isidore'sconceptionof kingshipwas thus morein accordancewiththe
thanwiththeGermanicconceptionof
DavidickingshipoftheOld Testament31
ofthekingcamefromGod, thenneither
the
thekingas warlord.Iftheauthority
thecomitatus,
noranyothersecularagency,
couldlegitimately
conGothicnobility,
spireor rebelagainstthemonarchy.
Entrusted
as theywerewithspecialpowerand authority,
Isidoreargued,kings
had specialresponsibilities.
Theyweresupposedto rule,ofcourse:for,as Isidore
wrote,"Kingsgettheirnamefromruling/ The divineplan did not,however,
warrantarbitrary
rule.Isidorebelievedthatkingsweresupposedto exercisetheir
themto
to thedivineplan,and he sharply
admonished
regnalauthority
according
rulewell."Letthe princesof thisworldunderstand,"
he wrote,"thattheymust
has beencommitted
to
renderto God an accountoftheChurch,whoseprotection
thembyChrist.ForHe whohas entrusted
thechurchto theirpowerwilldemand
fromtheman accounting
ofwhether
ecclesiastical
peaceand orderareincreasedor
diminished
oftheseChristianprinces/ The kingswerethus
bythefaithfulness
entrusted
to establishand protecta secularsocietywithinwhichthechurchcould
workactively
and effectively
towardsthecureofsouls.

^This has been attempted,albeit in a fragmentaryway, by Carlyle, Historyof Medieval Political

Thought,171-74. A more recentattemptis thatof Marc Reydellet,"La conception du souverainchez Isidore de Seville," in Isidoriana,ed. Manuel C. Diaz y Diaz (Leon: Centro de Estdios San Isidoro, 1961),
456-66. Reydelletnotes that Isidore considered the Visigothic kings to be the legitimatesuccessors of
the Roman emperors(p. 464), and that the kingswere secular servantsof the people, withoutany mystical significancewhatsoever(p. 466).
Sententiae,3.49.3. See also Historia GotKorum,62, where Isidore relates that "Suintila gratia
divine regnisuscepitsceptra."
^Sententiae. 3.50.4.
31On the influence of Old Testament kingship on Medieval theories of kingship, see Ullmann,
Historyof PoliticalThought,38-58.
Regesa regendovocati.This is one of Isidore's etymologicalexplanations that explain what some9.3.4.
thingis (or does) in termsof where its name comes from.Etymologiae,
^Sententiae, 3.51.6, "Cognoscant principes saeculi Deo debere se rationemreddere propterEcclesiam, quam a Christo mendam suscipiunt. Nam sive augeatur pax et disciplina Ecdesiae per fidles
principes,sive solvatur,ille ab eis rationemexiget,qui eorum potestatisuam Ecdesiam credidit."

ofKingship 15
JaceT. Crouch:IsidoreofSevilleand theEvolution
to thedivineplanwasto profunction
ofa kingwhoruledaccording
The first
whereinthe strongand powerful
vide justicein the realm.34An environment
could triumphovertheweakwas notthoughtto be conduciveto the curingof
enforcthekingwas notsupposedto providejusticemerely
souls.Further,
through
Isidorewrites:"Theyare
thesejustlawshimself.
ingjustlaws,butalso byobserving
themselves
and theirsubjects
know
how
to
both
who
called
govern
kings
correctly
abovetheirfelwithproperrule.' Despitetheirpositionofpowerand authority
notabovethelawin thedivineschemeofthings.He
lowman,kingswerecertainly
shows
"Itis justfortheprinceto obeyhisownlaws,forwhenhe himself
continues:
and
held
in
to
be
will
be
deemed
for
his
laws
all,"
respectby
worthy
they
respect
to
do
that
which
not
allow
themselves
is
if
do
voice
of
their
"the
authority just they
to theirsubjects/
theyforbid
The justiceof a kinghad to be balancedbyhis piety,however,"forjustice
wasone ofthecardinal
aloneis too severe." Witnessing
pietyto one'sfellowman
and IsidorearguedthatkingsmustproclaimtheirChristian
tenetsofChristianity,
with
The king"upholdstheroyaldignity
theexampleoftheirlives.38
faiththrough
Without
norburnwithcupidity.
does he delightin iniquity
humblespirit;neither
anyonehe givesto thepoor,and thatwhichhe couldexactfromthe
defrauding
withmerciful
he forgives
clemency."
peoplewithjustforce,
A kingwas necessaryto providejusticeand mercybecauseman had fallen
and evilways.The churchcouldminto arrogance
fromgrace,and had a tendency
to punish;thiswas the
no
butithad commission
thesetendencies,
isterto correct
oftheking. Isidorewrites:"[Kingly]
function
poweris onlyneeded...to enforce
which
that
terror
of
throughpreaching
priestscannoteffect
punishment
through
thisaspectof royal
theword."41Isidoredevotedconsiderabletimeto justifying
theearthly
kingdomis advancedthrough
power,arguingthat"oftentheheavenly
to thefaithand
kingdomwhenthosewithintheChurch[who]behavecontrary
9.3.6.
3*Etymologiae,
35Sententiae,3.48.7, "Recto enim illi reges vocantur, qui tam semetipsos, quam subjectos, bene
regendo modificarenoverunt"
36Sententiae,
3.51.1,2, "Justumest principemlegibus suis. Tune enim jura sua ab omnibus custodienda existimet,quando et ipse illie reverentiampraebet. Principes legibus tenerisuis, neque in se posse
damnare jura quae in subjectisconstituunt.Justaest enim voeis eorum auctoritas,si, quod populis prohibent,sibi licerenon potiantur."
^Etymologiae,9.3.5, "Regiae virtutespraecipuae duae, justitiaet pietas, plus autem in regibuslaudatur pietas; nam justitiaeper severa est"
3.51.3.
38Sententiaet

39Sententiae,3.49.2, "Regni fastgio humili praesidet animo; non eum delectat iniquitas, non
inflammatcupiditas; sine defraudationealicujus ex paupere divitemfacit,et quod justa potestatea populis extorquerepoterat,saepe misericordidementia donat." In HistoriaGothorum,55-56, Isidore attributed these exact virtues to Reccared, whom he celebratesas a most perfectChristian king. In Historia
Gothorum,64, he champions the same virtues in Suinthila, whose deposition he personallyratifiedin
633, amid accusationsthat Suinthila looted the poor.
*On this ministerialfunction,see Ullmann, Historyof PoliticalThought,81, 82.

16 Mediterranean
StudiesVolumeFour
ofprinces,and thatpunishdisciplineoftheChurchare subduedbythestrength
mentwhichthechurchin itshumility
is notpermitted
to exerciseis thenimposed
on theobstinacy
oftheproudbythepowerofprinces/
defineddutiesto God and to his people,there
Althoughthekinghad clearly
was no guarantee
thatthepeoplewouldalwayshavegood kings.Generally
speaking,theLordwouldrewarda good peoplewitha good king,and wouldsubjectan
evil peopleto theruleofa bad king. Isidoreknewthatevena good king,who
ruledin accordance
withthedivineplan,coulderr,buthe believedthatgoodkings
werenaturally
inclinedto do justice,and thattheywouldquicklyrepentoftheir
crimesoncemadeawareofthem.
SincekingsweregiventheirpowerbyGod in orderto do His willon earth,it
thatGod wouldremovea kingwhoruledcontrary
to thedivine.Isionlyfollowed
doreneversaid thisexplicitly,
althoughhe did write:"A rulerwho actscorrectly
keepsthenameofking,butin doingwronghe loses it. Justhow a kingmight
losethethroneIsidoredid notponder,buthe notedrepeatedly
thatwhenthrough
misruletheVisigothickingslostthe supportof theirfellowGoths,the Gothic
roseup and overthrew
themiscreant
nobility
king.Nowheredid he implythatin
their
ruler
the
Goths
did
overthrowing
righteously,
althoughhe notedseveral
timesthattheunhappy
fatesofbad rulershad generally
fittheircrimes. Perhaps
in withholding
directapprovalofoverthrowing
a king,Isidorehad in mindthe
exampleofDavid,who did notassumethetitleofkingwhileSaul was alive,nor
didhe do harmto Saulwhenhe had theopportunity,
butinsteadallowedtheLord
to removeSaul in His owntime. PerhapsIsidorerealizedas wellthatitwouldnot
be wiseto drawup in his writings
an ideologicalblueprint
foroverthrowing
the
The
Gothic
had
demonstrated
a
for
king.
nobility already
propensity rebellion;
thatmight
themto further
rebeltheyneededno theoretical
justification
encourage
liousness.
In general,however,
theVisigothickingshad notlivedup to the standards
outlinedbyIsidore.He was notwritingabouthow thingswerein theVisigothic
Sententiae,3.51.4, "Principes saeculi nonnunquam intra Ecdesiam potestas adeptae culmina
tenent, ut per eamdem potestatem disciplinam ecclesiasticam muniant. Caeterum intra Ecclesiam
potestatesnecessariae non essent, nisi ut, quod non praevaletsacerdos efficereper doctrinae sermonem,
potestas hoc imperetper disciplinae terrorem."
Sententiae,3.51.5, "Saepe per regnumterrenumcoeleste regnumproficit,ut qui intra Ecclesiam
positi contra fidemet disciplinam Ecdesiae agunt, rigoreprincipmconterantur;ipsamque disciplinam,
quam Ecdesiae humilitasexercerenon praevalet,cervicibussuperborumpotestas principalisimponat; et
ut venerationemmereatur,virtutepotestatisimpertiat"
^Sententiae, 3.48.11.
^Sententiae, 3.49.4.
9.3.4, "Recte igiturfaciendoregisnomen tenetur,peccando amittitur."
Etymologiae,
^Historia Gothorum,
44, 45-46, 58.
47I Sam. 19-31. Isidore may indeed have had this incident in mind; I Samuel 26:9 is quoted in
canon 75 of the Fourth Council of Toledo, which openly condemns violence against the king, admonishing: "Who shall put forthhis hand against the Lord's anointed, and remain guiltless?"The famous
incidentof David's refusingto kill Saul is in I Samuel, 24.

ofKingship 17
JaceT. Crouch:IsidoreofSevilleand theEvolution
and
realm,buthow theyshouldbe: thekingshouldrulewithjustice,humility,
and missionofthechurch.
This
and thekingshouldsupportthewelfare
clemency,
an ideal Christianking,butalso illusforkingshipnotonlyportrayed
blueprint
monarchs
tratedthesortofkingthattheVisigothic
usuallywerenot WhatIsidore
rulersshouldaspireto be, and
describedwas thesortofkingthattheVisigothic
thesortofkingthatHispanianeeded.
in a situation
wheretheywereruledby
The Spanishbishopsfoundthemselves
wastheanti-Christian
a lineofGermanickingswhoseoriginalexemplar
(oratleast
YettheLordhad estabofthepaganAthanaric.48
anti-Nicene)
military
leadership
lishedtheseGothickingsin Spainas partofthedivineplan.The bishopsneeded
scheme
howtheseGothickingsfitintothecosmological
to understand
justexactly
of things, and Isidore'stheoryof kingshiphelpedto explainthis. Once the
understood
thecosmicroleoftheseGermanickings,they
themselves
churchmen
andto conthekingsabouttheproperroleofkingship,
thenhadbothto enlighten
vincetheseGothicmonarchsto act accordingto thedivineplan fora Christian
This is whatIsidoretriedto do.
society.
The GothswereatleastChrisPartofthetaskhad alreadybeenaccomplished.
thetenets
The Ariansunderstood
tianwhentheyenteredSpain,evenifheretical.
theTrinity.
ofJudaeo-Christian
morality,
despitetheirunusualnotionsregarding
work
becauseoftheevangelical
to Catholicism,
In 589 theGothsconverted
largely
of Isidore'sbrotherLeander.IsidorehimselfestablishedCatholicschoolsin the
Gothic areas to educate Gothic clergyand laymenin theirnew faith.What
into the organismof the
remainedwas to incorporatethe kingsstructurally
church.50
thetransforto complete
Isidore'smostobviousattempt
As mentioned
earlier,
He devotedseveralsectionsofhis
hiswritings.
wasthrough
mationofthekingship
bothas regardstheir
Sententiae
to theproperroleofkingsin a Christiansociety,
arefewer
with
that
deal
duties.
their
cosmic
and
actions
kingship
Passages
earthly
functions
ofkings.
ministerial
the
enunciate
but
in the Etymologiae, theyclearly
Gothorum
Isidorechampioned
Evenin his Historia
kingswhoserulewas characterwelfare
oftheirpeople. These
and concernforthespiritual
izedbyrighteousness
and at theroyal
the
in Isidore'slifetime
workswerecirculated
among higherclergy
5. Accordingto Isidore, by the timeAthanaric had assumed leadershipof the
^Historia Gothorum,
Goths (Isidore does not call him "king") Christianityhad been preached to the Gothic people, and
many Goths were already Christians. Similarly,Alaric was elected king only afterthe Visigoths themselves had largelybeen Christianized.Among the Visigoths,Christianitypreceded kingship,which may
have suggestedto Isidore that the Gothic kingshipwas not a pagan institution.
49For an excellent discussion of this extremelydifficultpoint, see Ullmann, CarolingianRenaissance,43-71.
context
Thus Ullmann, CarolingianRenaissance,43, is in a somewhatdifferent
51Isidore was to a
varietyof politicallycorrectadvocacy
large extentpracticinga seventh-century
journalism in his HistoriaGothorum.He did not hesitateto gloss over,or omit entirely,informationthat
"Visigothicrulersas God's Vicars, new Constantines." See
mightunderminehis theme of the latter-day
altomedievale.Settimanidi studiodel
J.N. Hillgarth,"Historiographyin VisigothicSpain," La storiografia
Centroitalianodi studisull'altomedioevo17 (1970): 280. See esp. Hillgarth,"Coins and Chronicles."

18 Mediterranean
StudiesVolumeFour
was dedicatedto KingSisebut
courtin Toledo.An earlyversionoftheEtymologiae
A longerversionofthe
versionoftheHistoria
Gothorum.
(612-621),as wasthefirst
HistoriaGothorum
was dedicatedto Suinthila. Theseworksintroduced
Isidore's
notionsofkingship
to theintellectual
eliteoftheSpanishchurch,
and to theVisihisbeliefthattheVisigothic
wasthelegitimate
regnum
gothickings,and promoted
oftheConstantinian
successor
Itis lesscertainthatIsidore'sideasreached
regnum.
so theprocessofevangelizing
theGothsaboutthe
theGothicnobility,
however,
roleand statusofkingswas onlypartially
accomplished.
One does notchangekingshipbywritingaboutit,however,
and Isidoredid
notlimithis politicalactivities
to philosophical
burieddeeplywithin
speculations
religioustexts.The learnedbishopof Sevillewas theclose friendand principal
advisorofKingSisebut,evidently
a relationship
withSisebutanalogousto
enjoying
thatof Cassiodorus to Theodoric,Alcuin to Charlemagne,and Eriugenato
CharlestheBald. Isidorereferred
to Sisebutas filius,and,as a tokenoffriendand
out
of
for
the
IsidorededicatedDe NturaRerum
ship
respect
king'slearning,
to theking. Sisebutpersonally
and severalotherwritings
acknowledged
receipt
of De NturaRerum,
and dedicateda poemon thenatureofeclipsesto Isidore.
The relationship
betweenthesetwomenis worthexamining.
Sisebutsawhimself
as theheirofbothReccaredtheVisigothand Constantine
theGreat,andwasdedicatedto the"reconstruction
oftheciviland religious
lifeof
this
Isidore's
historical
works
simiattitude,
Visigothic
Spain.' Paralleling royal
idea
that
the
the
realm
was
the
of
successor
larlypromoted
Visigothic
legitimate
theConstantinian
mantlewithwhichEusebius
realm,and that"theprovidential
ofCaesareaand his successorshad investedByzantine
emperors[hadbeen transto theVisigothic
of
Toledo.'
one
ofIsidore'sto Sisebut
letter
ferred]
kings
Only
has survived,butthevariousdedicationsand references
to one anotherindicate
thattherewas muchinteraction
betweenkingand bishop.

52The HistoriaGothorumapparentlywent throughseveral redactionsin Isidore's lifetime.The first

was dedicated to Sisebut, the second to Suinthila; see Hillgarth, "Historiographyin Visigothic Spain,"
287-88.
"Fontaine, Isidore,808-9.
De Ntura Rerumwas dedicated to Sisebut, as were earlyversions of the HistoriaGothorumand
the Etymologiae.
55A critical edition of this
poem appears in Jacques Fontaine's edition of Isidore's De Ntura
Rerum, Trait de la Nature (Bordeaux: Feret et Fils, 1960). Sisebut also wrote a biography of St.
Desiderus, which has survived. For a recentdiscussion of this unusual biography,see Fontaine, "Sisebut"
56Fontaine,"Sisebut," 97.
57J.N. Hillgarth, "Isidore of Seville," in Dictionaryof the Middle Ages (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1985). On this point, see especially Marc Reydellet,"Les intentions idologiques et politiques dans la Chroniqued'Isidore de Seville," Mlangesd'archaeologieet d'histoirede l'cole Franaisede
Rome,82 (1970), 363-400; H. J. Dienser, Isidor von Sevilla und seine Zeit (Stuttgart: Calwer Verlag,
1973).

JaceT. Crouch: Isidore of Seville and the Evolutionof Kingship 19

Sisebut appears to have taken manyof Isidore's admonitionsto heart,fornot

only did he attemptto promotelearningand dispel superstitionin the realm,but

he was rememberedboth in Spain (where one would expect it) and in Francia
(whereone would not),not onlyas a greatwarrior,but as a pious, just,and merciful
ruler. Further,Sisebut echoes in one of his lettersthe Isidorian notion that he
must renderan account to God forevils that occurred during his reign. Thus
there is evidence that Sisebut and Isidore were active collaborators in what Fonhis
and thatIsidore'sattemptto transform
tainecalls the "renaissanceIsidorienne,w
politicaltheoriesinto politicalrealitieshad some positiveconsequence.
In addition to his close workingrelationshipwith Sisebut, Isidore interacted
with other Visigothic monarchs as well. As earlyas 610 Isidore had traveled to
Toledo to attend Gundemar's regional council, evidentlyin support of the DecGundemari. Isidore affixedhis signatureimmediatelyafterthatof the king.
return
Not onlydid he journeyfromSeville to the FourthCouncil ofToledo in December
633, but Isidore's lettersto Braulio of Saragossa indicate that he traveled from
Seville to Toledo at leasttwo othertimesduringthe reignof Sisenand, each timeat
the king's request.62Aware of the interactionbetween Isidore and the Visigothic
kings,in 625 Braulio openlyasked Isidore to use his influencewith Suinthila,and
in 632 with Sisenand.63Thus despitethe paucityof documentsfromthis period,
thereis evidence that Isidore maintainedan influentialrelationshipwith no less
than fourGothic kings.
is fullof praise forboth
It is surelyno accidentthatIsidore's HistoriaGothorum
Sisebut and Suinthila.65 They were the kings with whom he had worked most
closely,and upon whom his influencewas perhaps most effective.In the Historia
58Fredegar,who is otherwisequite hostile to the Visigoths,remarksof Sisebut that he was "a wise
and most pious man" who "foughtbravely,"was mercifulto his vanquished enemies, and extended
Visigothic rule "from the sea to the Pyrenees."Fredegar,4.33. See also Fontaine, "Sisebut," 97-101;
Fontaine, Isidore,863-88.
et
GermaniaeHistorka,EpistolaeMerowingici
59Letterto Caesarius, ed. W. Grundlach, Monumento,
KaroliniAevi,Tomus1, EpistolaeWisigothicae
4.18-21 (p. 665).
60On the other hand, Sisebut's persecution of the Jews,especially the forcedconversions that
occurred during his reign,were offensiveto Isidore. In the long version of the HistoriaGotKorum,Isi60.
dore speaks out againstthis practice,notingthat it was not done out of wisdom. HistoriaGothorum,
6lDecretumGundemari,in J. Mansi, SacrorumConciliorumNova et AmplssimaCollectio(Florence,
1759-98; rpt, Graz, Austria:AkademischeDruck-U. Varlagsanstalt,1960), 10:510B-512D. Isidore lent
support to Gundemar's effortsto make Toledo the episcopal seat of Carthagenensis, noting "dum in

urbem Toletanam oro occursu reeio advenissem."

62Barlow,Braulio of Saragossa,letters4 and 6, which seem to referto two separate journeys. If
letter6 refersto a trip in late 632 or early633, then Isidore would have made anotherjourneyto Toledo
in December,when IV Toledo convened, unless, of course, he remained in Toledo the entireyear.
63Barlow,BraulioofSaragossa,letters3 and 5. In letter5, Braulio more than implies that Isidore's
"own methods" included both flatteryand loud criticism,in addition to patristiccitations and scriptural arguments.
^That is, Gundemar, Sisebut, Suinthila, and Sisenand.
60-65.
65HistoriaGothorum,

20 Mediterranean
StudiesVolumeFour
Christiankings:theywere
Gothorum
Sisebutand Suinthilaappearedas near-ideal
in waragainstthosewhowoulddisturbthepeaceofthekingdom;they
victorious
men;and therealm
theyweregoodChristian
promoted
justice;theyweremerciful;
under
their
rule.
That
these
the
is,
prospered
kingsexemplified royalvirtuesthat
Isidorechampioned
in theSententiae
and theEtymologiae.
Nowherein hiswritings
didIsidoreimplythatthevirtueofthesemonarchs
wasdue solelyto hisown influence,butitis reasonableto assumethatin his capacityas advisorIsidorecontributedto whathe perceived
as theirgeneralexcellence.
One couldargue,ofcourse,thatIsidorewas merely
one ofmanyadvisorsto
thekings,and thathis politicalthoughtmerelyreflectsideascurrent
in theVisiin
realm
and
elsewhere
the
medieval
west.
The
indeed
have
gothic
early
kingsmay
had manyadvisors,butthe evidencecitedearlierindicatesthatIsidorewas the
mostrespectedoftheseadvisors,at leastamongthosewho werechurchmen.
In
monarchs
fromthisperiodseemto havereliedupon a
fact,mostoftheVisigothic
churchman
as theirprincipaladvisor.Isidore'sbrotherLeanderhad
prominent
beentheforemost
advisoroftherebelkingHermenegild,
and he eventraveledto
in an attempt
to rallyByzantine
CathoConstantinople
supportforHermenegils
lic insurrection. Leanderlaterbecametheprincipaladvisorof KingReccared.
AfterIsidore'sdeath,theVisigothickingsall had prominent
churchmen
as their
politicaland spiritualadvisors. These churchmen
playedan activerolein both
of clericsin theVisireligiousand secularissues. In fact,the politicalactivity
realm
was
such
that
one
historian
has
called
gothic
seventh-century
Visigothic
In short,thepoliticalactivity
ofprominent
clerSpain"a priest-ridden
kingdom."70
66Theselaudatory
remarks
neednotbe consideredmerepraisefora reigning
monarch.Historia
Gothorum
wentthrough
severalredactions,
as mentioned
above.The first
version,publishedin Sisebut's
above.The secondversiontreatedwiththedeathof
lifetime,
praisedthekingin thetermsmentioned
butsaidnothingto defamethememory
ofSisebutasidefrom
Sisebut,offered
highpraiseto Suinthila,
his policyofforcibly
The finalredaction,
atthe
condemning
Jewsto Christianity.
converting
completed
ofSisenand'sreign,deletedthelaudatory
dedicationto Suinthila,addeda notethatSisebut
beginning
use ofmedicine,
butonceagainaddednothingdefamamayhavebeen poisonedthroughimmoderate
been
toryto the memoryof Sisebutor Suinthila,despitethe factthatSuinthilahad onlyrecently
ofhis
deposedbySisenandhimself.Isidoremayin factmerelyhavebeen keepingup the reputation
butthereweremenlivingin 631 (theearliestdateforthethirdredactionofthetext),who
"protgs,"
remembered
thereignsofSisebutand Suinthila,
and itis doubtful
thatIsidorecouldhave
undoubtedly
liedoutright
abouttheircharacters
withimpunity.
Thompson,GothsinSpain,66.
68Braulio
ofSaragossaand EugeneI and II ofToledounderKingsChintila,Tulga,and Chindasvinth(636-672), HildephonseofToledo underKingReccesvinth
(649-672), JulianofToledo under
Wambaand Erwig(672-687),and Felixand GundericofToledounderthelastGothickings(687-711).
Church
andState,46-50.
Ziegler,
Church
and State,46-50. See also King,Law and Society,
122-58; Thompson,Gothsin
Ziegler,
Spain,275-319.
Henry Bradley,The Goths,fromtheEarliestTimesto theEnd of theGothicDominionin Spain (New

York:G. P. Putnam'sSons, 1903), 333-41. This is a popularwork,characterized

notonlybymuch
butalso bya pronounced
anti-Catholic
bias.
romanticism,

ofKingship 21
JaceT. Crouch:IsidoreofSevilleand theEvolution
ics bothbeforeand afterIsidore'slifetime,
considered
withtheevidence
together
Isidore'srelationship
withSisebutand Sisenand,indicatesthatIsidore
concerning
was notmerely
one advisoramongmany,butthemostprominent
advisorofthe
realm.
In theearlyseventh
Isidorewas activeat a crucialpointin Visigothic
history.
to thechurchand to churchtheGothickingswereturningincreasingly
century
to solidify
theirpositionas monarchs
Gothic
menin an attempt
againsta turbulent
nobility.The Gothicnobilitymayhave been rebellious,but it was small.The
theentireChristianpopuwas notonlymuchlarger,
church
ultimately
constituting
as well.The ecclesiastical
could
lationoftherealm,butitwas powerful
community
to
of
the
as
from
the
use theteaching
pulpit, promote
authority
clergy, proclaimed
to
and penitentialauthority
and use the church'scorrective
the king'swelfare,
in
order
to
of
the
church
needed
the
active
his
enemies.
The
king
support
punish
a
and
church
needed
the
retaintheallegianceoftheHispano-Roman
population,
as regardscureof souls.As they
functions
kingwhowas awareofhis ministerial
and the
cooperatedevermorecloselyduringthe seventhcenturythemonarchy
the
Gothic
front
of
a
common
churchconstituted
aristocracy,
against
something
ofwhichbothkingand churchsoughtto curb.The kingshad been
theturbulence
sucha policymoreor less sincethetimeofReccared,buttheeventsof
pursuing
thepromonarchs
to accelerate
theearlyseventhcentury
impelledtheVisigothic
cess.
is easilyperceived.
Isidore'shandin thisprocessofchurch-state
amalgamation
thathe was condemonstrate
His writingson the natureof kingshipcertainly
cernedwiththe problemsof the realm.His close associationwithSisebutand
Suinthila,as wellas his missionon behalfofGundemar,suggeststhathe manifestedhisconcernfortherealmbyservingas thefriendand advisoroftheGothic
areoften
The proofsthusfaroffered
muchremainsephemeral.
kings.Nonetheless,
thanunequivocal.Withtheeventsof 631-633, howmorelogicalor inferential
in the politicsof the realm
forIsidore'sactiveparticipation
ever,the argument
becomesmuchstronger.
In 631, Suinthilawas overthrownby a rebellionof the Gothic nobility.
Althoughearlierin his reignIsidorehad praisedhimas a justand able ruler,calland highofthepoor,in lateryearsSuinthilabecameavaricious
inghimthefather
The rebellion
was led bySisenand,a Gothicnoble,
handedtowardsthenobility.71
who called in the Franco-Burgundian
suptroopsof DagobertI formercenary
Suinthila
to
overthrow
mercenaries
needed
That
Sisenand
implies
foreign
port.72
backedthereigning
thattheGothicarmyinitially
king,butlittleelsecan be said

71Fredegar,4.73.
72Sisenandwas governorof Septimania, and the rebellion began in Narbonne. Fredegar,4.73.

StudiesVolumeFour
22 Mediterranean
without
The Gothicarmyevidently
surrendered
oftherevolt.
aboutthebeginnings
a fight, and evenSuinthila'sbrotherGeilawentoverto Sisenanscause. Perto rulewithinthe
rulerfailedto heed Isidore'sadmonition
hapstheunfortunate
was
to
tolerate
further
the
ever-dissident
and
law,
depVisigothic
nobility unwilling
redations. In anyevent,Suinthilawas deposed (althoughnot killed), and
SisenandseizedtheSpanishthrone.
fora nationalcounIn 633 Sisenandcalledthebishopsoftherealmtogether
of
Toledo.
he
felt
insecure
on
thethronehe had
cil,theFourthCouncil
Evidently
he turnedto the
so recently
usurped. Whateverthereasonforthisinsecurity,
churchforsupport.The bishopsassembledin Toledo,underthepresidency
ofIsidoreofSeville,and in lateDecemberKingSisenandconvenedtheFourthCouncil
ofToledo.At theopeningofthecouncilSisenandappearedbeforeIsidoreand the
assembledbishops,accompaniedby"themostillustriousand noblemenof the
himself
on thegroundbeforethepriestsofGod, and
kingdom,[and]prostrated
withtearsand groanshe askedthebishopsto intercede
forhimwithGod." He
afterhis violentusurpationof the
mayhavebeen merelyaskingforforgiveness
throne,butmodernscholarsagreethathe was seekinginstead(or perhapsin addition) the formalsupportof the churchforwhatmusthave been a troubled
throne.78
Isidoreand the otherassembledbishopswerewillingto offerSisenandthe
canonoftheproceedings
supporthe needed,and theydevotedthe seventy-fifth
to
matters.
Canon
no
left
doubtthatSisenandwas
75
exclusively politico-religious
thelawfulrulerofSpain,and thathe had thefullsupportoftheChurch.Canon
ofthesacralnatureofVisigothic
75 was also themostdetailedstatement
kingship
thathad thusfarappearedin therealm.The canondealtwithtopicsranging
from
the divineinstitutionof kingshipto the king'sministerialduties.The canon
addressedall of themajorproblemsfacingtheVisigothicmonarchy
and offered
to eachofthem,solutions
solutions
theroleofthemonarchy
andthesancwhereby
tityoftherulerweredefinedand protected
bycanonlaw.
Thatthebishopsrealizedthepoliticalpowerthechurchheldin theVisigothic
realmis implicit
in theopeningsentenceofthecanon:thecouncilofbishopswas
4.73.
73Fredegar,
Thompson,GothsinSpain,170-72.
4.73.
75Fredegar,
Fora detaileddiscussionoftheFourthCouncilofToledoand politicalcircumstances
surroundingthisepochalcouncil,seeThompson,GothsinSpain,172-80.
Hie quippedumin basilicabeatissimae
et sanctaemartyris
Leocadiaeomniumnostrum
pariter
et nobilissimisvir ingressus
jam coetus adesset,tali pro mritofideisuae cum magnificentissimis
Dei humoprostratus
cumlacrymis
et gemitibus
primmcoramsacerdotibus
pro se interveniendum
Deo postulavit,"PL 84.363d-364d. The canonsof the FourthCouncil ofToledo are conveniently
assembledin PL 84.363-390.
GothsinSpain,174-76,whopositsthattheremayhavebeena widespread
rebellion
^Thompson,
againstSisenandduringthe632 and 633 campaignseasons.

ofKingship 23
JaceT. Crouch:IsidoreofSevilleand theEvolution
our kingand givingstabilityto the race of the
assembled"forstrengthening
to accomplishthisthroughusingits strongest
Goths/ The churchattempted
The lengthy
centralpassage
oranathematize.
the
to
excommunicate
weapon: power
ofthosewho presumedto
ofcanon 75 was devotedto a detailedcondemnation
Sisenand
and establisha tyranny
(presumably
usurpthekingdomforthemselves
or succeededin doing
whenhe heardthis).All whoplanned,attempted,
squirmed
so weredeclaredanathemato God theFatherand His angels,anathemato Christ
ofChristThey
and His apostles,and anathemato theHolySpiritand themartyrs
sincetheyhadviolated
theholyCatholicChurchwiththeirperjury,
had profaned
alienated
theiroathofallegianceto theking,and theyweretherefore
canonically
had
and thefellowship
ofChristians.
fromHolyCommunion
Theyjustly thatportionwhichwasallottedto thedemonsand thefallenangels.Theyweredeclaredto
be anathemamaranatha,
theyweredamnedin theadventoftheLord,and they
werecomparedtoJudasIscariot.
did notapplyto Sisenandis evidentin the
Thatthesepowerful
imprecations
were
nextpassage:KingSuinthilawasdeclaredformally
deposed;he and hisfamily
and wereto be sentintoexile. The implication
to be deprivedoftheirproperty
Suinthilahappenedto havelostthethrone,ithad beenin accorwasthat,however
forhis wrongful
deeds.Sisenandwas
dancewithGod's will and in punishment
nowthelegitimate
king,and thatwas that.
seemsto havebeengivena specialstatusin therealm,and is
Sisenandhimself
to
as the Lord'sanointedone. Aftera seriesof maledictions
referred
implicitly
againstthosewho wouldassaulttheking,thebishopscautionedthat"theLord
said:'Touchyenotmyanointedone,'"and "whoshallputforthhis handagainst
theLord'sanointedone and remainguiltless?' This is theearliestevidencethat
and itmayindicatethatSisenand
kingswereanointedin theirkingship,
Visigothic
Gothickingto receivethissacramental.
was in factthefirst
Althoughhis account
the religiosity
of each ruler
oftheCatholickingsof Spain is detailedregarding
refer
of
them
as
been
anointed.
Isidore
does
not
to
Suinthila,
any
having
through
ofthekingwas notpracticed
indicatesthatanointing
A passagein theEtymohgiae
was introduced
sometime
in Visigothic
anointing
Spain priorto 620. Evidently
evidencealso suggeststhatSisenandwas the
between620 and 633. Numismatic
79PL 84.383c, "Pro robore nostrorumregumet stabilitategentisGothorum."
*PL 84.384c-385c.
81PL 84.386b.
PL 84.384b, "Dominus dicat: 'Nolite tangerechristosmeos'; et David: 'Quis/ iniquit,'extendet
manum suam in christumDominei et innocens erit?"1The Biblical passages quoted are Psalms 104:15
and I Samuel 26:9, respectively.The latterquotation, the bishops cannilypointed out, was fromDavid
himself.
Although there is no doubt that the laterVisigothickings were anointed (Chindasvinth-Achila
II), there is a considerable literatureon which a Visigothicwas the firstto be anointed. For a briefdiscussion on the topic and a bibliographicguide to secondaryliterature,see King, Law and Society,
48n. 5.

StudiesVolumeFour
24 Mediterranean
to receivesacramental
first
monarch
unction.He issueda seriesofcoins,
Visigothic
all mintedatMentesa,whichclearly
showhimdisplaying
a crosson hisforehead.
This peculiarcointypedoes notappearunderanyotherGothicking. Takenin
to "theLord'sanointed"in canon 75, thiscoin type
concertwiththereferences
theinstitution
of royalunctionas firstappliedto theforeheadof
mayrepresent
KingSisenand.
Althoughit is not certainwhetheror nottheVisigothickingsthemselves
to thethrone,canon75 makesitexplicit
sworeoathsofoffice
that
upon ascending
Visigothicnobles and churchmensworeoaths of allegianceto Sisenand. The
admonishedagainstbreakingone's oath offidelity
churchmen
to the
repeatedly
the
in
it
was
not
but
also
whose
king:
sacrilege onlyagainst king,
againstGod,
nametheseoath-breakers
had promisedfidelity. "Ifwe wishto escape divine
to mercy,"
wrathand to turnHis severity
thecouncilenacted,"letus honorthe
thatwehavemadeto ourprinces." Thosewhoviolatedtheiroath
oathoffidelity
to the kingor who perjuredthemselves
throughswearingfalselyweredeclared
and cutofffromall hopeofsalvation.88
anathema,
The canon protectednot onlythe kinghimself,but offeredsuretyto the
Gothicnobility
thattheirpositionin therealmwouldcontinueto be recognized.
The churchwouldacceptno king,forexample,whowas notoftheGothicrace.89
in choosingthekingwas canonically
theroleoftheGothicnobility
estabFurther,
Isidoreand thebishopsresolved,
"let
lished:"Whenthekinghas diedpeacefully,"
all the greatprincesof the Goths assembletogetherwiththe bishops,and by
to therealm." The Visigothic
moncommonconsentletthemchoosea successor
archyhad been electivefromtheearliesttimes,butthiswas thefirstinstancein
mandated.Further,
and perhapsmostimportantly,
whichelectionwas canonically
thiswas the firstinstancein theVisigothicrealm(perhapsthe firstinstancein
Europe)whereinthechurchassumeda formalrolein theelectionofkings.Not
theinstitution
ofkingship
intoitsownecclesiasonlywasthechurchincorporating
tical programforsociety;it was also canonicallyinsertingitselfinto the most
important
politicalprocessoftherealm.
Miles, Coinageof theVisigoths,
fromLeovigildto Achila U, 305, plate 18.3, American Numismatic
Society coin no. HSA 16396. The portraitis a facingbust type,a variantof Miles' type 5g.
In cataloguing bust types Miles, Coinage of the Visigoths,
59, notes that Sisebut issued a similar
coin, bust type 5g, but Miles does not include the coin in his generalcatalog, listit separatelyunder Sisebut, or include an illustration.
86PL 84.384a.
87PL 84.384b, "Quod si divinam iracundiam vitare volumus et severitatemejus ad dementiam
provocarecupimis, servemuserga Deum religioniscultum atque timoremet usque in mortemcustodiamus erga principes nostros pollicitamfidematque sponsionem."
88PL 84.384d-385c.
89PL 84.384d.
PL 84.384c, "Defuncto in pace principe primatus totius gentiiscum sacerdotibus successorem
regni consilio communi constituant." Canon 75's decree regardingthe royal succession seems particularlyto have been disregarded.In this context,Thompson, Gothsin Spain, 180, has noted that "of all

ofKingship 25
JaceT. Crouch:IsidoreofSevilleand theEvolution
thekingship,
theassembled
Havingthusworkedto strengthen
bishops,led by
thekingto "be mildand moderate
towards
and
Isidore,admonished
yoursubjects,
rulewithjusticeand piety thepeoplewho areentrusted
to youbyGod. Render
to Christ,He whohas established
withhumility
of
you,reigning
justrecompense
heartand virtuousdeeds."92IfSisenandor anyofhis successors
ruledotherwise,
theywereto be declaredanathema. This caveatremindedthekingthathe had
dutiesas wellas rightsas king,and thattheLordwouldcall himintoaccountfor
ofthe churchand people of the realm,a pointthathad been
his guardianship
mademuchearlierbyIsidore. This caveatalso impliedthatthekingcould be
ofGod, forulticalledto accountbythechurch,
representative
actingas theearthly
the
itwastheearthly
led by Spanishbishops,whowouldpronounce
church,
mately
anathema.
anynecessary
the
All of theseresolutions,pronouncements,
and admonitionsregarding
weredesignedto enhancethepoliticalstability
institution
ofkingship
oftherealm.
succession
to thethrone,and gavethe
The bishopscanonically
legislated
regarding
ofthechurchto thosewhowouldundermine
thekingin anyway.
condemnation
The councilthenproceededto definekingshipin termsthatwerewhollyIsitextofcanon75 readslikea summation
ofIsidore'spolitdorean.The remaining
and parallelsthemin conception,in presentation,
and in
ico-religious
writings,
language.
as havingbeenestablished
in theirrule
The Visigothic
kingswererecognized
withHis divineplan,a pointlongarguedbyIsidore. In
byGod, in accordance
theircapacityas kings,theVisigothicmonarchshad dutiesto God and to their
3.51.6
people,anotherpointinsistedupon byIsidore. He arguedin Sententiae
His Churchto theirpowerwillexactfromtheman
that"He who has entrusted
account/ a themeechoedin canon75. Justas Isidorepositedthat"therearetwo
principalvirtuesin kings,justiceand piety," canon 75 arguedthatthe king
shouldrule"withjusticeand pietythepeopleentrustedto [him]byGod." In
a king"whocorrectly
uses theroyalpowerestablishes
the
ruling,Isidoreinsisted,
the remainingkings of the seventh century,Wamba alone was properlyelected by the nobilityand the
bishops in accordance with the ruling of the Fourth Council." Hillgarth, "Position of Isidorian Studies," 881 , notes that canon 75 "hardlyever affectedlaterroyalsuccessions."
The phrase "justiceand piety"parallels Isidores's "justitiaet pietas" in Eymolojiae,
9.3.4.
PL 84.385d, "Te quoque praesentem regem futurosque aetatum sequentium principes humilitate que debemus deposcimus, ut moderatiet mites erga subjectos existentescum justitiaet pietatepopulos a Deo vobis crditos regatis, bonamque vicissitudinem qui vos constituit largitori Christo
respondeatis,rgnantesin humilitatecordis cum studio bonae actionis."
93PL 84.386a.
^Sententiae 3.51.6.
95Sententiae
3.49.3; 3.50.4; 3.51.6.
9.3.4; Sententiae3.48.7; 3.49.2; 3.49.4; 3.51.4-6.
96Etymologiae
Sententiae3.51.6, "Ille ab eis rationemexiget,qui eorum potestatisuam Ecclesiam credidit"
9.3.5, "Regiae virtutespraecipuae duae, justitiaet pietas."
Etymologiae
"PL 84.385d, "Cum justitiaet pietatepopulos a Deo vobis crditosregatis."

26 Mediterranean
StudiesVolumeFour
formofjusticein deeds ratherthanin words....He bearsthe royaldignitywith
humblespirit/'100
and shouldtakean examplefromthe humility
of David.101
This,too,recallscanon75,whichadmonished
kingSisenandto reign"inhumility
ofheartand through
virtuousdeeds/
Clearly,Isidorewas theguidingspiritbehindthiscanon,and itreflects
everytheinstitution
ofkingship. The canondefined
thinghe everwroteconcerning
kingshipin exactlythe termsIsidorehad outlinedin his earlierwritings,and
and churchtogether
in a waythathad previously
existed
broughtthe monarchy
EvenIsidore'spreviousassociationwithSisebutand Suinthilawas
onlyin theory.
notso politically
as was thisdear statement
ofIsidorianpoliticalideolimportant
now
the
force
of
canon
law.
as
it
did
near
theend ofhislife,the
ogy,
given
Coming
FourthCouncilofToledowas a fitting
culmination
of Isidore'syearsoflaborin
Visigothic
Spain.

l00Sententiae3.49.2, "Qui recte utiturregni potestate formamjustitiae factismagis quam verbis

instituit.... regnifastgiohumili praesidetanimo."
iU1Sententiae
3.67.1.
W1PL84.385d, "Regnantes in humilitatecordis cum studio bonae actionis."
103Canon 67 of IV Toledo {PL 84.379d-380a) also shows influenceof Isidore by legislatingagainst
the forcedconversion of Jewsto Christianity.Isidore opposed forcedconversions, and had criticised
Sisebut forsuch harsh measures in HistoriaGot/iorum
60.