Tmp442a TMP

George Bogle,
the first British envoy

to Bhutan and Tibet(1774-1775):
the importance of his mission
for his contemporaries and
subsequent participants
of the Great Game in Asia
Institute of the History of Science and Technology, Russian Academy of Science,

Russian Federation
E-mail: apostnik@ihst.ru
Abstract
While working in the Bibliothque Nationale de France's Department of Manuscripts in
Paris I have managed to discover an earlier unknown variant of the report (Memorandums
about Tibet) by the British East India Company's envoy to Bhutan and Tibet, young Scotsman George Bogle. According to the archive records the Memorandums were handed
over to the Royal Library by the famous French orientalist, Academician Louis Langls
in August 1822. Clement Markham published a Narrative of the mission only in 1876. It
is worth noting that the manuscript that I came across at the Bibliothque Nationale in
Paris had been unknown to Clement Markham. Later researchers were also unfamiliar with
the Memorandums discovered by me. Apparently George Bogle was going to publish his
materials with Warren Hastings' active support. It is still unclear why these plans were
never realized though from various sources it is known that Bogle's narrative appeared
as a manuscript in British India as well as in Europe very soon after his return to Calcutta
in 1775. According to Alistair Lamb quite possibly at least one copy might have reached
France. Thereby my finding proves this assumption. The same British author after analyzing
all available Bogle's documents arrives at the conclusion that there were two main versions
of the George Bogle's collection of manuscripts, which were quite different in contents
and composition. There is every reason to believe the discovered Memorandums to be the
third and the most complete contents-wise because it contains copies (or variants) of the
documents from both the first and the second collections. British researchers have not
mentioned some aspects of George Bogle's descriptions. So in their works one would not
find many entries into the Bogle's records which dealt with aggressive and sometimes
cruel policy of the Tsing Empire towards Tibet and neighboring Central Asian countries
and peoples. In these publications there are no mentions about relations between Tibet
and Russia or Russian subjects in the 18th century. Considering the significance of George
Bogle's journey to Bhutan and Tibet it should be emphasized that he was the first educated
European, who managed to establish such a close relationship with the Tibet's ruling
elite. According to the still existing Bogle family legend this relationship was materialized in his two daughters by a Tibetan wife, who were later brought up in England. The
idea of a necessity to establish the friendship between nations and to overcome cultural
differences runs through all Bogle's materials. Personally he was an example of a very
successful embodiment of this idea.
5
Alexey V. Postnikov: George Bogle, the first British envoy to Bhutan and Tibet(1774-1775): the importance of his mission for his contemporaries and subsequent participants of the Great Game in Asia
Alexey V. Postnikov
While working in the Bibliothque nationale de France's Department of Manuscripts in Paris

we have managed to discover an earlier unknown variant of the report (Memorandums about
Tibet) by the British East India Company's envoy to Bhutan and Tibet, young Scotsman George
Bogle (1746-1781).1 According to the archive records the Memorandums were handed over to
the Royal Library by the famous French orientalist, Academician Louis Langls2 in August 1822.
For a long time the mission's legacy as well as all the obtained materials were practically
left out of scientific attention. As the famous East India Company's historian Clement
Markham observed, "discovery of logs and other papers of Mr. George Bogle, who was sent
on a mission to Tibet by Warren Hastings, and of Mr. Manning, the only Englishman who
visited Lhasa, provided a great deal of work to the Department [of history] for 1876. Thus,
official work on Tibet was authorized" (Markham 1878, 419). Narrative of the mission was
published quite promptly in 1876 (Markham 1976). The second edition saw the light of day
in 1879 and was facsimiled in India in 1971 (Manjusri, New Delhi, 1971) (Markham 1971). It
is worth noting that the manuscript that we came across at the Bibliothque Nationale in
Paris was obtained in 1822, i.e. long before the uncovering of the materials on this journey
within the East India Company's archives, hence it must have been unknown to Clement
Markham. He was also unaware of some earlier attempts to publish Bogle's works except
for the short account of Bogle's journey by the second envoy to Tibet (1783) Captain Samuel
Turner in 1800 (Turner 1800). Later researchers, such as Kate Teltscher, Alistar Lamb and
Gordon T. Steward never mention Bogle's Memorandums from the National Library in Paris
(Teltscher 1995, 2006, 2007, Lamb 2002, Stewart 2009).3
1 Bibliothque nationale de France's Department of Manuscripts, Anglais 63, M. Bogls # 3.

Memorandum about Thibet, ou "Relation de l'ambassade de M. Bogle [George Bogle] auprs
du Grand Lama du Tubet". "Offert la bibliothque du Roi, ce 28 aot 1822, par L. Langls".
At the end of the document it is stated that it was finished in Beyhar on the 9 June 1775).
2 Louis-Mathieu Langls (1763-28 January 1824) was a French academic, philologist, linguist,
translator, author, librarian and orientalist. He was the conservator of the oriental manuscripts at
the Bibliothque Nationale in Napoleonic France and he held the same position at the re-named
Bibliothque du Roi after the fall of the empire. In 1795, Langls became the founder-director the
cole des Langues Orientales Vivantes in Paris, which is still operating under the revised name
of Institut National des Langues et Civilisations Orientales (INALCO). Langls was the provisional
specialist on India at the Bibliothque Nationale. Langls corresponded with William Jones (17461794) in Calcutta; and he was responsible for including the history and bibliography of the early
publications of the Asiatic Society of Bengal in the third volume of the Magasin Encyclopdique.
In addition to other honors for excellent achievements Langls was awarded the Russian Order
of St.Vladimir. See the details at: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Louis-Mathieu_Langls
3 See also - Web site: Romantic Circles - Home / Praxis Series / The Containment and
Re-deployment of English India / Kate Teltscher, "Colonial Correspondence: The Letters
of George Bogle from Bengal, Bhutan and Tibet, 1770-81".
The first page of the George Bogle's Memorandums
British author Alistair Lamb is currently publishing the complete uncovered manuscripts
related to George Bogle's mission. The first volume of this fundamental work is already
out. Alistair Lamb comprehensively utilized all existing literature on Bogle. Basing himself
on this literature and on all other available sources he published a concise historiographic
and historic study of George Bogle's mission, which allowed evaluating the importance
of the Memorandums that we have translated and prepared for publication and that
remained unknown to Dr. Lamb.
Apparently George Bogle was going to publish his materials with Warren Hastings' active support. It is still unclear why these plans were never realized though from various
sources it is known that Bogle's narrative appeared as a manuscript in British India as
well as in Europe very soon after his return to Calcutta in 1775. For instance one of these
manuscripts was sent by Hastings to Dr. Samuel Johnson; another one ended up with
the Royal Society in UK, where according to the information obtained by Alistair Lamb
from the Society's librarian, this copy is no longer available. According to the same author other copies were purchased by some interested parties and quite possibly at least
one copy might have reached France (Lamb 2002, xix). Thereby our finding proves the
last Dr. Lamb's assumption. The same British author after analyzing all available Bogle's
documents arrives at the conclusion that there were two main versions of the George
Bogle's collection of manuscripts, which were quite different in contents and composition:
one based on Dalrymple's materials and the other on a compilation initiated by Warren
Hastings.4 There is every reason to believe that the discovered Memorandums is the third
(earlier unknown) version of the British diplomat and traveler's collection of documents.
And this version seems the most complete contents-wise because it contains copies (or
variants) of the documents from both the first and the second collections. It is possible
that comparing all the three versions might expose certain earlier unrevealed details of
George Bogle's mission.
It should be highlighted that although Bogle never got to publish a summary review of
his expedition, its results were not buried in the archives of the East India Company and
private collections. Already in 1776 Bogle's friend John Stuart went into much trouble to
make the legacy of Bogle's expedition known to London scientific community. First of all,
he achieved his friend's election to the Royal Society, the most prestigious intellectual
institution in Britain. Acting at the same time as a representative of Hastings and Bogle's
friend he presented the description of Bogle's travels in a letter to the President of the
4 Warren Hastings (1732-1818) was the first Governor-General of India, from 1773
to 1785, initiated and headed the mission of George Bogle, with whom he had quite
trusting and even friendly relationship (to the extent possible between a superior and a
subordinate).
It should be noted that the most detailed publications of George Bogle's papers were
the works by Markham and Lamb, and although the latter justly criticized Markham for
a non-conventional approach to publishing historical sources, his own work manifests
the same shortcomings as the reader would not find any exact reference to the "archival
addresses" of the documents being published as well as no indexes (proper names,
places' names, etc.) whatsoever. 7
British researchers have not mentioned some aspects of George Bogle's descriptions. So
in their works one would not find many entries into the Bogle's records which dealt with
aggressive and sometimes cruel policy of the Tsing Empire towards Tibet and neighboring
Central Asian countries and peoples. In these publications there is no mention about the
relations between Tibet and Russia or Russian subjects in the 18th century. It seems that
the exclusion of these topics from these British publications might to some extent reflect
the Great Game policy in Asia, and the most recent of these works could be reluctant to
deal with such matters due to their feelings of political correctness towards the Chinese
People's Republic.
The records of George Bogle's mission in the works of Soviet and Russian scientists
on the Tibetan history are very scarce and laconic. An example being the fundamental
monograph on the history of Tibet by E.I. Kychanov and B.N. Melnichenko, in which it was
5 Sir John Pringle (1707-1782) was a famous Scottish physician and scientists, who has
been called the "father of military medicine". Was President of the Royal Society from 1772
till 1778 (Lamb 2002, 13-14).
6 "An Account of the Kingdom of Tibet", Philosophical Transactions LXVII, II: 468-487.
7 Readers, interested in a more complete bibliography of articles and books that cover,
to a different extent, various aspects of the history of George Bogle's mission, may profit
from reading a work by Julie G. Marshall /with a Foreword by Alastair Lamb/ Britain and
Tibet 1765-1947: A select annotated bibliography of British relations with Tibet and the
Himalayan states including Nepal, Sikh and Bhutan. Revised and updated to 2003 (London
and New York: Routledge Taylor & Francis Group, 2005), which includes a special section
on First Anglo-Bhutanese War and the Bogle Mission to Tibet (43-53).
9
Royal Society Sir John Pringle.5 On April 17th, 1777, Sir John Pringle delivered a report on
Bogle's travels for the Society members, in which he quoted a lot of extracts from the
Stuart's letter that mostly covered Bogle's geographic, ethnographic and commercial
observations on Tibet. The Royal Society President characterized George Bogle as a
person, "whose abilities and character in all respects qualified him for such a dangerous
and unusual mission" (quoted after: Teltscher 2007, 175). The article on Bogle's travels
based on Sir John Pringle's report, "An Account of the Kingdom of Tibet", was published in
the Royal Society's journal Philosophical Transactions.6
only mentioned that Bogle "stayed four months in Tashilhumpo from November 1777
to March 1778 but achieved no results" (Kychanov and Melnichenko 2005, 151). We can
see that the authors even gave the wrong dates for the Scottish diplomat's visit with the
Panchen Lama, whereas Bogle stayed in contact with him from autumn 1774 till spring
1775. As for evaluating the legacy of the mission, we dare to hope that the work that is
to be presented for publication shortly will ensure a more objective opinion regarding its
outcome and input to the Europeans' knowledge of Tibet, its people, religion and culture.
10
George Bogle was only 28 years old when he was appointed to serve as the first British
emissary to Bhutan and Tibet. In accordance with Warren Hastings' instruction the main
goal of the mission was to negotiate a trade agreement between Bengal and Tibet in
order to clear the route for the British merchandise to Tibet and China through Bhutan.
The instruction obliged the envoy to keep "a Diary, inserting whatever passes before
your observation which shall be characteristic of the People, their Manners, Customs,
Buildings, Cookery, the Country, the Climate, or the Road, carrying with you a pencil and
Pocket-Book for the purpose of minuting short Notes of every Fact or Remark as it occurs
and putting them in Order at your Leisure while [they] are fresh in your Memory"8 (Quoted
after: Teltscher 2007, 34).
Besides Bogle the expedition consisted of the Company's surgeon assistant Alexander
Hamilton, who was also a Scotsman and a Bogle's old family friend, the Lama's representatives Purangir Gosain and Payma, and servants.
Gosain - traveling monk trader. Purangir Gosain could look like this
8 Oriental and India Office Collection, British Library (OIOC,BL), Eur E226/6: Private Commissions to Mr Bogle, MSS.
In the beginning of the 18th c. Britishers succeeded in copying of the original Jesuits'
Survey. This copy is stored now in the British Library with the following title: China. Complete Geography of the whole Empire of China, with addition of the Tartar Regions under
the Dominion of the Chinese Monarch, the Whole Copied from the Original Charts used at
the Imperial Court of Peking, Surveyed by the European Missionairis on their Expedition
for surveying the whole Country, Executed by Express Commands of the former Emperor,
During the Years 1712 to 1716 fit in the present order by A:E: van Braam Houchgeest Esq.11
In such a way, materials of the Chinese Emperor's mapping project had found their way to
Europe and were used in the monumental work of French Jesuit historian Jean-Baptiste Du
9 BL, K.116.15, 15a, 15b: A Map of China and surraunding Lands based on the Jesuit surveys
of 1708-16, sometimes known as the K'ang Hsi Map. Engraved on copper by Matteo Ripa
at Peking, 1719, 3 rolls.
10 BL, Maps 12. f.26: [An Atlas of the privinces of China, based on the Jesuit surveys of
1708-16. Sometimes known as the K'ang Hsii atlas ] [Engraved in wood in Peking in 1721].
11 BL, 118.d.30.CXVI/6: China. Complete Geography of the whole Empire of China, with addition of the Tartar Regions under the Dominion of the Chinese Monarch, the Whole Copied
from the Original Charts used at the Imperial Court of Peking, Surveyed by the European
Missionairis on their Expedition for surveying the whole Country, Executed by Express
Commands of the former Emperor, During the Years 1712 to 1716 fit in the present order
by A:E: van Braam Houchgeest Esq.
11
Hastings provided Gorge Bogle with map materials based on grandiose survey ordered
by the Kangxi Emperor and performed by Jesuits Fathers Fridelli Rgis and Jartoux. This
great work was commenced in July 1708, and the completed maps were presented to
the emperor in 1718. The records preserved in each city were examined, topographical
information was diligently collected, and the Jesuit Fathers checked their triangulation
by meridian altitudes of the Sun and the Polar Star, and by a system of re-measurements.
The result was a more accurate map of China than existed, at that time, of any country in
Europe. Kangxi next ordered a similar map to be made of Tibet, the survey being executed
by two lamas who were carefully trained as surveyors by the Jesuits at Peking. Fixing their
measurements by astronomical observations of latitudes, the lama surveyors started in
the north-eastern corner of Tibet and continued to Lhasa, then to the Himalayan sources
of the Ganges (Teltscher 2006, 22-23). This survey was engraved on copper by Jesuit Father
Matteo Ripa and published, as A Map of China and surrounding Lands based on the Jesuit
surveys of 1708-16, sometimes known as the K'ang Hsi Map An extremely rare copy of this
map in three rolls is stored in the Map Department of the British Library.9 The same survey
was used for publication in 1725 from a wood engraving of An Atlas of the provinces of
China, based on the Jesuit surveys of 1708-16. Sometimes known as the K'ang Hsii atlas.10
In 1947 Walter Fuchs published in Beijing a facsimile copy of this atlas (Fuchs 1947).
Halde (1674-1743) A General History of Chine (1736), accompanied in 1737 with An Atlas of
China compiled by Jean Baptiste Bourguignon d'Anville (1697-1782), who was one of the
most outstanding geographers and cartographers of the 18th c. The Atlas included the
first maps of Tibet compiled in the European tradition, and they would become the only
geographical materials which Hastings could provide Bogle with. Hastings and Bogle seem
to have been unaware of the existence of the map of the borders of Bengal published
in 1773 by James Rennell, the first Surveyor-General of Bengal (Teltscher 2006, 270).
12
Below you can see copies of four maps from Jean Baptiste Bourguignon d'Anville's Atlas
which were kindly provided to me by the Austrian National Library (with permission to
publish them).
The Map of China, Chinese Tartary, and Tibet. Courtesy of the Austrian National Library
The Map of Tibet and Bhutan. Courtesy of the Austrian National Library
13
The Map of Central Tibet in the region of Lhasa. Courtesy of the Austrian National Library
14
The Map of the Western Tibet in the region of Tsampu. Courtesy of the Austrian National
Library
Naturally, the embassy of the East India Company was equipped with the splendor due for
the British Empire representative: twenty two shift palanquin porters, thirty armed peons
(foot Indian warriors), twelve harkaras (couriers), six torch-bearer (for traveling at night),
two chubdaras ceremonial silver batons' bearers to signalize the embassy's importance,
not to mention guards, servants, cook and tent setters. Altogether, according to Bogle,
there were 63 men and additional five for Hamilton (Teltscher 2006, 21-22).
Bogle's mission set out of Beyhar on June 8th, 1774.12 After arriving at Bhutan Desi's summer residence, enormous monastery-fortress Tashichodzong (in Bogle's Memorandums
this is Tassesudden which appears with certain variations in our translation), Bogle spent
the time from the 5th to the 14th of July 1774 negotiating with the Desi13 (Teltscher
2006, 64) Kunga Rinchen (he is also mentioned in the Bogle's reports as Debe Rajh) and
his retinue with the main aim to obtain a permit to visit Tibet.
12 Bibliothque Nationale de France's Department of Manuscripts, Anglais 63, M. Bogls

# 3. Memorandum about Thibet ou "Relation de l'ambassade de M. Bogle [George Bogle]
auprs du Grand Lama du Tubet". "Offert la bibliothque du Roi, ce 28 aot 1822, par L.
Langls". Page 10.
13 Civil administrative leader of Bhutan that was officially ruled by a ceremonial leader,
an incarnation, the Lama, according to Tibetan Buddhism. At the time of Bogle's visit, Desi
was a seven years old Shabdrung, and before his coming of age at 18 years old the nominal
head of state was a regent, Jigme Senge, though the actual ruler was the Desi.
15
It is absolutely evident that these maps could provide Gorge Bogle with only the most
general notions about countries which he should visit, and they could not be used as
reliable tools for orientation. All the more so, since they have many lacunas, and their
geographical names in the process of survey and compilation of maps had been subject
to translation at least twice: from Tibetan to Manchurian, and then from Manchurian to
French languages. In this process, in the majority of cases, these names were distorted
so much that the natives would not recognize them. For Bogle, the first difficulty was
the problem of nomenclature even for countries which he should visit: Tibet in India was
sometimes called Bootan. It seems that these names have been used interchangeably.
"Bootan" did not refer to the country that we now know as "Bhutan". It was rather an
alternative name for Tibet (Teltscher 2006, 22).
16
"The Palace of the Deb Rajah at Tassisodon", Plate 1 in William Daniell, Views in Bootan,
1813. British Library, London
The Palace where the British mission lived: "View at Tassisodon", Plate 3 in William Daniell,
Views in Bootan, 1813. British Library, London
Desi explained to the East India Company envoy that the Panchen Lama was independent
only in religious affairs while de jure being a subject of the Chinese emperor, who expressed
discontent with the Indian mission. Hence the desi requested to forward to China the copies of British party letters to the Panchen Lama (the letters were in the Bhutanese and
Finally, George Bogle managed to persuade the ruler of Bhutan to write the Panchen Lama
a letter of recommendation regarding his mission. Also Bogle kept inducing the Tibetan
ruler envoy Gosain not to ask a Peking's permission for the British mission's arrival to his
residence, which was quite a long way from Lhasa, where the Chinese were.15 Explaining
the peaceful nature of the mission Bogle stated the following:
"I mentioned that the Manners and Customs of the Country as well as the Plants
and Animals were Matters of Curiosity to the Governor, and he had directed me to
attend to them but I protested to him that the Force and Number of the Troops, or
the Strength of the Country were points so totally indifferent that the Governor
had desired me not to make the smallest enquiry about them; considering from the
Distance of the Countries, the Opposition of the Climate, and other Circumstances
that Bengal had as little to fear from Thibet, as Thibet had from Bengal".
On the other hand the East India Company's envoy considered it necessary to conclude
his speech with the covert threat:
"I told him to represent strongly to the Lama, the Slight be unmeritedly threw
upon Governor by refusing me Admittance into his Country".
Thus, employing various arguments, including an ordinary bribe, Bogle managed to persuade
the envoy to exert himself to reach his goals:
14 Bibliothque nationale de France's Department of Manuscripts, Anglais 63, M. Bogls

Langls", 18-21.
Langls", 35.
17
Persian languages) and to await the Chinese authorities' decision. In addition, he spoke
about the hardship of the way ahead and advised the British to give up their mission. The
Scotsman replied that the Panchen Lama was the one who initiated the embassy by sending a letter to The Governor of the East India Company. Judging by further negotiations,
the Lama himself changed his mind about receiving the British mission.14
"And with all the different arguments I used I endeavored to interweave his own
Interest, as the best Stimulus to his Zeal".16
Following Gosain's advice, Bogle applied for not more than three to four servants to be
listed in his passport. Finally Bogle received the permission to visit Tibet. On the 23rd
October 1774 the party crossed the border of the Lama's domain.
18
Part of the Map of Bogle's travel from: Markham, Clement R., Narratives of the Mission of
George Bogle to Tibet, and the Journey of Thomas Manning to Lhasa. Edited with notes,
an introduction, and lives of Mr. Bogle and Mr. Manning, by Clement R. Markham, C.B., F.R.S.
London, Trubner&Co, 1876. Courtesy of the Austrian National Library

Langls", 36-37.
19
The Full track of the British Mission from: Markham, Clement R., Narratives of the Mission
of George Bogle to Tibet, and the Journey of Thomas Manning to Lhasa. Edited with notes,
an introduction, and lives of Mr. Bogle and Mr. Manning, by Clement R. Markham, C.B., F.R.S.
London, Trubner&Co, 1876. Courtesy of the Austrian National Library
Bogle's further narration becomes more detailed. He begins to pay much attention to
describing the Tibetans' mode of life and customs, geographic peculiarities of the country.
Along the mission's way Dr. Hamilton putted together a herbarium, he collected seeds,
and he wrote down as well botanical notes.17
20
Dwelling on the differences in the landscapes of the flat Bengal and the mountainous Tibet
George Bogle was somewhat ironic and unjust in speaking of contemporary cosmographic
beliefs regarding the Earth surface formation. At the same time he voiced very interesting
views on geographic conditions' influence upon the population's cultural and economic
setup in mountainous and plain areas, stating the following:
"What fine baseless fabrics might not a Cosmographer build on this airy Situation:
who from a Peat or an Oyster Shall can determine the different Changes which
Volcanoes, Inundation and Earth quakes, have produced on the face of the Globe.
He would discover that the Sea must once have covered Bengal, and washed the
Bottom of these Mountains, which were placed as Barrier against its Encroachments.
But instead of following out the Antidiluwian Reveries which make the head giddy,
one had better see to what use nature now puts them and how she fits Inhabitants.
The natives of Bengal weak thin skinned are ill suited to bear fatigue or Cold, their
Country is cut through with Rivers & Creeks to carry their goods for them. The Earth
produces its fruit with an Ease almost Spontaneous, and every puddle full of fish.
The Bootans of a Constitution more Robust and hardy in habit a country where it is
required They have everything to transport on their backs; They are obliged to to
make Terrasses and lead little streams of Water into them, in order to cover their Rice
Fields; and to build Houses of thick Stone Walls, to secure themselves from the Cold.
The one can not endure Heat, the other cannot suffer Cold, and so these Mountains
are set up as Screen between them. They shelter Bengal from the Northerly winds
which blow over Tartary all the way from Nova Zembla, and give them moderate
Winters; and they serve to keep of the hot Southerly Monsoons from the Bootans,
and preserve them cool when the Sun is within six Degrees of them. The Climate
accordingly changes in the most rapid manner; and Murichong which is not above
two days Journey from the entrance into the hills, produces Apricot, Peaches, Apples,
Pears, Mulberries, end even Oaks - but I am got into the clouds".18

Memorandum about Thibet ou "Relation de l'ambassade de M. Bogle [George Bogle] auprs du
Grand Lama du Tubet". "Offert la bibliothque du Roi, ce 28 aot 1822, par L. Langls", 173.
Memorandum about Thibet ou "Relation de l'ambassade de M. Bogle [George Bogle] auprs du
Grand Lama du Tubet". "Offert la bibliothque du Roi, ce 28 aot 1822, par L. Langls", 13-14.
At the end of November, by invitation of the Lama, the members of the mission set out to
Tashilhumpo monastery (in the Memorandums its name appears in the form of "Teshoo
Loombo" and some others, varying slightly and given in the translated text) that was the
capital of the Teshu Lama province. They followed the western bank of Chamnamning
river and arrived at the capital on December 13th, 1774. 20

Langls", 84-85.
Langls", 86.
21
On the 8th November 1774 the East India Company's mission arrived at the Panchen
Lama's residence in Dechenrubji referred to as Desheripgay by George Bogle. He handed
to the Lama the personal letter from the East Indian Company's Governor along with the
official gifts and his own present (Pelong silk scarf). The envoy and his companion Hamilton
were received very well and were also presented with gifts. In Bogle's Memorandums it
is highlighted that regardless of the fact that Lama was worshipped as a living god in all
eastern outskirts of Asia he was quite civil to the foreigners, showing great interest in
everything they related. The Lama's great generosity was particularly noted, for the fact
that he was also generous to the traveling Muslim monks despite their hostility towards
Lamaism religion. In George Bogle's opinion, one of the reasons why the Lama welcomed
the monks' visits was his desire to learn as much as possible about the neighboring Asian
countries and possibly promote the good reputation of the Dalai Lama among those nations.
For greater comfort and warmth, Panchen Lama gave the British some clothes trimmed
with Siberian fox and sable fur and a pair of red high boots each.Thus they were dressed
in a very Russian way, according to Bogle ("Dressed like that which we call Russia").19
22
Tashilhumpo monastery. Recent photo by A.V. Titov
The Main Tashilhumpo Temple. Recent photo by A.V. Titov
At Panchen Lama's request George Bogle wrote for him a review of European countries
with the main focus placed on Britain and France.21 In this review the Scotsman attempted
to draw parallels and to reveal differences in political systems and customs between the
European countries and Tibet. Presenting to a certain extent an idealized image of the
life in Britain, Bogle however allows himself to criticize his homeland. "Having mentioned
many of the good Customs of England. I shall now write on some of the bad ones", he
states.22 Although the judicial system is fair, many crimes are punished with death penalty,
contrary to the Tibetan custom of levying a fine. The people's morals should be corrected
in certain respects: hard drinking is widely spread among the nobles as well as among lower
classes, and gambling is a prevalent evil among the well-to-do. Bogle adds that "there is a
Custom which although I am ashamed to mention I must not conceal. It is called duelling".
The idea of shedding blood in order to protect one's honor seemed quite ridiculous when
explained to the Tibetan Lama who resolutely denied any violence.
Although judging by evidence, in his description of the British customs George Bogle never
attempts to satirize them. His narration made the usual sound quite strange. Keeping in
mind that he was writing as the official envoy for the Company, it is highly surprising that he
allowed any criticism of Britain. All in all he cared to be an advocate for his homeland, which
according to him never waged a war unless it was forced to do so, and it never subjected
its enemies to plunder. The country abounded in grain and cattle and its merchandise was
renowned for their exceptional quality.
Bogle's national partiality is strikingly evident when he describes France, where according
to him people did not enjoy the same freedom as in Britain and found themselves under
the rule of absolute monarchy, suffered under the oppression of unbearable taxes, corrupt
judicial system and religious prosecutions. "The People of France", he observed, "are very
merry and more polite then the English but are much given to Flattery and not so sincere.
They Dance better that the English but their Musick is not so good. They are more fond of
of Dress and Show the Men all powdering their Hair, and many of the women painting
their Cheeks red"23 (Quote after: Teltscher 2006, 138).

Langls", 113-114. For the copy of this survey see: British Library, APAC, MSS Eur E226/65.
22 British Library, APAC, MSS Eur E226/65.
23
During their stay at Tashilhumpo the British mission members had many opportunities
to receive evidence of the lamaist world's polyethnicity and wide geographic spreading.
During the rest of his stay in Tashilhumpo (till March 30th, 1775) the Scottish traveler
spent every day translating the papers on Tibet supplied by the Lama.
24
Although the Lama was very interested in the modern politics, his main concerns were in
the spiritual sphere. Part of the information given by Bogle was utilized in such forms and
in such a way that the Scotsman could never have thought possible or even understand.
Later the same year the Panchen Lama wrote a book on Shambala land, which subsequently
became the most authoritative guide on this mysterious country. In the Calachakra tradition Shambala is both an ideal anda real world. As an ideal, it is the intermediate place
between samsara, the cycle of reincarnation and suffering, and nirvana, blissful liberation
from reincarnations and sufferings. As a real place, Shambala is situated somewhere to
the north of the Himalayas. It is hard to reach, and the road there is full of hardships, both
natural and supernatural: the traveler has to cross vast deserts, forests with wild beasts,
mountains inhabited with fair goddesses, demons, predators and hungry spirits. Only
those who would not give in to temptation or fear might reach the gracious and perfect
land Shambala. Framed by high snowy mountains this lotus-shaped kingdom abounds in
sandal woods and lakes. At its heart, there is a capital with palaces built of gold, silver and
precious stones. The ruler is holy and the people are beautiful, healthy, virtuous and wise.
In his guide Explanation of Shambbala together with a Narrative of the Holy Land, the Panchen
Lama relied on traditional texts when picturing magical dangers and symbolic trials awaiting the traveler to the secret land. However, at least half of the book was dedicated to the
geography of India, the Holy Land, appearing in its title. Panchen Lama used the data from
many informants including Bogle. He writes that Bengal is ruled by the British, who arrived
as merchants but then expanded their territories. He notes that under the secular power of
the British rule everyone is allowed to profess their own religion. Britain's king is hereditary
and lives on an island (Grnwedel 1915, 44-45). Hence the Panchen Lama to a certain extent
incorporated the Bogle's narrative into Calachkara tradition. He even asked the Scotsman
to help him in his further spiritual quest. In his diary Bogle recorded with surprise that the
Panchen Lama asked him to specifically enquire upon his return to India "about the Situation
of a Town called Shambul [Shambhala], which he said the Pundits [Teaches]24 would be able
to inform me"25 (Teltscher 2006, 139-140).
24 pundit, (Hindi) pandit, (Sanskrit) pandita is a scholar or expert. Most widely used meaning is an
educated Indian, versed in traditional Indian law, Sanskrit, philosophy, religion. OED. In the second
half of the 19th century the term was used to denote native surveyors (Indians and Muslims), who
explored regions to the north of India for the British Empire and gathered intelligence undercover
especially with respect to the Russian Empire advancing into Central Asia. Pundits-spies played
an important role in the geopolitical rivalry of Russia and Britain for supremacy in Central Asia
better known as the Great Game. For more details see: Postnikov 2005, Postnikov 2007.
25 British Library, Add. MS 19283, f. 108v.
The more Bogle learnt about Tibetan laws, the more he was inclined to contemplate on
the British law. Considering the Tibetan maxim that "if a Man kills his slave it is a Great
Crime and if a another Man kills him [slave] it is a small one", Bogle commented on this
rule as being based on "more generous Principles than what are to be found either in the
Law of England or its West India [American] Plantations".27 In the process of discovering
a different culture George Bogle started doubting the "perfection" of his own. "We are so
much used to admire the Llaws and Customs of England and they have been the Subjects
of so many Panagiricks", he observed, "that they are esteemed among Englishmen as the
Standards of Excellence by which the Laws of other Nations are to be Judged"28 (Quotes
after: Teltscher 2006, 140-141).
Bogle's detailed reports on his meetings and discussions with the Panchen Lama are
of exceptionally great interest in the Memorandums. The East India Company's representative paid considerable attention to exploring Tibet's relations with its neighbors.
26 In Bogle's translation the other principles (commandments) were as follows: Quotes

after: Teltscher, 2006, 279. 2. Thou shalt not take anything that is thy naighbours, unless
he gives it to thee. 3. Thou shalt not commit adultery. 4. Thou shalt not lie. 5. Thou shalt not
slander thy Neighbour. 6. Thuo shalt not threaten or use angry words towards thy Neighbour.
7. Thou shalt not speak vain & needless words. 8. Thuo shalt not cover anything that is thy
neighbours. 9. Thuo shalt not wish harm to thy neighbour or harbour Evil against him. 10.
Thuo shalt not be guilty of Disbelief.
28 British Library, APAC, MSS Eur E226/65
25
George Bogle himself received from the Panchen Lama some "lessons" in the basics of
Tibetan law, history and cosmography. The Lama sent him documents on various subjects
and instructed monks to interpret them to the Scotsman. Bogle was a very grateful
"student". For example, while examining the punishments for murder he thoroughly
listed nine social categories, from the higher Lamas to landless workers, against the
variable scale of fines to be paid to a victim's family as a compensation rangingfrom the
corpse's weight in gold to different quantities of flax, barley and oil. Tibetan traditional
law based on ten moral principles was introduced in the 7th century by the Tibetan
ruler Songtsen Gampo, who finally established Buddhism as the official state religion.
Initially Bogle listed those principles in transliteration from the Tibetan language and
then he included the translation. Like the Panchen Lama, he was inclined to discover
and single out the cultural parallels. Having observed the similarity between Songtsen
Gampo's ten principles and the Judeo-Christian code, Bogle entitled them The Ten
Commandments and employed the biblical phraseology while translating them. For a
European reader they immediately looked familiar. For instance, the first principle went
as follows: Thou shalt not kill.26
The Lama asked the British to assign the Tibetans a place for praying on the banks of
Ganges (sacred river for all Buddhists) and turned to the East India Company's envoy for
support in this matter.
26
There are some references to Tibetan maps presented to Bogle by the Lama. So, British
envoy said: "He showed me a Plan of Teshoo Loomboo, his Palace and of Potallo, that
of Dalay Lama. They were in no kind of Symmetry".29 Such a description could not apply
to Jesuits' maps compiled in European tradition, but there was another occasion, when
Punchen Lama offered him a highly desirable map of Tibet, full of details missing from the
European maps of 1730s used by Bogle. It seems that in this case Lama tried to present
Bogle with a really new Jesuit map of Tibet. "This was a splendid Object", declared Bogle,
"and to obtain it I was sensible would reflect much Lustre on my Commission".30 But, much
as he longed for the cartographic prize, diplomatic reasons were stronger, and he could
not be tempted to get the precious new geographical information, surely based on the
latest survey performed by the Jesuits during the Chinese conquest of Jungaria and part
of Central Asia in 1759-1761. Gorge Bogle, trying perhaps to give Hastings the benefit of
the doubt, reported on this occasion the following:
"I considered that the Company could have no Interest in this Country but that
of Commerce; and that to know a number of outlandish Names, or to correct
the Geography of Thibet, although a matter of great Curiosity, and extremely
interesting to Geographers and Mapsellers, was of no use to my Constituents,
or indeed to mankind in general, and that to this I might be sacrificing Objects
of far greater Importance, by encreasing Jealousy which had hitherto so cruelly
thwarted me in all my Negotiations". 31
Being led by such refined but not unquestionable diplomatic reasons, Bogle, affecting
indifference, thanked the Lama for the kind offer, but declined the map. Explaining his
decision, he told that since the British were not interested in Tibet from a military point
of view, as he elaborated, the precise extent of the land was no concern of theirs. Were
he to accept the map, he said, he would give the Regent grounds for suspicion. But the
Regent would never find out, the Lama insisted. He could not answer for that, came the
reply. Of far greater interest, continued Bogle, were the laws and customs of Tibet, "as
every Country excelled others in some of their Particulars, it was the Buisiness of a Travel-

Langls", 133-136.
Analyzing the state of Tibetan trade and major trade flows, Bogle noted that there are a
lot of Cashmere tradesmen in Lhasa and other settlements on Tibet. Monks-merchants
(dervishes) from India were quite favored by the Tibetans. "The Calmacks [most likely
together with Mongols and Buryats, author], who with their wifes and families annually
repair in numerous Tribes to pay their Devotions at the Lama's Shrines bringing their camels loaded with furs, and other Siberian goods". Trading with China is of high significance.
Although the main commodity exchange with Siberia is carried out through the Kalmyks
(and apparently the Buryats) part of the Siberian merchandise arrives through China. Major
export goods from Tibet are goat's wool (down) and gold. 33
Evaluating the perspectives of trading with Tibet, Bogle expressed an opinion that it was
better and safer to trade through the local people's representative. As an effective means
of further strengthening ties with Tibet the Scottish traveler throughout his Memorandums
supported the Lama's request to allocate a spot near Ganges for the Lamaist priests thus
re-establishing the ancient tradition interrupted by the Mongolian conquest of India around
800 years ago. As for the actual trade and economic outcome of George Bogle's mission,
after a lengthy negotiation the rajah of Bhutan agreed to the transit trade from Bengal
to Tibet, although only by the Hindi or Muslim merchants. 34
Considering the significance of George Bogle's journey to Bhutan and Tibet it should be
emphasized that he was the first educated European, who managed to establish such a
close relationship with the Tibet's ruling elite. According to the still existing Bogle family
legend this relationship was materialized in his two daughters by a Tibetan wife, who
were later brought up in England (Richardson 1982, 73-83). As for the Bogle's family
tradition, he had a Tibetan wife. The family tree lists her name as Tichan, a sister of the
Teshu Lama, which might be an equivalent of the Tibetan Dechen (Richardson 1982,
76, 80). From what is known about the Panchen Lama's family it is doubtful that Tichan
32 British Library, Add. MS 19283, f. 65r-v.

Langls", 6-7.
Langls", 186-187.
27
ler to inform himsel of those, and to adopt such as were good"32 (Quotes after: Teltscher
2006,135-136). Pleased by this responce, the Lama promised to supply Bogle with all the
information that he desired.
28
was his sister, but it is quite likely that Bogle started an affair with this woman during
his stay in Tibet. There is no reference to an intimate friend of such a sort in his papers,
including his correspondence and the Memorandums. However, the women of hardly
definable status like concubines, or bibis as they were called in India, were often left
unmentioned. The absence, therefore, of any written evidence, as such, cannot serve as
a denial of Bogle having an affair with a certain local woman. Being aware of his deep
bond with Tibet the Bogle's family might have alleged that he had a Tibetan wife but the
authentic-sounding Tibetan name makes it hard to dismiss the story simply as a romantic
fabrication (Teltscher 2006, 150-151).
In the course of the five-months stay in the Panchen Lama's palaces Bogle was having
many conversations with him, playing chess with his retinue, hunting with his nephews,
attending the Buddhist celebrations and even compiling the description and history of
the European states at Lama's request. The idea of a necessity to establish the friendship
between nations and overcome cultural differences runs through all Bogle's materials.
He was himself an example of a very successful embodiment of this idea. Both in the
Memorandums and in his private correspondence the Panchen Lama is described in very
bright and friendly tones: considerate, good-natured, kind, generous, humane.35 Bogle
himself, concluding his story gives to his readers the following
"A necessary Caution.
The above Memorandums ought to be read with Grains of Allowance, I Have attempted to set them down faithfully, but I cannot answer for myself, for I am apt
to be pleased, when I see others desirous of pleasing me, to think a thing is very
good when it is the best I can get, and to turn up the white side of every thing. A
Man more sagacious and distinguishing then myself, might probably give a more
different Account of his Reception in Thibet. But I could only put down what occurred to myself. If my Temper has warped me it was not my intention". 36
It is worth noting that the friendship between Bogle and the Panchen Lama probably was
his major diplomatic success. This success was immortalized by a painter from Calcutta,
Tilly Kettle, in one of his works made sometime around 1775, depicting the Panchen Lama
giving audience to George Bogle. Tilly Kettle was the first British portraitist to work in
India. At first he painted the portraits of the Indian nabobs, or nawabs (local rulers) and the
35 OIOC,BL , MSS Eur E226/77(h): Bogle to Hastings, 5 December 1774; MSS Eur E226/77(i):
Bogle to George Bogle Senior, 8 January 1775.
Langls", 124.
The main focus of the painting is the presentation of the ceremonial white scarf (khatag)
to the Panchen Lama. Sitting on the low throne, the Panchen Lama extends one hand to
accept the scarf and counts the beads with the other hand. The scarf is offered not by
Bogle but by a Tibetan, possibly Payma, signifying the role such mediators played during the
mission. Most likely, the bowing during presentation was considered inappropriate for Bogle,
who is standing at the left watching the ceremony and maintaining his dignity. The folds of
his outfit are reminiscent of a drop-down Roman toga. In the background framed by the
green drapes there is a window with a view of a castle surrounded by indented mountains,
as the symbol of the great distance and the many hardships Bogle and his companions
underwent in the course of their mission. But regardless of all the heroic associations
evoked by Bogle's posture, his Bhutanese clothes identify him with his milieu. Thus the
painting portrays the moment of different cultures' meeting and adjusting to each other.
Possibly it was Bogle himself who supplied Kettle with some "properties" for creating a
plausible scene: clothes and colorful silk thangkas as walls' decorations, maybe even the
view of Tashilhumpo as a model for the castle seen from the window. But many details are
erroneous: nobody would wear a hat or smoke in the Lama's presence and the Panchen
Lama himself would never wear a fur-trimmed riding hat indoors (Aris 1982, 20). Some
of these inaccuracies might possibly be attributed to the Bogle's broad understanding of
Tibet. For example, a pair sitting on the floor and merrily smoking signifies the cheerful
amicability associated with Tibetans in general (Teltscher 2006, 175-176).
Currently the painting is part of the Royal Art Collection and it is said to have been presented to George III by Hastings, a fact that is a striking illustration of the high political
importance attached to the alliance between Bogle and the Panchen Lama.
(next page photo)

Attributed to Tilly Kettle (1735-1786). The Teshu Lama giving audience. Courtesy of The
Royal Collection in London
29
East India Company's employees in Madras. After moving to Calcutta he portrayed many
Governors of the Company including Hastings. The painting dedicated to Bogle was to a
certain extent a deviation from the artist's manner. Being more an imaginary scene rather
than a portrait, it depicts the first meeting of Bogle with the Panchen Lama. The artist does
not seek to represent the exact details of the scene (starting with the fact that at the real
meeting George Bogle was wearing the European clothes and not the Bhutanese outfit
as in the painting); he is more interested to narrate the "theatrical" version of the event.
30
31
32
A very significant historical-cultural achievement of George Bogle's mission was the

founding of a Buddhist monastery at the request of the Panchen Lama. For this purpose,
in accordance with the Panchen Lama's instructions, the East India Company already in
December 1775 let to Purangir a plot of 30 acres on the bank of Hugli (Ganges' channel) at
Ghusari opposite the Northern border of Calcutta. Upon receiving the consent of Directors
this land was given to the monastery for free (Lamb 2002, 383). The monastery was built
without archways, with only small doors in the solid outer wall. Its main building was placed
among the vast gardens, hence the name of the monastery Bhot Bagan, or Tibetan
Garden. Consecrated in June 1776, one year after Bogle's mission returned to Calcutta,
Bhot Bagan passed under the rule of Purangir. There were the images and sacred objects
presented by the Lama in the worship rooms around the main palace, and the objects of
his reverence (Indian saints and Shiva-lingas) were kept in Purangir's rooms. In this union
of various faiths Tibetan Garden was undoubtedly very significant, but religious traditions
were usually not very different in India during the 18th century. The Subcontinent rulers
were seeking certain political advantages in favoring religions other than their own. In
the case of Bhot Bagan the British provided the monastery with the land, hoping that it
will secure their alliance with Tibet. The Panchen Lama appointed gosain as the head of
monastery partially because he thought there was some proximity between the Tibetan
Buddhism and the gosain's beliefs, as well as due to the Purangir's privileged relations
with the British and his broad trade connections (Teltscher 2006, 178-179). 37
With respect to the trade Bogle's mission turned out to be less successful. The way
through Bhutan remained closed for the East India Company; the British goods could only
be delivered there by non-European merchants. Bogle put down those limitations thanks
to the interference of the Chinese residents in Lhasa, Ambans, who controlled the Tibetan
politics. In the person of the Panchen Lama Bogle saw a possible future mediator between
the Company and the Chinese Emperor. Five years after George Bogle returned to Bengal,
the Lama visited Peking and he intended to arrange for Bogle's passport, so that he could
join the negotiations with the Chinese authorities. But those plans were never realized
because the Panchen Lama contracted pox in Peking and died there in 1780, whereas
Bogle passed away in Calcutta within the next year. 38
In spite of George Bogle's incomplete diplomatic mission, his personality and works became
the topic of geopolitical discussions and actions in the second half of the 19th and the
beginning of the 20th century. That period was marked by the considerable aggravation
of the Russian-British rivalry for supremacy in Central Asia. However the British India
37 For more details on Bhot Bagan monastery see Gaur Ds Bysack 1890, 50-99.
38 Web site: Romantic Circles - Home / Praxis Series / The Containment and Re-deployment
of English India / Kate Teltscher, "Colonial Correspondence: The Letters of George Bogle
from Bengal, Bhutan and Tibet, 1770-81".
One of the most fervent and attentive readers of the Markham's book was a young Bengali, a
teacher at a boys' orphanage in Darjeeling, Sarat Chandra Das. He kept re-reading Bogle's works
over and over again and as he writes in his Autobiography, they "kindled in my mind a burning
desire for visiting Tibet and for exploring its unknown tracts" (Sarat Chandra Das 1969, 17).
With the help of the Lama, who taught him the Tibetan language, Das obtained the
invitation for studying at Tashilhumpo. Arriving in Tibet in 1879 disguised as a pilgrim, he
became the elite member of the group of topographers-pundits that were employed by
the British since 1860 for surveying and data gathering in the countries to the North of
their domain in India. As an educated Bengali, Das was rather untypical compared to other
men doing that kind of job. Usually the pundits were recruited mainly from Muslims of
a very "low" descent. Das was undoubtedly more intellectually inquisitive than his other
colleagues-pundits, but he was inferior to them in the topographic surveys' accuracy
(Waller 1988, 196, 204-205).
Apparently Das tried to employ Bogle's strategy. Just like his Scottish predecessor, he
concentrated his efforts on developing friendship at court and on gathering political and
cultural intelligence. In the course of his two-month stay in Tashilhumpo he acquired a
multitude of Sanskrit and Tibetan texts. Unfortunately he lacked Bogle's discretion and
evoked the Fifth Panchen Lama's suspicions. Das was given a single audience with the
Panchen Lama and the Bengali noted cold and independent attitude of the twenty-fiveyear-old Incarnate (in sharp contrast to the Bogle's warm portrait of the Third Panchen
Lama). However Das managed to get close to the Sengchen Lama, head of the Tantric
College in Tashilhumpo, who displayed a vivid interest in the European science and technology and picked up the basics of photography from Das.
Using this contacts Das returned to Tibet in two years, this time with the official support
of the Great Trigonometric Survey of India. In accordance with the instruction, Das was
to follow Bogle's example and make friends among the high-ranking officials, conduct
research on the national culture and keep detailed records (and not just some geographic
and topographic notes as other pundits). By that time, the Sengchen Lama had become
Chief Minister, and he was able to ensure the safe passage to Lhasa for Das through territories affected by plague. There in Lhasa he was given an audience by the six year-old
Thirteenth Dalai Lama. Upon his return to Tashilhumpo, Das discovered that yet another
Panchen Lama died in the epidemic. In such troubled circumstances, complicated by the
persistent rumors circulating among the Tibetan officials that Das was a British spy, he
had to retreat to India in a hurry (Teltscher 2006, 257-258).
33
leaders at various levels were inspired by the image of George Bogle as a peaceful and
friendly emissary of the United Kingdom, whose humanism had contributed to a better
understanding between representatives of appreciably different cultures, and who had
managed to obtain the Panchen Lama's friendship.
34
The indiscretion of Das had tragic consequences to the Sengchen Lama. In 1887, in the
atmosphere of ever-growing suspiciousness of the Tibetans towards the British, Lhasa
government accused Sengchen Lama of betraying state secrets to a foreign power, tried
him, and sentenced him to death by drowning. Many of his followers were executed in
the same way, imprisoned or tortured.39 Das, on the contrary, was rather successful in his
later life. He earned the reputation of the leading expert on Tibet in British India. In 1890
his report was declassified and published along with his autobiography. In the recognition of his merit Das was awarded a number of medals including the award of the Royal
Geographical Society, where Clements Markham was an Honorary Secretary at the time.
Among the manuscripts translated by Das were the extracts from the Third Panchen
Lama's biography. Published in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal those extracts
were the first Tibetan narrative of the Bogle's visit to Tashilhumpo in English. To the utter
regret of Das the Tibetan original was rather reserved in describing the relations between
Bogle and the Panchen Lama. According to a later observation of Luciano Petech, Das
was not fully accurate in his translation, sometimes "inserted his own opinions without
distinguishing them as such" (Petech 1988, 49). Paying homage to his hero, Das expanded
the original in order to glorify the friendship of the Panchen Lama and Bogle. Only in the
Das's translation the meaning of the Lama's attachment to the British emissary becomes
evident: "The Panchen Lama often entered into long discourses with Bogle Saheb and
evinced great delight at his answers and questions". Das's translation reads. "Hiss Holiness's
kind attachment to Bogle Saheb resembled that of a spiritual guide to his disciple or of a
Lama to his almsgiver" (Sarat Chandra Das 1882, 35). 40
It should be noted that Das's journey to Tibet and translation of manuscripts regarding the
first official British embassy to the Panchen Lama date back to a period quite different from
the one when Bogle had visited the Tibet. In the 1770s the East India Company gingerly
tried to use Bhutan and Tibet as a new trading route to the Chinese Empire not affected
by the Cantonese restrictions. The Tibetan rulers and the Qing authorities that controlled
them considered British Bengal territory rather distant and not exactly as menacing as
British India had become in the second half of the 19th century. The time of the educated
and humane gentlemen-emissaries like George Bogle was gone forever, and Fringies (that
evoked suspicion even in the 18th century), who shed their cover of nobility and started
achieving their colonial commercial interests in China by applying military power, became
a tangible reality. At the cost of enormous human toll the two Opium Wars (1839-1842 and
1856-1860) obliterated any restrictions on the trade in Canton and barbarously destroyed
the beauty of Yuanming Yuan, the luxurious palace and park near Peking. The ports along
the whole Chinese seaside were now open for the British trade enjoying the fixed customs
39 For more details see McKay 2002.

40 Quotes after: Teltscher 2006, 258-259.
The Qing authority in the empire was very weakened by the combination of external
aggression, economic decline and domestic unrest among its multinational population.
During the most part of the 19th century the Qings had rather limited real power in Tibet.
At the turn of the 20th century, the Thirteen Dalai Lama had a very good idea regarding
the dynasty's weakness. However, trying to achieve the autonomy of Tibet the Dalai Lama
aggravated current crisis. He opposed the treaties between the Qings and the British Empire
on trade and on frontiers' definition, on the grounds that they were not approved by the
Tibetan authorities. The Dalai Lama also started considering the possibilities of establishing diplomatic relations with Russia in the hope that Saint-Petersburg could become an
alternative source of backing. For the British in India these preliminary negotiations were
potentially highly menacing (Teltscher 2006, 261).
It is worth pointing out that Tibet's attitude towards Russia, at least from the beginning
of the 18th century, differed in essence from the attitude to British India. Although
India and Ganges was the cradle of Buddhism, the British in principle had nothing to
do with it, whilst at least two peoples from the multinational Russian Empire (Kalmyks
and Buryats) professed and are still professing Lamaism. The Bogle's materials clearly
testify to the constant links between Tibet and these nations, and because of that the
Tibetan authorities were very well informed about the Russian Empire, and the continuous commodity exchange (through the pilgrimaging Kalmyk, Buryat and Russia's closest
neighbors Mongols) promoted a positive image of the Russians among the Tibetans.
Despite that, the initial attempts of the Russian authorities to establish official relations
with Tibet were as feeble as the attempts of the British. Starting in 1872 the great Russian explorer of Central Asia N.M. Przhevalsky organized four scientific expeditions to the
Tibetan plateau, but he was never admitted to Lhasa. Northern and north-eastern parts
of the plateau were later explored by V.M. Pevtsov, V.I. Roborovskiy and P.K. Kozlov, who
were also banned from the capital of Tibet.
In its rivalry with Britain for supremacy in Central Asia Russia opposed the establishing of
the British rule over Tibet. In 1895 a few Buryats were sent to Lhasa to gather intelligence
on the situation in Tibet; they were the agents of P.A. Badmaev, a Tibetan doctor, who was
close to the Emperor's court. In Lhasa they met the Lama Agvan Dorzhiev.
Agvan Dorzhiev (1854-1938) came from the trans-Baikal Buryats, and at the age of 19 he
set out on pilgrimage to Tibet. There he immediately proved to be a diligent student and
a spiritual personality fully committed to Lamaism. Upon graduation from the theological
school in the Drepung monastery he received an academic degree of lharampa and was
appointed mentor and tutor of the young Dalai Lama. With time Dorzhiev became close
35
duties. Merchants and missionaries could travel freely within the country after receiving
the necessary passports. The British ensured their undivided rule of the Hong Kong island
and established their permanent embassy in Peking.
friends with the Dalai Lama, rose to the rank of his senior advisor and confidant. In 1898
he was sent on a mission to China, France and Russia to study these countries' state
systems. Russian Emperor Nicholas II gave Dorzhiev a personal audience and expressed
a wish to receive a written address of the Dalai Lama.
36
Dorzhiev arrived in Saint-Petersburg in summer 1900 and on September 30th, 1900

Nicholas II received him in Livadia Palace in the Crimea. Agvan Dorzhiev held negotiations with the Foreign Affairs Minister V.N. Lamsdorf, War Minister A.N. Kuropatkin and
Finance Minister S.Y. Vitte. In the summer of 1901, Dorzhiev arrived in Saint-Petersburg,
as the head, once again, of the Tibetan mission of seven and on June 23rd, 1901 they
were given an audience by the Emperor in Petergof. As a result of negotiations with V.N.
Lamsdorf, Russia's Ministry of Foreign Affairs sent a Russian Buryat, B. Rabdanov to work
as a secretary of the Russian consulate in Datszyanlu (Kandin) and to gather information
on the situation in Tibet. In 1900-1901 in the Dalai Lama state there was a Buryat from
Trans-Baikal Gombojab Tsebekovich Tsybikov (1873-1930), the first scientist from Russia
to visit Lhasa, explore Central Tibet and return safely. Tsybikov visited major settlements
and religious centers in Tibet: the monasteries Kumbum and Labrang at Amdo, Lhasa and
the three main monasteries Ganden, Drepung and Sera, the Panchen Lama's residence
Tashi Lhumpo monastery, Tibet's ancient capital Tsetang and Samue monastery. G.Ts.
Tsybikov gathered, processed and presented to the Russian scientific community a vast
survey on the Tibet's political situation and state system, social-economic relations and
religion (Kychanov and Melnichenko 2005, 351, 206-207).
Beside political liaisons there were some active cultural and religious contacts, the main
tangible outcome of which was the erection in Saint-Petersburg of the first Buddhist temple
in Europe (not to mention the small Kalmyk khuruls that were partially situated in Europe).
The Dalai Lama representative in Russia, Agvan Dorzhiev, obtained a permission to build the
temple in 1900. The funds for the construction were donated by the Dalai Lama himself, by
Agvan Dorzhiev and also collected by the Russian Buddhists. The temple was built by the
architect G.V. Baranovsky in accordance with the Tibetan architectural canons. Scientific
supervision of the project was implemented by a committee of scientists-orientalists
that included V.V. Radlov, S.F. Oldenburg, E.E. Ukhtomsky, V.L. Kotvich, A.D. Rudnev, F.I.
Scherbatsky, N.K. Roerich and V.P. Sheider. Nicholas Roerich was in charge of the decoration
of the temple's interiors and designed its picturesque stained-glass windows. The temple
construction began in 1909 and ended in 1915. The first Buddhist service was held there
on February 21, 1913 in honor of the 300th Anniversary of the Romanov Dynasty. Buddha's
stature for the temple was a gift from King Rama V of Siam. The temple consecration
All those Russia's political and cultural/religious contacts with Tibet vexed Great Britain
much, and especially its colonial administration in India. For many years India's Viceroy
Lord Curzon, a consistent "hawk" in policy towards the Russian Empire, was obsessed with
the idea of Russia's threatening British India. In the second half of the 19th century Russia
was steadily expanding its territories in Central Asia and many British politicians feared
that the Tsar's ultimate target was India itself. It has to be acknowledged that although
by that time the Russian establishment already admitted the inexpediency and impossibility of such a major geopolitical task, some high-ranking army officials and even the
representatives of the Foreign Ministry (especially from the Turkestan Governor-General
office) deemed it useful to nourish the Britons' fears as a counterbalance for the Russian
Empire's policy in the Balkans. They would set off the threat of the "Indian campaign"
against any intrigues of the British Empire in that region, and sometimes this threat was
even voiced in the Turkestan papers by the Russian Army senior officers, who strived for
awards and honors no less than their counterparts in India.42
Within that period Tibet acquired (in the opinion of the British analysts) a special geostrategic
importance as a buffer opposing the Russian "aggression". When the British authorities
received the news on the Thirteenth Dalai Lama's negotiations with the Emperor Nicholas
II, they decided that the time had come to force the Dalai Lama into talks with the Viceroy
of India on British terms.
At first London attempted to compel the Tibetans through Peking to negotiate directly
with the British. Lord Curzon appointed Colonel Francis Younghusband, a battle-hardened
man, having intercepted ed the Russians at the Pamirs, head of the British delegation
for the talks (Postnikov 2001). Under pressure of an Amban resident in Lhasa, who was
specially instructed by Peking, the Dalai Lama put forward a Tibetan delegation of two
41 After the revolution of 1917, in 1919, the Temple was plundered. In 1924 it opened
again and functioned until 1935, when it was finally closed and the monks were subjected
to repression. In autumn 1937 security officers ravaged the datsan in Leningrad, arrested
the monks and the persons living in the temple (among them were Buryat's educators,
scientists-orientalists) and the congregation. As per the verdict of "troika", all captured
were executed by shooting, including a famous specialist on the Mongols, B.Baradiyn. On
November 13th 1937 Agvan Dorzhiev was arrested in Buryatia and died in Ulan-Ude prison
on January 29th, 1938. Only on July 9th, 1990 the Temple was given back to Buddhists by the
decision of Leningrad city council. At present it is functioning successfully and is developing
as a major religious and cultural center of Buddhism in Russia. Its modern official name is
The Buddhistic Temple in St.Petersburg "Datsan Gunzechoinei". See Andreev 2004.
42 For more details see Postnikov 2001, Postnikov 2007.
37
took place on August 10, 1915. The Lama Agvan Lobsan Dorzhiev was the senior priest. 41
officials. Gathered at Khamba Dzong, British, Tibetan and Chinese representatives spent
three months but they assembled together only once. The parties set forth their mutual
complaints and that was the end of the talks. Tibetans demanded a withdrawal of the
British troops from Khamba Dzong that were allegedly intended for escort and the British
in turn insisted on the highest Tibetan officials to participate in negotiations.
Lord Curzon persisted in advancing and intimidating the Tibetans.
38
On November 6th, 1903 to the order of Viceroy of India a British brigade under the command of General Macdonald and Colonel Younghusband set out to Tibet. Younghusband
had enough experience in the Pamirs' affairs but knew practically nothing about Tibet.
However, he should be given credit for always aiming at learning more about geography
and history of a foreign land, whereever he was to battle for the British Empire's interests.
Even in the course of these fruitless negotiations with the Tibetans he began studying all
the available literature and, naturally, Markham's publication of George Bogle's materials
became his reference book. In full compliance with the "colonial romantics" that was
characteristic for Younghusband, while reading this book he gradually persuaded himself
that his own situation bore a strong resemblance to that of Bogle and his mission. He wrote
the following to his wife Helen: "I have been working up today all about Warren Hastings'
attempts to send en envoy up here in 1774 and I am the next since then to come on an
official Mission. It is a great thing". 43 Infatuated by the romantic side of Bogle's travels,
Younghusband vainly imagined himself to be the first English emissary following Bogle's
mission, at that he "forgot" Turner's mission of 1783 in a burst of exaggerating own importance, which was so typical of him. However his impression of being Bogle's follower
was a fantasy in more senses than one. Bogle's description of his animated talks with the
Panchen Lama had little in common with the subsequent actions of Younghusband. With
regard to the persuasion methods, George Bogle employed his sincere natural charm,
while Colonel Younghusband relied on the power of guns.
Nevertheless Younghusband picked up some useful information from scrutinizing previous missions. Two days after the representatives of the Sixth Panchen Lama arrived
at Khamba Dzong to demand an explanation of British forces' presence in Tibet and
their immediate withdrawal, in order to pacify a Tashilhumpo's delegate, Younghusband
resorted to the tactics recorded by Turner while visiting the young Panchen Lama. Like
Turner, Younghusband attempted to use the reincarnation concept to the advantage of
the British. He wrote to his wife:
43 British Library, APAC, MSS Eur F197/173: Younghasband to his wife, 27 July 1902, Khamba
Jong. Initially quoted in the unpublished article: Gordon Stewart, "Can Reincarnated Tibetan
Lamas Remember History?"
Then, taking credit for the idea, he boasted:

"This is a great piece of diplomacy on my part! You now theoretically these great
Lamas never die and it is supposed to be the same person merely in different bodies. And as two Englishmen had been sent on an Embassy to the Lama by Warren
Hastings and had been well-received by him I thought this was an appropriate
way of reminding these Tibetans that an English mission was no new thing". 44
Thus, by awkwardly seeking Bogle's and Turner's assistance Younghusband tried to justify
the presence of British forces on Tibet's grounds.
In order to reinforce Younghusband's arguments his interpreter Frederic O'Connor produced
textual evidence of the former British missions. During their next visit, Tashilhumpo delegates were shown the copies of Bogle's and Turner's reports. O'Connor pointed out some
prints in the books illustrating familiar sites [in Tibet visited by the previous missions]
and a letter to Turner in Tibet. In addition to this demonstration of the bygone friendship
O'Connor set up a much more "blood-curling" presentation. "While they were in a camp",
O'Connor recorded in his diary, "Captain Bethune worked the Maxim gun which excited
their utmost astonishment and evidently gave them an increased respect fir the power
of modern armaments".45 It is really possible to imagine astonishment and terror of the
Tashilhumpo delegates at the demonstration of the Maxim gun capabilities, spewing
out 1,000 bullets every 90 seconds and being the most effective killing machine of the
British army at the time.
Such a demonstration however did not make the Tibetan envoys more complaisant, and
after five months of futile negotiations in Khamba Dzong Younghusband retreated only
to return in winter with the expedition consisting of Sikhs and Gurkhas at the support of
Royal fusiliers and Maxim guns detachment, not mentioning thousands of porters, camp
44 British Library, APAC, MSS Eur F197/173: Younghusband to Helen Younghusband, 30

July 1903, Khamba Jong. Initially quoted in the unpublished article: Gordon Stewart, "Can
Reincarnated Tibetan Lamas Remember History?"
45 Diary kept by Captain O'Connor during the Tibet Frontier Mission, 3 August 1903, Khamba
Jong Initially quoted in the unpublished article: Gordon Stewart, "Can Reincarnated Tibetan
Lamas Remember History?"
39
"I told his Deputy ti thank the Lama for the very great kindness he had shown to
the two Englishmen who had visited. The Deputy looked very surprised: I said
that bpossibly His Holiness might have foorgotten these Englishmen as he did
it 130 years ago in one of his former existences: but the British Government had
not forgotten his kindness, and I desired on their behalf to thank him for it".
builders, yaks, oxen, mules traveling the mountainous passes from Sikkim. In total the
invading brigade numbered nearly 3,000 soldiers and officers, nine guns and around 7,000
attendants. Never before British army had to endure the hardship caused by the altitude
at the height of Tibetan winter.
40
When the news of the British invasion reached Lhasa, the Tibetan government sent a military
force, mostly composed of irregular troops, two to three thousand in number, gathered in
the village of Guru to the south of Gyantse to defend the road leading to the capital. Armed
with firelocks, swords and spears, the Tibetan soldiers started to construct fortifications
in the plain around the hot springs of Chumi Shengo. These fortifications could certainly
be only a symbolic gesture of resisting the advancing forces of Younghusband. On March
31st, 1904 British troops almost surrounded the walls hurriedly built by the Tibetans.
Under the threat of Maxim guns and rifles the Tibetans had to accept the defeat. Even
so, the British opened fire. The commander of the Maxim guns detachment recounted to
his father the details of that outrageous massacre in the following words: "As soon as my
guns got to work the slaughter was terrible, the Tibetans fell in heaps where the maxims
struck them. I got so sick of the slaughter I ceased fire" (The British Invasion of Tibet1999,
119). By 11 a.m. more than 500 Tibetans were killed. There were no casualties among the
British. In the official telegram Younghusband blamed the victims for the mass murder.
"The result was wholy caused by the complete inability of the Tibetans, even when our
troops absolutely surrounded them to take in the seriousness of the situation", he wrote
in a lame attempt to justify the massacre (The British Invasion of Tibet1999, 233).
Fighting and pillaging on their way to the north-east, the British troops reached Lhasa
in four months. The Thirteenth Dalai Lama refused to negotiate with the British, left the
capital of Tibet and went first to Tsinkhau and then to Mongolia. All the British attempts
to locate any traces of the Russian arms that were allegedly supplied to Tibet by Nicholas
II were unsuccessful.
When leaving Lhasa the Dalai Lama appointed Ti-Rimpoche, the regent of Ganden monastery, as the ruler of Tibet and left with him one of his great seals used for religious
documents (Kuleshov 1992, 81).
The Qing government did nothing to defend Tibet. Chinese soldiers in Lhasa rendered no
assistance to the Tibetans whatsoever. According to A.Waddle, Chinese to some degree
acknowledged Tibet's independence in an announcement which they put in the vicinities
of Gyangtse and in villages nearby the British communication line declaring that Tibet
and England are in war while China is a friend of both countries (Waddle 1906, 195). The
Qings even declared the deposition of the Dalai Lama, who became a symbol of resistance
against the British invasion (Waddle 1906, 321, 342).
On the arrival of the British forces in Lhasa the Qing's amban hurried to greet Francis
Younghusband forced the remaining monks and government officials to sign on September
7th, 1904 in Lhasa the humiliating Articles of the Convention between Great Britain and
Tibet,46 according to which it was forbidden for Tibet to conclude any treaties with foreign
countries and admit foreign citizens into its territory. The country was to open two trade
marts and allow the trade representative of Britain to reside permanently in the capital.
Britain obliged Tibet to pay an indemnity in the sum of seven and a half million rupees
and the right to occupy the Chumbi Valley (frontier region) for 75 years. Lhasa Convention
costed the lives of nearly three thousand Tibetans. Its excessiveness was evident even for
the British Government in London, who reduced the indemnity by two thirds and limited
the Chumbi Valley occupation period to three years (Teltscher 2006, 262-264).
46 For the full text in Russian see Kuleshov 1992, 259-260.
41
Younghusband. He promised to supply the Brits with provisions and render any other assistance required. All these promises however carried not enough weight, since, by that
time, the Chinese had no real means to influence the development of the situation in Tibet.
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George Bogle,

the first British envoy

Institute of the History of Science and Technology, Russian Academy of Science,

While working in the Bibliothque nationale de France's Department of Manuscripts in Paris

1 Bibliothque nationale de France's Department of Manuscripts, Anglais 63, M. Bogls # 3.

The first page of the George Bogle's Memorandums

12 Bibliothque Nationale de France's Department of Manuscripts, Anglais 63, M. Bogls

14 Bibliothque nationale de France's Department of Manuscripts, Anglais 63, M. Bogls

16 Bibliothque nationale de France's Department of Manuscripts, Anglais 63, M. Bogls

17 Bibliothque nationale de France's Department of Manuscripts, Anglais 63, M. Bogls # 3.

19 Bibliothque nationale de France's Department of Manuscripts, Anglais 63, M. Bogls

Tashilhumpo monastery. Recent photo by A.V. Titov

The Main Tashilhumpo Temple. Recent photo by A.V. Titov

21 Bibliothque nationale de France's Department of Manuscripts, Anglais 63, M. Bogls

26 In Bogle's translation the other principles (commandments) were as follows: Quotes

29 Bibliothque nationale de France's Department of Manuscripts, Anglais 63, M. Bogls

32 British Library, Add. MS 19283, f. 65r-v.

(next page photo)

A very significant historical-cultural achievement of George Bogle's mission was the

39 For more details see McKay 2002.

Dorzhiev arrived in Saint-Petersburg in summer 1900 and on September 30th, 1900

Lord Curzon persisted in advancing and intimidating the Tibetans.

Then, taking credit for the idea, he boasted:

44 British Library, APAC, MSS Eur F197/173: Younghusband to Helen Younghusband, 30

46 For the full text in Russian see Kuleshov 1992, 259-260.

Ahmad, Z. (1960), China and Tibet, 1708-1958. Oxford.

in Tibet by Captein Samuel Turner. London: G. & W. Nicol.

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