Koha Digest # 150

Front Page: HYDAJET HYSENI: NOT SERIOUS ENOUGH FOR INDEPENDENCE

Date: 26 May 1997

EDITORIAL

THE TRIAL: CONFLICT OF CIVILIZATIONS

by VETON SURROI

In 1989, in Gazimestan, the President of Serbia delivered his famous speech in front of the
gathered masses, intoxicated by nationalism, to whom he said that Serbia would be facing
future conflicts, and in which he didn't exclude the chances of an armed conflict. Then, many
of us understood the meaning of his words. Two years later, this became clear to the whole
world, with the terrifying images of the war in Croatia and Bosnia. The former - and present -
criminal code could have served as grounds for indicting the Serbian president for inciting an
armed conflict.

And, despite the fact that I don't wish further good health to the Serbian president (to say the
least), I also wouldn't wish to see him standing trial for the political speech he delivered at
Gazimestan. If standing trial, why not The Hague and the War Tribunal for Crimes against
Humanity, where his key role for the realization of the Gazimestan speech, should be proven.
This is where, more or less, a thick dividing line between the Albanian and Serbian politics is
drawn.

Last week, who knows what time in a row, this division became obvious with the new
Serbian trial against 18 Albanians accused of terrorism.

As many things that identify the Serbian regime, even the trial got tragic and comical
dimensions with the insistence of the public prosecutor that the main incriminating proof of
their terrorist activity was LKÇK's pamphlet "Çlirimi" and its distribution.

The ridiculousness of the accusation on the distribution became obvious with the partial
publication of "Çlirimi" by KOHA Ditore; parts of a publication that came to our editorial
board's offices through the Serbian post-office. There is no need to elaborate on how
grotesque is the accusation that someone is a terrorist if he/she advocates the armed struggle
in Kosova.

In fact, no one can explain anything to the actual concept of Serbian politics: there is a
dividing civilizing wall. To tell it that political debate is not an act of violence is futile,
because violence is politics to the Serbian regime. To tell it that the distribution of a
photocopied pamphlet is not an illegal act, is difficult to a regime that can't understand that

The weekly Koha (The Times) was published in Prishtina (Kosovo) between 1994 and 1997. Edited by Veton
Surroi, a young Kosovar journalist and one of the pioneers of democratisation in former Yugoslavia, Koha
soon became a symbol of quality among the region's media. In 1997 it started to be published daily under the
name of Koha Ditorë. W ith the kind permission of Mr. Surroi, Koha digests were originally posted on
http://koha.estudiosbalcanicos.org.
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the world has entered the Internet, where there are no more publishers and distributors, where
there are no more borders between the users of the information.

Moreover, it is a relict of both fascism and communism to insist on the use of violence and
physical torture in order to extract an admission from the accused. It is almost crazy to put on
trial people who admit that they don't recognize the "territorial integrity" of the accusing state.
Yes. This is what the majority of the Kosovars said in the 1992 Referendum. Why are 18 of
them set aside, when another two million think the same? The trial, as a result of a totalitarian
bear in hibernation, doesn't recognize these logical categories.

And the Albanians? To them, this is another proof of the regression of the Serbian regime.
But, at the same time, it is also one of the most serious warnings to the Albanian political
leadership so far.

The Albanian society, tolerant, as it has been during this decade full of violence, has entered
the phase of debate where armed resistance is evermore mentioned. And, although the
possibility to discuss even about such topics shows the strength of a society, this also reveals
the evermore unstable balance that once used to lean exclusively on the side of those that
promised everything and have not much to show as a success.

INTERVIEW

HYDAJET HYSENI, Vice-Chairman of the LDK

“PRESIDENT RUGOVA WAS WARNED ABOUT THE CONSTITUTIONAL BASIS”

Interviewed by BATON HAXHIU / Prishtinë

KOHA: We have been asking you for an interview since three years
ago. You gave interviews to several other newspapers and
magazines, but this is the first interview you speak to KOHA. Why
these reserves?

HYSENI: You couldn't say that I was not present in pages of your
magazine. If you insist, I may have had some justified reserves
toward the magazine and especially because of some anonymous
writings in which people were offended with or without a reason.
But this can’t influence my stand towards the magazine and it’s
editorial board.

KOHA: Five days ago, president Rugova prolonged the elections for
another six months. You, as a MP, as vice-chairman of the largest
party, are also responsible for such a decision, taking in
consideration that you are influential within the LDK.

HYSENI: As MP and as vice-chairman of the LDK, as much as it

depended on me, I always worked, even in public, for the
constitution and real functioning of the Kosova Parliament. I was

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also in favor of the organization of new presidential,
parliamentarian and local elections, when due and as described in
the Constitution of the Republic of Kosova. The truth is that
this stand was always dominant among the other members of the
Parliament and of the LDK Presidency, the Main Board and in the
meetings with the representatives of the party branches. In the
meantime, some initiatives for the constitution and functioning
of the Parliament came. But this was not done. By decision of the
President of the Republic, the elections were prolonged again,
passing by the Parliament, which should have decided about the
elections. Let me remind you that the decision made one year ago
for the postponement of the elections and for the prolongation of
the mandate of the MPs, was justifiable and in a way, it was
conditioned by the constitution of the Parliament and it’s
functioning. I can not understand why was it acted thus in regard
to the first Parliament of the Republic of Kosova, with the
highest institution of the new authorities of the independent
Kosova. Whatever the reason, I can't justify it. I consider that
this is a big mistake. The responsibility...is implied. We are
responsible not only when we do something that we shouldn't have
done, but also when we don't do something that we should have
done. The Parliament was one of those that should have been done.
Even in times of Rankovic, Kosova had its Parliament. Kosova
should have and will have it's Parliament no matter the solution
for Kosova. The constitution of the parliament was demanded by
our people, by MPs, but also by time and by the interest of
Kosova. Why not do it then? The action taken is justified by some
pressures and suggestions, but, it's forgotten that some
international support and resolutions in favor of the functioning
of the Parliament existed too. Then, it seems, that another
important fact is forgotten: pressures and suggestions are made
not only to delay the elections but also to participate in the
Serbian elections and to join the Serbian parliament. No! With
such redraws and hesitations in these matters that should not be
object of dispute and discussions, the pressures of Serbia and
it's friends and those of our friends, which sometimes can be not
so right or can be a result only of impressions that we cause
with our postures, will become more unpleasant and more
unaccepted. You know, traffic accidents happen even when the car
stops without any need and especially when hesitations exist.

KOHA: Six years have passed since you were elected MP. As a MP,
did you accomplish the given pledge, and do you feel any
responsibility towards the people that voted for you?

HYSENI: I repeat: in the present situation of Kosova the

responsibility is implied and unavoidable. I was convinced that
the Parliament will function, because Kosova needs it badly in
this situation, and this is why I accepted the candidacy. I would
have never participated in elections that served only as an

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electoral game and were organize for some political and
propaganda effect. Others, voters in first place are those who
will judge my stand. I can say that, generally, I have
represented stands, feelings and opinions of my voters. I
defended their interest and their will, but, I can not be
satisfied with what we have accomplished, with it's quality.

KOHA: For the postponement of the elections, you used the Third
(constitutional) Amendment. The party whose vice-chairman you are
decided this. Can you tell your voters what was the real reason
for the postponement of the elections?

HYSENI: As I said before, even before the decision, the

Presidency of the LDK had declared itself in favor of the
constitution of the Parliament and then in favor elections in all
levels. These stands were known to the President of the Republic.
A warning was made about the constitutional and legal foundation
of the decision the President was about to take. But, the
President of the Republic took it anyway. If this is a right
decision, like some say, then everybody must know that it's an
exclusive merit of the president and of some of his advisers. I
repeat this is not that much a matter of elections as it is a
matter of passing by the Parliament and the effects that the
posture towards the Parliament has produced so far and still
produces.

KOHA: In his last press conference President Rugova said that

"even the consultations are a consensus". Does this mean that all
of you in the LDK, remain silent when the Constitution and it's
principles are not respected, and does this mean that you have no
influence in the decisions taken by President?

HYSENI: We don't remain silent always, but also things we say are
not always taken in consideration. President Rugova made this
decision as the President of the Republic. Time will tell if this
was a right decision or not.

KOHA: Two other parties PPK and Luljeta Pula's Social-Democrats

were against the decision on the postponement of the elections.
Many see your silence as a stand close to Demaçi's option. What
is your opinion on such pronunciations?

HYSENI: I am not touched by that and in general I do not comment

them. I feel very pleased when I hear that my stands are close or
similar to those of Demaçi, whom I respect very much, even when
his stands are different from my viewpoints. As regards the
elections and the constituting of the Parliament, you can't say
that I was silent. The stands of MPs and representatives of the
Kosovar political subjects were close and this could have been
seen also in the round table organized on Albanian TV, just prior

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to the decision of the President of the Republic. Strange! There
is a certain group of people fearing from ties, from the unity of
our political subjects and influential personalities and who
enjoy the separations and confrontations among them.

KOHA: Those who speak about the relations in the LDK, consider
you as a person who plays a double role in it. They say your
spirit belongs to the PPK, but you are physically member of the
LDK. Often your were declared "undesirable" in the party whose
vice-chairman you are, do you think you have enough influence in
the LDK, especially when concerning some strange relations inside
of it?

HYSENI: Yes, and it's good that people keep writing and talking,
because I believe that thus they reveal the source of nasty
tricks played in the Kosovar political life. I see the
Parliamentarian Party and other parties as participants of the
united front of efforts for freedom and independence, and not as
a rival or enemy of the LDK. If I would belong spiritually to the
PPK, I would join it physically too. Who keeps me from going
there? Before I became engaged in the LDK, I was offered a high
post in the PPK.

I became engaged in the LDK as a simple member of my village’s

branch. Although I am not satisfied with the effect of my
engagement as well with the engagement of the LDK itself, I do
not feel sorry for being engaged in the LDK. I still believe that
the LDK is and can become the most serious and most organized
force of our national and democratic movement. Of course, only if
it changes seriously, if it undergoes reformation and
democratization of it's leading politics.

I do not exclude that there are people in the LDK who consider me
"undesirable", and I feel this and I read this every day in their
postures, but this can't influence my stand toward the LDK, or my
stand toward them. Kosova needs a joint engagement even of those
who don't love each other much.

I am sorry to say it, but these people are very few in LDK. In
the LDK Convention and in the Main Board both, I got the biggest
number of votes.

KOHA: Let's say that there are three groups within the LDK. The
first one is led by Fehmi Agani and Edita Tahiri, the second one
by you and the third one by representatives of Bujar Bukoshi.
Where does Hyseni find himself in this political chaos?

HYSENI: Let's say that this is the truth, even it is not the
exact truth. I always wanted, and many times, even if I was
harmed, I made efforts to be a body and not a group in the LDK or

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in our national and democratic movement. A body, a broad body, a
well organized and active body. To accomplish this, sometimes you
are forced to step over yourself and become a bridge that is
stepped by others. This is not easy, and in our conditions it is
not seen well either.

KOHA: Rumors say you have bad relations with the Secretary for
Foreign Relations, Edita Tahiri. It is because of her continuous
travelling abroad, they say.

HYSENI: No. I don't have bad relations with anybody. It is

understood that complaints exist and they are justified.
Including the travelling, naturally.

KOHA: New York was your first meeting with the Serbs in a round
table. Before you came back, Kornblum visited Prishtinë. You are
familiar with statements of the EU and US on Kosova. In every
press conference, President Rugova keeps repeating: "the
independence is supported and sympathies for it grow every day".
You were the first to hear directly the American opinion on
Kosova. Where you informed before about the American stand or did
you constantly believe what President Rugova said on the support
of the independence from international community?

HYSENI: It's certain that direct contacts help you understand the
whole truth. And the truth on the international position of
Kosova and it's issue. I do not agree with making the picture
prettier by exaggerating the understanding and the support for
the Kosova question, but I do not agree with the other extreme
also. The truth is somewhere in the middle. The stand of the USA,
EU and other international factors toward Kosova isn't one and it
isn't defined, it's not a static stand. It depends much on what
we do and what we don't do.

KOHA: We were silent and patient for 16 years of repression

whereas you sacrificed your life for the Republic and the
independence. However, now you do so little for our freedom
(except of press statements). Being aware of the American and the
EU stand, can you promise that the present political staff will
not sign the autonomy within Serbia?

HYSENI: I don't believe that in the present Kosovar politics,

there is someone that will sign the legitimation of the new
occupation of Kosova. I don’t believe there is anyone who can
play with the will of the people. "Vox populi - suprema lex isto"
I would say.

I worked, I work and I will work with all my forces not to allow
this to happen to Kosova. Will this happen or not depends on many
factors...

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KOHA: Will your resignation be enough, if after pressure the
status of Kosova in this Yugoslavia is accepted? This, having in
mind that you have been carrying on the politics together with
Rugova and Agani?

HYSENI: I don’t like when issues are personalized. And here, the
general issues are getting personalized and the personal issues
are becoming general. It’s not important what will happen with
some person, but what will happen with Kosova, with it’s children
and their future.

In our conditions resignation is a retreat, and the retreat in a

way is a surrender, a defect. Why defect, retreat and resign? Why
not consolidate, reform, and democratize our politics. The
retreats get you back and the Kosova issue should be advanced.
With or without me, with or without somebody else. This is not
important. Others decide for this, the elections decide it. In
our politics, as Goethe says, there should be more light, and
more space I would say, more transparency and especially more
democracy.

KOHA: So far, your party and some other parties accused

communists for treason. Can you make a comparison between your
position and the position of the communists, not of the ideology
but in the political situation that you are in now and of the one
they were in some time ago? What should we say to you if you
don’t achieve the independence of Kosova and you are forced to
sign for the status of Kosova within Yugoslavia?

HYSENI: The Albanian communists made many mistakes, and they can
and should be criticized for that, but the whole responsibility
for the reoccupation of Kosova and other Albanian lands after
World War II, cannot be blamed on them. It was influenced by many
other internal and external reasons.

The past should be criticized, but keeping in mind the

circumstances and the conditions existing in that time. The best
criticism of the past is built on the superior alternative, a
superior and more qualitative reality. Anyway the level of the
accomplishment of the goals cannot be a criteria for an
evaluation of an political movement. By this absurd logic, all
Albanian rebellions and almost all our national movement would be
questioned, because it has never managed to accomplish it’s
program. The successes and failures are, of course never totally
big or totally none.

I don’t believe that there can be some parallels or historical

analogies. We have such a bitter experience and so many failures
that we can’t afford to repeat mistakes of the past. It would be
unforgiven, and I believe something impossible. Ordinary people

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and the youth of Kosova do not allow a new national treason. It
is not 1945 and it can’t ever come back.

KOHA: Sincerely, do you believe that the independence of Kosova

can be won like this? Do you feel that being who you are, some
time ago the symbol of the independence and of the Republic, you
have lost your revolutionary spirit and you have become a
politician with a pragmatic vision who believes that the
independence of Kosova should come later (step-by-step) and you
have become a person who obeys the orders of the party?

HYSENI: No, I don’t believe that with this level of seriousness,

of efforts and of organizatio, freedom and independence can be
won. But I believe and I am convinced that our political,
national and democratic movement can be much more united, more
organized, more active and thus more efficient and more
productive. Having these characteristics, it doesn’t exclude the
revolutionarity, in the best meaning of this word, or the
pragmatism and realism. On contrary...

In Kosovar circumstances and conditions, the peaceful politics,

the politics of liberation and democracy has all necessary
preconditions to prove it’s qualities. But only if the peaceful
politics and Ghandism is not identified with pacifism or with
pacification, passiveness and paralyzation.

The true peaceful politics has nothing in common with cowardness,

eternal waiting, or with building up illusions. The true peaceful
politics does not go together with clans, blockades,
exclusiveness or destruction.

Today, Kosova and the Albanian issue need a strong policy of

peace, a policy that would be a combination of resistance and
movement, of passive and active peaceful politics. They need a
policy that would be in the same time a determined boycott of
everything imposed by occupation, and firstly a policy of
peaceful built of new, free and independent reality no matter the
price paid for it. Our politics can be much more organized, much
more dynamic, much more all including and therefore much more
successful. I stand for such a politics and I am convinced that
only that politics can make Kosova free and independent.

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KOSOVA

GOVERNMENT: “DECENT WITHDRAWAL?”

by YLBER HYSA / Prishtinë

"Kosova’s politics should be put on trial’ - says the latest

statement of Kosova’s Government which was released on the
occasion of the initiation of the trial of 20 Albanian youths,
which the Serbian court qualifies as “terrorists”.

“For more than 50 years Kosova has been facing Serbian terrorism,
political crime, killings and political trials”, it is said in
the Government’s statement. Further on, it says that `it has been
a long time since the Serbian regime, time after time and for
already known aims, frames-up political trials, either for
internal reasons or for international consumption. Belgrade has
always tried to stigmatize our movement as terrorist movement,
says the statement adding that, for this reason, the regime was
obliged to invent enemies in order to punish them.

This is how the Government’s evaluation sounds in regard to the

trial and the circumstances it is taking place in. But, the
Kosova Government’s statement, motivated by this trial, seems to
be going deeper into the public analysis of this case; but also
of the political situation in general in Kosova. And, taking the
trial as a starting point, this analysis and the Government’s
evaluation, convert into harsh and public criticism, addressed to
the leading structures in Kosova. “We haven’t practically told
Serbia that we don’t accept it's regime. This is usually done by
protests, demonstrations, with the refusal to pay taxes, with
resistance”. Such a clear pronunciation of the Government is more
than open and public (self)criticism, which targets directly at
the present political leading course. No matter how much it can
be understood as self-criticism, with its direct and public
approach, it obliges the political structures in Prishtinë.

That’s why “the Government announces that our mandate has

expired, and with it, our moral mandate is also ending”.

This criticism looks more like a public announcement, not aimed

that much at reanalysing the actual leading political course, as
much as at the possibility for the Government in exile’s "decent"
withdrawal.

A case like this comes following the criticism that happened not
only in the LDK-Government relations, but also after the
criticism that lately came from UÇK and LKÇK. UÇK with its
concrete “call” to the Albanian people, asked to stop paying the
3 % contribution for the Government. Likewise, LKÇK, in its

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recent bulletin “Çlirimi” (Liberation) dedicated it's main
editorial to the exiled Albanians, asking them “Whose Government
is this?. The Kosova Government, can’t, but also is not trying to
achieve its duties based on it’s competencies”, says LKÇK's
“Çlirimi”.

Harsh and public criticism erupting now and directed against the
Government or the leading political structures in Kosova; the
Government’s criticism against the actual political course; the
mutual criticism, seem to start opening a new season of political
approach in Kosova and around it. This comes precisely in times
when a situation, characterized as stalemate, is actual. And it
comes immediately following the announcement on the postponement
of the elections. And no matter whether the elections are
postponed upon the “friendly advise” or upon the “unreadiness for
sacrifices”, or upon any other reason, this kind of situation
definitely has caused a unbalance that opened the door to
criticism, analyses and reevaluations. Here, criticism within the
LDK structures should be included too, as was the case with the
BBC “duel”, between two of the vice-chairmen of the LDK, Hydajet
Hyseni and Fehmi Agani. In their pronunciations, they declared
diametrically opposite things, so much opposite that the average
Kosovars have difficulties to understand whether we are still
talking of the officials of one same party?

In such a political mess, with much disappointment around,

criticism is expressed with no hesitations at all. In this
situation, it seems that the Government is decisive to harshly
attack the leading political course in Kosova, in such a scale
that it leaves one with the dilemma on whether the Government has
decided to interrupt the existing circle, by conceptually
changing Kosova’s politics, or, knowing that this might not
happen, it decided to announce it’s withdrawal on time.
But, there’s no need to rush. The effect and echo of the last
statement of the Government has to be awaited for...

KOSOVA

WHEN THE BEAT TALKS - PRINCIPLES ARE SILENT

by GJERAQINA TUHINA / Prishtinë

During a short pause, on the first day of the trial against 20

Albanians, a defending attorney told us in “confidence”: “We know
that we can’t do anything, because in fact, all of this has been
settled before. It is known who’s going to be punished - and for
how long he or she is going to be imprisoned”. A few minutes
later, coincidentally, the judge confirmed this during the

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session, when the “arbiter” himself breached the main principle
of criminal procedure.

During the questioning of the second accused, Mujë Prokupi, judge

Dragoljub Zdravkovic asked him whether he had heard of the
guerrilla units, something the accused denied. Later, Zdravkovic,
mentioned the names of Agron Rrahmani, Dylber Beka, Liburn Aliu,
Nijazi Gashi and Agim Kuleta. And, when Mujë Prokupi, again
stated that he didn't know them, Zdravkovic told him: “These are
members of the guerrilla units”.

As already known, the main principle in justice is: “Every man is

innocent, until proven guilty”. Here, this principle is far from
being respected, even superficially. Before the other trial
against “Albanian terrorists” even starts, it looks like the
judge (because he knows of the existence of guerrilla units, and
it’s members) has long before taken the decision, so the new
session, looked from this point of view, is unnecessary. Again,
on the third day of the trial, as the first accused, Avni
Klinaku, insisted on saying that “their organization is not
terrorist”, Zdravkovic reacted with frustration, and said: “How
about the killing of two policemen? Isn’t this terrorism?!”. Once
again, an anticipated, invented and framed conclusion. Once
again, a flagrant breach of the main principle by “arbiter”.
But, the truth is even sadder: justice principles in this trial -
like in so many others - have been breached from the beginning.
The preparations for this trial started with the campaign of
arrests of Albanian civilians at the beginning of this year, when
without a shred of evidence, they where qualified as
“terrorists”.

Immediately following the arrests, the Serbian regime chief,

Slobodan Milosevic, met with the representatives of the Serbian
Interior Ministry, in which he didn’t hesitate to evaluate the
police operation as “a successful action against terrorism”. On
the other side, the Serbian state-run media covered this campaign
with images from archives, where the weapons, ammunition, books
and other brochures could be seen, a part of which, honestly, can
be bought in any book store.

The killing of three Albanians was justified as the result of the

struggle against terrorism. On the other side, Albanian political
subjects state that this is another “political construction” in
order to incriminate the freedom of speech.

During the time when (formally) the verbal delict doesn't exist
and when the public word is defined as free, 20 Albanians are
accused (their chances to be released are small) of a crime based
on proofs that don’t offer any revealing elements. Even
Zdravkovic considered the proofs as "little to go on with".

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According to such a logic, say observers, all independent
journalists who express their opinion freely should be arrested.
So, “rubber batons and electric sticks” remain the main “aces” of
the public prosecutor.

The statements that the accused gave to the investigation judge

(mainly during the night), were not excluded from the case,
although the Law on Criminal Procedure foresees that only
statements given in the public session should be taken into
account. Nevertheless, these still remain as the main grounds for
their punishment.

Ivanka Kostic, from the Humanitarian Law Center, an observer of

the trial, expressed her frustrations with the case and stated
“her concerns because of the inclusion of the statements given to
investigators - which will be taken as definitive for the
verdict”.

What else can be added? All these transparent combinations of

pseudo-trials described here are not new. On the contrary, it
seems that since long ago these have been transformed into a
refined practice of legal repression. The same routine was used
in the trial against 72 former Albanian policemen: then, the
prosecution didn’t admit that the accused where questioned during
the night. One of the defending attorneys had even suggested that
evidence from prison be taken, because it clearly indicated the
exact time of interrogations and the time when they returned to
their cells. Of course, this suggestion was never taken into
consideration.

On the other hand, no one really knows what kind of other

evidence on the accused could the Regional Prison hold...

KOSOVA

DESPERATE FOR COOPERATION

by ARBANA ISLAMI / Prishtinë

Following the accusations made by the director of the Text-Book

Publishing Institute, Abdullah Vokrri, on the "abuse of financial
funds by Osmani", on 22 May, the chairman of the Teachers'
Association of Kosova (LASH "Naim Frashëri"), Rexhep Osmani, saw
himself forced to call a "justification meting". As he said, `he
felt a moral obligation to present a short information about the
activities of the association he chaired'.

A number of documents that contained data about the money paid to

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this institution were presented in this meeting, attended by all
chairmen of the municipal Educational Councils and the
Educational Adviser to president Rugova, Zejnullah Rrahmani.
Osmani, who has been very much present in the pages of our
newspapers in the past days, stated that "the documentation on
the income and expenses of LASH can be presented for control only
to the competent organ, in this case, the State Control
Commission. "The revision of these documents cannot be done by
individuals or different clans", he said. It took almost an hour
to present the data. In the first year the Albanian education
started working in 1992/93, Osmani said that "the gross income
was 77.318 DEM and 2.220 CHF, and the expenses, according to his
documents, were 73.700 DEM and 2.200 CHF". LASH's chairman,
Rexhep Osmani, continued reporting about 1994, noting that "the
gross income for this year was 82.770 DEM and 32.020 CHF, and
that 81.251 DEM and 32.020 CHF were spent. In 1995, the income
was 100.525 DEM and the expenses 98.437 DEM".

Denying the accusations made by Abdullah Vokrri, he also

presented a report on the expenses related to pedagogical
documentation, certificates, grade-books, etc.. As it regards the
contract for the printing of books signed with a printer in
Preshevë, Osmani stated that: "according to their offer, we were
to pay 407.988 DEM. Instead we paid 355.500 DEM, because I
managed to megotiate the reduction of the price."

In order to deny any allegations on fraud, Osmani presented a

report on the income and the expenses of LASH for the years 1990
- 96. He said that "the total of income was 388.097 DEM and
176.600 CHF, or, if we calculate only in DEM, this makes a total
of 596.485 DEM. And, the expenses of this association during
these years were 596.391 DEM."

After presenting the documents that Osmani used to, in way, deny
Vokrri's accusations, the meeting continued. The chairmen of the
municipal Educational Councils discussed the situation of
education in Kosova. The most worrying for them, was the lack of
these kind of meetings in the past. According to them, "it is
very hard to ask the people to pay their contributions, now when
a man like Abdullah Vokrri comes in public with a accusation of
abuse of the funds". Some of the participants even criticized the
newspapers for publishing these accusations.

Since it became very clear that discussions about the educational

matters were needed desperately, Osmani, called a new meeting of
the chairmen the Municipal Councils on 28 May.

A number of the participants demanded a meeting which would be

attended also by Vokrri. We talked on the phone with Vokrri and
asked him for a statement about this meeting. "I will send an

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answer to all media. I'm already working on it" said Vokrri.
Otherwise, during the meeting, journalists were not allowed to
ask any questions. However, Osmani announced that he will hold a
press-conference in which they could "ask questions as many
questions as they want".

INTERVIEW

PASKAL MILO, Chairman of the Social-Democratic Party of Albania

"BERISHA SPLIT THE POLITICAL CLASS OF KOSOVA"

Interviewed by ARTAN PUTO /Tirana

KOHA: What is your evaluation of the 9 March and 9 May

agreements, in times when the media accuses the opposition of
being "mild" to Berisha?

MILO: I was an actor on both occasions, when the opposition

reached an agreement with Berisha and the Democratic Party. In
order to make an exact evaluation of these two events and then
compare them is hard, for each one belongs to its time.

Otherwise, one can be subjective. In a way, I agree with the

criticizers of the opposition that claim that on 9 March we made
Berisha some concessions, and allowed him to keep on holding the
power, regardless of the fact that there were no legitimate
grounds nor practical possibilities at that time. I wish to
stress that on 9 March, the agreement was reached about two main
issues. The people on the street had spent two months in the
streets asking for a technical government and anticipated
elections. The Agreement reached a solution for both. Thus, the
Albanian opposition legitimated the people's requests. The
question asked is "why Berisha didn't step down, or why didn't
you insist on his resignation?" First of all, we thought that the
process for his dictatorship's dismount from power would be
gradual and democratic. I.e., we wouldn't have a putsch, nor
would we use the force, but by using the democratic right to make
political changes. The 9 March agreement allowed, if correctly
applied, such a possibility. But Berisha, as usual, manifested
his most negative characteristics: distrust and hypocrisy. The
very next day he violated this political agreement and started
manipulating and preparing his political revenge. In this plane,
the opposition proved itself to be naive and "honest", in the
negative sense of the word, i.e., it trusted Berisha more than it
should. So the things went on till 9 May when Vranitzky had to
come back and intervene so what was called the political contract
with the parties would be signed. Although this was an agreement

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that would lead the country to the new elections, it was again a
fluid agreement, a compromise agreement which, despite the
intervention of the mediators, didn't manage to clarify its
second point - the future electoral system. And again, Berisha
and his party started interpreting this political contact and
its second point as it pleased them, and in a very deceptive
way, in Fino's absence, they didn't present his draft electoral
law to the Parliament. Rather, they presented a draft elaborated
by Arbnori and Spahia which would later be adopted by the
Democratic Party MPs. We have a Parliament used to be
manipulated, an assembly full of unconscious people and are being
used by Berisha as puppets.

The two agreements fulfil each-other, regardless of their faults.

Anyhow, they represent a step forward in the reconstruction
process of the Albanian democratic society, of the broken
political faith among the Albanian parties, and we will remember
them tomorrow, when the history of these tragic days will be
written, as an event that meant a change in the Albanian
democracy.

KOHA: Which are the main problems of the Electoral Law?

MILO: The two main things that we dispute in regard to this law
go in two directions. The first one regards the electoral system
and the second one has to do with the administration of the
electoral process.

As regards the first one, we have expressed ourselves in favor of

a pure proportional system, but with the wish to compromise, we
accepted the mixed system, similar to that of 1992, which gave
the Democratic Party 63% of the votes. On the other hand, the
Democratic Party was in favor of the majority system, aiming at
preserving the situation created in 1996, which allows it to
manipulate. The second dispute regarded the electoral commissions
at all levels. Seemingly, Berisha has agreed that the members of
the commission would be appointed by the Government, as it used
to be before. Thirdly, a very important issue is the voting term.
The Law foresees that the polling stations close at 9 p.m., we
demand they are closed at 6 p.m.. In Albanian conditions, this
three-hours difference is very important, because we should not
forget that the night is not to trust.

We have a bitter experience from the past elections, when the

squadrons of the Democratic Party have acted in the night, in
order to steal the votes.

Fourthly, we dispute the TV propaganda, which is very important,

without its status. We demand that it is controlled by all
political forces during the campaign. Fifthly, we demand full

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international guarantees, first of all the OSCE, that should
prepare the electoral infrastructure, starting from the voting
boxes, minutes, the electoral lists and polling stations.

Finally, the electoral division is another problem. In 1996,

according to a defined electoral geography, the DP supported its
own manipulations. Now it has no interest in bringing back the
1992 scheme, because it would ruin its present scheme. Here we
are determined, not only because it is against international
norms that more or less ask for an equal number of voters in each
zone, but because we must think of tomorrow. It would be hard for
an MP to work in a electoral zone composed of two or three
districts. We have a correct administrative division in the
country, and if the zones would be the same as the regions, as it
was in 1992, everything would be fine. Berisha has made a mess,
because aided by some foreign elements he studied the field, and
created homogenous zones where his party would win without
problems.

KOHA: If Berisha would reject your suggestions, which would be

the posture of the opposition towards the elections?

MILO: The opposition is asking for a free and fair electoral

process. Berisha is, in fact, only one and he is followed by a
clan, the largest part of it being incriminated that wish to stay
in power. We can compromise, and not touch the essence of the
democratic process in the elections. We will insist on correcting
it, with all possible means, but also with the help of the
international community. We wish to go, but wish not to deceive
the people once again, because in that case, our responsibility
is double.

KOHA: How do you perceive Europe's posture towards the events in

Albania?

MILO: We believe that Europe finally thought it deeply, and found

out finally who Berisha and his clan are, always having in mind
its posture before the 26 May elections last year. Even the most
loyal people to Berisha in Europe, finally gave up on him and
understood that he was a pseudo-democrat who discredited them to.
If they didn't agree to oust him, they remained silent. Some
circles still support him, and here I would mention some
ambassadors of the EU in Tirana. I believe that these are his
last attempt.

KOHA: What will the electoral allies of the SDP be?

MILO: If the corrections of the Electoral Law take place, we will

participate alone, but this decision has not been taken yet. If
alliances are necessary, then we will jointly participate with

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parties that belong to our spectre.

KOHA: What would be the best government for Albania?

MILO: Albania, not only now, but in the future too needs to be
governed by a broad political basis. Albania is missing political
and democratic culture. Albanians and the majority of the
political class have no idea on how to respect the legitimate
winner. They don't know what is loyal and democratic opposition.
Albanians, historically, are used to think about the political
opponent was an enemy and not an opponent. Taking this as
starting point, I believe that the next government must be a
coalition made up of at least three to four parties. No single
political force could hold the power for a long time, for this
would be an experiment that would again lead us to anticipated
elections.

KOHA: Have the events in Albania influenced on Kosova?

MILO: Unfortunately, in the past years and at the beginning of

the Albanian crisis, Berisha and his party tried to politicize
the Kosova issue as much as possible. He wished to use this
matter for his internal needs in Albania, but fortunately, he
failed. I believe that the majority of the political circles in
Kosova, made up of people with political sense, and that have a
political culture of a higher level, managed to discover
Berisha's intentions. At one stage, with the propaganda, he
managed to present himself as the man that would help solve the
Kosova problem. But, time proved that he seriously affected and
damaged the national question, first of all that in Kosova,
because he played with it in the most banal way possible.
Finally, when the Kosova question needed to be fully observed,
Berisha sought to break into pieces and by splitting the
political class in Kosova, he was about the undermine the
national question in general. He failed, thanks to the political
class and intellectuals of Kosova, that realized that he is a
problem.

I would suggest my friends and brothers not to rush in making

regional alliances after the elections in Albania. The question
of Kosova is a matter concerning all Albanians, from North to the
South. This must be born in mind and thus avoiding to inherit old
mentalities, which have done us so much harm. If we keep on
carrying them on our back, we will continue suffering the
consequences for long.

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MACEDONIA

UNITED AROUND THE FLAG

by SELADIN XHEZAIRI / Shkup

The mayor of Gostivar, Rufi Osmani, evaluated that the decision

of the Constitutional Court of Macedonia (on the ban to fly the
Albanian and Turkish flags besides the Macedonian in the building
of the prefecture), is a hasty and mistaken one. "It is a mistake
that will have negative consequences for the relations between
Albanians and Macedonians, not only in the region, but in the
whole Republic of Macedonia. Probably the citizens will react
accordingly," notices Osmani, adding that the Municipal Assembly
will remain faithful to the decision on the use of the flags, and
he himself "will continue to push for this decision no matter the
juridical consequences against".

However, some time ago, the Minister of Justice Vlado Popovski

(one of the authors of the Constitution), who actually is not
holding the post, when speaking of the function of the local
self-administration units, said that there are cases of
confrontation of the competencies between them (local
administration) and the state, and in this case, the
constitutional court regulates the disputes. As for the use of
the flags of the nationalities (the Albanian flag - to be more
specific) in some municipalities of Western Macedonia, he said
that the nationalities have the right to use their national
symbols (regardless of all juridical vacuum), whereas the
sanctions based on the '73 law, are applied only if "the symbols
are not used parallel to the flag of the country, or if they are
of different sizes - one is bigger and the other is smaller".
Popovski stated that the new law foresees that the national
symbols can't be identic to that of another sovereign state.
In connection to this, the chairman of the PPD, Abdurrahman
Aliti, says that the representatives of this party in the cabinet
of Prime Minister Branko Crvenkovski, rejected the first version
of the elaborate on how will the flag of Albanians in Macedonia
look. "We won't let the profanation of our sacred symbol. The
Macedonian establishment must have it clear that there will be no
bargaining about the Albanian flag and language. Because we
consider that the disrespect of the specifics of one-another, in
this case by the Macedonians, could come back as a boomerang. A
policy that denies everything that is Albanian is harmful for
those who prefer it. In issues like this, Albanians are united,
despite their differences in political opinions."

A general impression is that the problems of inter-ethnic nature

in Macedonia, are slowly being put in the function of the
electoral campaign...

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