Richard Noll Chamanismo

Mental Imagery Cultivation as a Cultural Phenomenon: The Role of Visions in Shamanism [and
Comments and Reply]

Author(s): Richard Noll, Jeanne Achterberg, Erika Bourguignon, Leonard George, Michael
Harner, Lauri Honko, ke Hultkrantz, Stanley Krippner, Christie W. Kiefer, Richard J. Preston
, Anna-Leena Siikala, Irne S. Vsquez, Barbara W. Lex and Michael Winkelman
Source: Current Anthropology, Vol. 26, No. 4 (Aug. - Oct., 1985), pp. 443-461
Published by: University of Chicago Press on behalf of Wenner-Gren Foundation for
Anthropological Research
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CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY
Vol. 26, No. 4, August-October1985
? 1985 by The Wenner-Gren

25
Research,all rightsreserved0011-3204/85/2604-0001$2
FoundationforAnthropological
Mental Imagery Cultivationas a Cultural

Phenomenon: The Role of Visions
in Shamanism'
byRichard Noll
MENTAL IMAGERY in someform

appearsto be an innatecapacityin humanbeings.2The problem of mentalimageryis an ancientone, and forat least the
theoriesof mentalimagery
last 2,500 yearsprotopsychological
in Westerncivilization(Bundy1927). G.
have beenentertained
T. Fechnerdeservescreditforthe firstofficialpsychological
treatmentof "imagination images" in his Elemente der
Psychophysik(1860), the textbookthat initiatedthe modern
experimentalpsychologicalera. Anathemain academic psychologyduringthe regencyof behaviorismfromthe 1920sto
the early 1960s, mentalimageryhas in the last two decades
becomea prominentresearchfocus(Holt 1964).
Althoughpsychologistsare engaged in an intricatedebate
over the existence(e.g., Dennett1981 [no], Fodor 1981 [yes]),
THE ABILITY TO EXPERIENCE
1 The inspiration
forthispaper grewout of manylongand exciting
discussionswith Leonard George of the Universityof WesternOntario,who is alwaysthe"beareroflight."NormanE. Whitten,Jr.,of
the Universityof Illinois (Urbana-Champaign)read an earlierdraft
and providedsome much appreciatedcriticismand encouragement.
JeromeBruner, Daniel Reisberg,and Veronique Foti of the New
School for Social Research gave the fascinatingseminaron mental
imageryand mentalrepresentation
that I attendedin the springof
1983 and forwhichthefirstdraftwas prepared.SuzzettePattersonof
the Universityof WesternOntarioprovidedassistanceand warmencouragement.Michael Harnerof the New School forSocial Research
introducedme to theproblemspresentedby shamanismand continues
to be a sourceof encouragementand inspiration.My gratitudemust
again be expressedto him. A shortertreatment
of theideas contained
in this paper was presentedat the internationalconferenceentitled
"RecentDevelopmentsin Researchon Shamanism"at the Esalen InRICHARD NOLL is a doctoralcandidatein clinicalpsychology
at the
New School for Social Research in New York City (his mailing
address:206 Azalea, Stratford,
N.J. 08084, U.S.A.). Bornin 1959,
he receivedhis B.A. fromtheUniversity
ofArizonain 1979and his
M.A. fromtheNew Schoolin 1982. He is just completing
a predoctoral internshipat Ancora PsychiatricHospital in Hammonton,
N.J., and at the AtlanticMental Health Centerin AtlanticCity,
N.J. His researchinterestsincludethephenomenology
of shamanism,the cross-cultural
utilizationof alteredstatesof consciousness
and mentalimagery,conceptsofdisease and healing,and primitive
religion.He has published "Shamanism and Schizophrenia:A
State-specific
Approach to the 'SchizophreniaMetaphorof Shamanic States" (AmericanEthnologist10:443-59) and "Reply to
Lex" (AmericanEthnologist11:192). The presentpaper was submittedin finalform1 xII 84.
Vol. 26
No. 4
definition(e.g., Bugelski 1971; Neisser 1972; A. Richardson

1977;J. Richardson1980:25-42), and natureand effects(e.g.,
Pylyshyn1973, 1978; Kosslyn and Pomerantz 1977; Finke
1980) of mental imageryin the contextof experimentalresearch,theyhave givenno attentionto the large bodyof evidence, primarilyethnographicand historical,on the "natural
life"of mentalimageryand its broaderculturalsignificance.3
This lacuna in the literaturemay verywell existbecause, as
one experimental
psychologist
notes,"contemporary
psychologistsdo not regardmentalimageryas an interesting
empirical
phenomenon,but as a hypotheticalentitywhose existence
mustbe provedin thecourseofexperimental
investigation"3
Richardson1980:14).
The purpose of this introductory
review is to explorethe
culturalrole of mental imagery.If it can be assumed that
mentalimageryis "ubiquitous"(Doob 1972)and has probably
beenexperiencedbyindividualsin all culturesand in all erasof
humanhistory,thenby examiningits cross-cultural
uses both
stitute,Big Sur, Calif., in February1984.

2 For an introduction
to thepsychological
literature
on mentalimagery,see Segal (1971), Sheehan(1972), Block (1981),Sheikh(1982),and
Yuille (1983). Pinkerand Kosslyn's(1982) reviewof the theoriesof
mentalimageryis useful,as is Ernest's(1977)reviewofimageryability
and cognition.Mental imageryabilityis considered"innate"forthe
reasonssuggestedby Doob (1972) and Kennedy(1983). Althoughit is
recognizedthatthereare different
typesof mentalimagery(e.g., sensory,eidetic,memory,etc.), as notedbyA. Richardson(1969),Neisser
(1972), and Casey (1976), Richardson's(pp. 2-3) generaldefinition
of
mentalimagerywill be used here:"(1) all thosequasi-sensory
or quasiperceptualexperiencesofwhich(2) we are self-consciously
aware, and
which(3) existforus in the absence of thosestimulusconditionsthat
are known to produce theirgenuinesensoryor perceptualcounterparts,and which(4) may be expectedto have different
consequences
fromtheirsensoryor perceptualcounterparts."
I Cronbach (1975:125) warns of the dangersof a "one-sided"approach to complexproblemssuch as mentalimagery,an imbalance
this paper intendsto correct:"The two scientific
disciplines,experimentalcontroland systematiccorrelation,answer formalquestions
statedin advance. Intensivelocal observationgoes beyonddiscipline
to an open-eyed,open-mindedappreciationof the surprisesnature
depositsin the investigativenet. This kindof interpretation
is historical morethanscientific.
I suspectthatifthepsychologist
wereto read
more widely in history,ethnology,and the centuriesof humanistic
writingson man and society,he would be betterpreparedforthispart
of the work."
1985
August-October
443
may findvaluable clues for

and psychologists
anthropologists
its furtherstudy. To limitthe potentiallyimmensescope of
such a study,I place emphasis upon sources in the ethnographicand historicalliteraturesthatcontainphenomenological data about mental imageryin traditional,nonliterate
to theculturalroleof
societies.However,pertinentreferences
mentalimageryin Westerncivilizationare includedforthe
sake of interestand comparison.
In particular,I wishto proposeand developan argumentfor
the existenceof a culturalphenomenonI call mentalimagery
cultivationin a wide varietyofsocietiesof varyingcomplexity
throughoutculturalevolutionaryhistory.By mentalimagery
cultivationI mean traditionsdevoted to the deliberate,repeatedinductionofenhancedmentalimagery,usuallyin select
individuals.Mental imageryenhancemententails increasing
ofmentalimageryforitsfuncthevividnessand controlledness
tional and adaptive value. Mental imageryis thus conceptualizedas an abilitythatcan, allowingforindividualdifferences,be developedintoa skill(see Katz 1983). I contendthat
mentalimagerycultivationas a culturalphenomenoncan be
foundin mostculturesthatwe have knowledgeof, including
and synchronourown, and can be studiedbothdiachronically
ically.By farthemostcommonformof mentalimagerycultivation, and the focus of this review,is the enhancementof
visual mentalimageryexperiencesthat are oftenreferredto
indigenouslyand by observersas "visions." A second major
form,dreamincubation,4will not be explicatedhere,norwill
the evidence for the cultivationof auditoryimagery.5The
complexesin traditional,nonliterate
magico-medico-religious
societiescollectivelyknown as shamanismprovidethe bestwill
documentedexample of vision cultivationand therefore
studyof mentalimagery
serveas a foundationforthe further
cultivationas a culturalphenomenon.
MENTAL IMAGERY: FROM THE SPONTANEOUS
TO THE CULTIVATED
pointofview, oureverydayexpeFromthephenomenological
rienceof mentalimageryis distinguishedby its spontaneity.
Sartre(1966[1940])lists "spontaneity"as one of the essential
characteristicsof imagery.Adopting Kant's (1929[1787]:93)
definitionof spontaneityas "the mind's power of producing
philosopher
fromitself,"thephenomenological
representations
Casey (1976:68) describesimaginingas an "autogenous"process, "one thatbeginsof itselfin the strictsensethatit begins
by itself,that is, throughits own internalagency and not
throughexternalcausation."For Casey, spontaneousimagina"surprise,"and
tive acts are characterizedby "effortlessness,"
"instantaneity,"and spontaneous imaginative experience
"'ArincPc cildl[AAIMv7 in
laT%A7-k.
ncvh
7
veI"nm
{(?nPva
1 0'7k
14AThek
' Oftenthedistinction
between"dreams"and "visions"is notclear.
"Dream incubation,"as I use it here,refersto thedeliberateinduction
and/ormanipulationof mentalimageryduringREM sleep. The controlofthesupernatural
throughdreamsin simplersocietiesis discussed
by D'Andrade (1961), and anthropological
studiesof dreamsin these
societiescan be foundin the worksof Lincoln (1935), Eggan (1949),
Seligman(1924, 1932),and Kilborne(1981). The ancientGreekdream
incubationtraditionconnectedwith the templesof Asclepiusis discussed by Edelstein and Edelstein (1945), Meier (1966, 1967), and
Ellenberger(1970:32-34).
5In his fascinatingaccount of ancient Greek theurgy,Dodds
(1951:292) notes that one of its two main brancheswas "concerned
mainlywiththe consecrating. . . and animatingof magic statuesin
orderto obtainoraclesfromthem."These oraclesweretransmitted
to
thedivinerin auditoryimagery.In his discussionofthevisionquestin
NorthAmerica,Lowie (1937:272)observes:"As a matterof fact,'visions'are sometimesnothingof the sortbut hallucinationsof an auditorynature,or at least are associated with non-visualcomponents.
This is not a trivialpointconsideringthe incrediblefrequencyof sacred,i.e., revealed,songs."
444
spontaneousexperienceof mentalimageryin daily life most

commonlytakes place duringour familiarstreamof ordinary
waking"personalconsciousness"(James1890,vol. 1:225)or in
dreams,and, as the MehinakuIndians of Brazil aptlyput it,
dreamsespecially"just 'come up' intoa dreamer'sawareness,
'like cornfromthe ground"'(Gregor1981:711).
reOf interesthere, however,are the more extraordinary
ports,froma wide rangeof societiesfromthe simplestto the
most complex,of spontaneous"visions"duringwaking consciousness.These unsolicitedimaginativeexperiencesare generallysingledout fortheirvividnessof visual mentalimagery
oftheircontent.6"The weirdand fortheculturalsignificance
ness of visions lies in their sudden appearance, in their
vividnesswhilepresent,and in theirsuddendeparture"(Galton 1883:168). In traditional,nonliteratesocietiesthe mediawith
tionof visual mentalimageryis essentialforintercourse
the sacred, and directcontactwithspirits,gods, etc., is especiallybelievedto be accomplishedthroughdreamsand visions.
This universal belief in "primitive"societies has led anfromTylor(1958[1871])to La Barre (1970, 1972)
thropologists
thatreligionitselfhas itsoriginin theexperience
to hypothesize
of visions and dreams.7This idea was earlierexpressedby
Hobbes (1958[1651]:31):
dreamsand otherstrong
of howto distinguish
Fromthisignorance
of
partofreligion
fancies
fromvisionandsensedidarisethegreatest
andthe
inthepastthatworshipped
fauns,nymphs,
satyrs,
thegentiles
ghosts,
thatrudepeoplehaveoffaries,
theopinion
like,andnowadays
andgoblinsandofthepowerofwitches.
In the historicalliteratureof Westerncivilization,particularlythatof medieval Europe, thereare numerousreportsof
spontaneousvisions,and, as in traditionalsocieties,theyare
attributedreligioussignificance.These visions are generally
reportedas "spontaneous"whethersoughtout deliberatelyor
not, for to seek out such experienceswas to be guiltyof
things(libido
curiositas,the"passionforknowingunnecessary
sciendinon necessaria)"(E. Peters1978:xiv,90), and thusrisk
excommunication.For example, Caesarius of Heisterbach
compiledin his Dialogue on Miracles (Caesarius 1929[1223])a
richcollectionof reportsof spontaneousvisionsand paranormal eventsby his monasticcolleagues. The contentof these
visionsreaffirmed
consensualreligiousbeliefs.Christian(1981)
has assembledaccountsof apparitionsoftheVirginMaryand
by
othersaintsin ruralSpain drawnfromverbatimtestimony
commonvillagersbetween 1399 and 1523 and discussedthe
for the ecclesiasticalauthoritiesin distinguishing
difficulties
"true"from"false"visions,particularlyin the case ofJoanof
Arc. Spontaneousvisions are reportedin the Bible (Bennett
oftheMiddle
1978)and in muchofthehagiographicliterature
Ages, and Kroll and Bachrach (1981) concludethattheywere
according
apparentlynotconsideredsignsof psychopathology
to medievalstandardsof mentalhealth.Thus, visionsare by
and a large
no means limitedto "primitives"or psychotics,8
6 From the psychologicalpointof view, mentalimagerymay be a
crucial mediumof "metaphoricpredication"betweendomains(Fernandez 1974:133)and mentalimagerycultivationtheculturaltradition
devisedforthe predicationof signimageson inchoatepronomialsubjects.
7 Tylor(1958[1871]:62)especiallymakes a passionateargumentfor
this position:"Everyonewho has seen visionswhile light-headedin
fever,everyonewho has everdreamta dream,has seen thephantoms
of objects as well as of persons.How thencan we chargethe savage
withfar-fetched
absurdityfortakingintohis philosophyand religion
an opinionwhichrestson the veryevidenceof his senses?"
8 "Visions" are not necessarilypathognomonic.Galton (1883:176)
insistedthat "the visionarytendencyis much more commonamong
sane people than is generallysuspected,"and in the 19thcenturya
of the"wakinghalburningissue amongscholarswas theverification
lucinationsof thesane" (e.g., Brierrede Boismont1853; Galton 1881,
1883; Gurney,Myers,and Podmore1886;Parish 1897). However,the
ancientRomans referred
to the genusirritabilevatum,the"irritable"
CURRENT
ANTHROPOLOGY
literatureexiststhatchroniclesthe incidenceof thisbasic human experiencein the West.

If it can be assumed that these extraordinary
spontaneous
experiencesof enhancedmentalimageryhave occurredin at
leastsomeindividualsin all societiessinceearliesttimes,and if
suchexperiencesweredeemednecessaryas a mediumforcommunication between men and extramundaneagencies (a
sharedmundusimaginalis[Corbin 1972]in whichsacred and
profanemeet),thenit wouldnotbe surprising
to findtraditions
forthe deliberate,repeated"self-inducement"
(Casey 1976:73)
of enhanced mental imageryin some of these societies.As
Dodds (1971:215)putsit, "From the beliefthatcertainmental
statesare favorableto theemergenceofsupernormalphenomena it is logicallya shortstep to the deliberateinductionof
thesestates." The culturalcultivationofmentalimagery,then,
consistsin takingthe primarymaterialor "raw stuff"of these
spontaneousimaginativeexperiencesand forgingmethodsof
reproducingsuch phenomenaat will that can be taughtto
selectothersand even transmitted
fromgenerationto generation. Althoughexperimentalpsychologyhas notyetproduced
strongevidenceformentalimageryenhancement"practiceeffects,"9Galton(1883:105)insistedthat"thereis abundantevidencethatthevisualisingfacultyadmitsofbeingdevelopedby
education." I propose that the existenceof mental imagery
cultivationas a culturalphenomenonvindicatesGalton. Indeed, in manysocieties-particularlythosein whichshamanism exists-the cultivationof mentalimagerymay be considered the experientialcore of the indigenousmagico-religious
tradition.
Perhapsthe mostimportantculturalroleof mentalimagery
cultivationis to be found in this apparentlystronglink to
magico-religious
traditions.The importanceofthislinkis often
overlooked,mentalimagerycultivationbeing mentionedperipherallyas a curiosityof ritualif at all. (Winkelman[1982],
forexample, notes that "visualization"is a characteristic
of
magicalpracticebut does notelaborate.)Nonetheless,therelationshipbetween mental imagerycultivationand magicoreligioustraditionsappears to hold regardlessof societalcomplexity.
THE CULTIVATION OF VISIONS IN SHAMANISM
The mostrichlydocumentedexampleoftheculturalphenomenon of mentalimagerycultivationcan be foundin the ethnographicliteratureon shamanism. Shamanismis an ecstatic
healingtraditionwhichat its core is concernedwiththetechniques forinducing,maintaining,and interpreting
theexperience of enhanced visual mental imagery.The shaman is a
powerfulfigure,foras a healer,mediatorbetweenthe sacred
and the profane,and mnemonicpurveyorof culturallyrelevant material,he plays a roleessentialto the biological,spiritual, and culturalsurvivalof his community.Shamanismin
some formhas appeared on all inhabitedcontinents(Eliade
1964).
In reviewingthe ethnoaraDhicliteratureof shamanism,esor "emotionallylabile" race of seers,and a similarprejudiceexistsin
the psychopathologicalinterpretation
of shamanism(Kroeber 1940;
Devereux 1956, 1961, 1980; Silverman1967; La Barre 1970, 1972).
This "schizophreniametaphor"of shamanicexperienceis unfounded
(see Noll 1983, 1984).
9 Only fourstudiesutilizingmentalimageryenhancementtraining
appear in the psychological literature:two based on a "bioinformational
theoryof emotionalimagery"(Lang 1979, Lang et al.
1983) and two parapsychologicalstudies(George 1982, Braud 1983).
Lang's work is the most promising.However, many otherscholars
have expressedthe optimismof Marks (1972:98), who assertsthat
"given appropriateand optimal conditionsof trainingand performance it is likelythatall personscould utilizeimagery-encoded
information."
Vol. 26
No. 4
Noll:THE
ROLE OF VISIONS
IN SHAMANISM
peciallythatproducedpriorto 1975,it is difficult

to findlucid,
detailedreportsoftheuse ofvisual mentalimageryin shamanism. Indeed, no workis devotedsolelyto theexplicationofthe
functionaland adaptive uses of mentalimageryby the shaman. Nonetheless,in obscurepassages throughout
the literatureanthropologists
have pointedto the concernof shamanic
techniqueswith the enhancementof visual mentalimagery.
"The originalshamanism[of NorthAsia] does not consist,at
least generallyspeaking,in possession,but ratherin merevisual phenomena"(Oesterreich1935:305).Hultkrantz(1973:28)
notesthat"a shamanmayseemto act in a lucid statewhen,in
fact, his mind is occupied with interiorvisions." Benedict
(1923:67)assertsthatshamanism"is practicallyeverywhere
in
some fashion or in some aspect built around the visionguardianspiritcomplex"and elsewhereobservesthat North
AmericanIndian societiesfromcoast to coast were preoccupied with the "inordinatepursuitof the vision" (Benedict
1922:1).Jilek(1982a:30-35) providesa valuable reviewof the
obscure referencesto visionaryexperienceamong the Coast
Salish of BritishColumbia. In herstudyofthe Eskimosof St.
LawrenceIsland, Alaska, Murphy(1964:58)statesin an early
passage that "in a vision the would-be shaman acquired a
'spiritfamiliar'with which he would later become possessed
duringthe curingrites,"but she does not mentionwhether
visual mental imagerywas also a componentof these later
"possession trances." Anisimov (1963:86) exemplifiesthe
Sovietliterature's
consistentpathologicalinterpretation
ofshamanic experiencewhen he statesthatduringritualan Evenk
shaman enters "a neurotic sleep accompanied by vivid
dreams."Clearly,mentalimageryis the"Ariadnethread"that
can lead us throughthe labyrinthine
literatureof shamanism,
providingus withas close an understanding
oftheexperiences
of the shaman as is possible.
While visual mentalimageryhas been reportedin shamanism, therehas been littleacknowledgmentof the possibility
thata centralgoal of shamanictrainingmay be the development of visual mental imagery skills. Czaplicka (1969
[1914]:184, 189) comes close to thisconceptin mentioning
the
"mentaltrainingofthenovice"and reporting
that"amongthe
Samoyedand Ostyakof theTurukhancountrythefutureshaman spendshis youthin exerciseswhichstimulatehis nerves
and excitehis imagination,"but theexact natureand purpose
oftheseexercisesare leftunexplored.Recenthintsofshamanic
visionary trainingcan be found in the work of Siikala
(1978:191)and to some extentin thatof Elkin (1977[1945]:49),
Reichel-Dolmatoff
(1975), and L. G. Peters(1982). Harner's
(1980) valuable phenomenologicalpresentationoffersimportantinsightsintothepsychologicalvariablesmanipulatedduring the trainingof the novice shaman.
I proposethat shamanictrainingin vision cultivationis a
two-phaseprocess. First,the neophyteshaman is trainedto
increasethe vividnessof his visual mentalimagerythrough
various psychologicaland physiologicaltechniques.The purpose is to block out the noise producedby theexternalstimuli
ofperceptionand to attendto internalimageryprocesses,thus
bringingthemmoreclearlyintofocus.Fechnerdescribedthis
processin 1860 whenhe said that"in imagining,the attention
feelsas ifdrawnbackwardstowardsthebrain"(citedin James
1890, vol. 2:50). Research has demonstratedthat "imagery
functionsas an internalsignalwhichis confusedwiththe externalsignal"(Segal and Fusella 1970:458),and thusthe first
phase of shamanicvision cultivationis to induce a cognitive
reversalby increasingthe vividnessof mental
figure-ground
imageryuntilit is attendedto as primaryexperience(figure)
and diminishingthe vividnessof perceptsuntiltheyare attendedto as secondaryexperience(ground).Once the novice
shaman can reportmorevivid imageryexperiences,a second
phase ofshamanicmentalimagerytrainingis aimedat increas-
August-October
1985
445
forme is not real foryou," a Washo shamantellsHandelman

(1967:457). Swanson (1973:360) observes that in the vision
quest fora guardianspiritin NorthAmerica,"a vision was
taken to be a real perception:an encounterwithan orderof
" Therefore,an increasein
realityindependentoftheperceiver.
thevividnessoftheshaman'svisualmentalimageryis concomitantwithpsychophysiological
changeswhichincreasethesubjective feeling that the "hallucinatorysphere" (ReichelDolmatoff1975:xvii)or the"hiddenworld"(Harner1972:13469) of shamanicsocietiesis "real.""1
This new evidenceprovidedby the experimental
investigationof mentalimagerysharplydifferswiththe generallyimINCREASING THE VIVIDNESS OF MENTAL IMAGERY
plicitassumptionthatthesubjectiveexperienceoftheshaman
Attributionof "vividness"to mentalimageryis a metaphor is merely"fancy"or a productof psychopathology
(see Noll
borrowed from perceptual experience,thus suggestingthe
1983). The conceptionof shamanismas an "experiencingof
phenomenologicalsimilarityof mentalimagerywith percep'the Unreal' " (Norland 1967) is characteristicof the Soviet
tual events."By 'vividness'we mean a combinationof clarity literature,whichdoes not considerthe applicationof psychoand liveliness.The morevividan image,therefore,
thecloserit
logical data in ethnographicanalysis.12 Perhapsfuturetreatapproximatesan actual percept"(Marks 1972:83). Whether mentsof shamanismwill be moresensitiveto the importance
mentalimageryis continuousor discontinuous
withperception ofthepsychophysiological
variablesmanipulatedin themental
is an ancientquestion. Casey (1976:127-32) providesa brief imageryexperiencesof the shaman.
overviewof the relationshipbetween"imagination"and "perAnotherimportantinsightcomes fromFinke's (1980:122ception"in thehistoryofWesternphilosophy,
starting
withthe
24) assessmentof the experimentaldata on measuringvisual
initialdichotomypresentedby Aristotle(continuity)
and Plato
acuityformentalimages. In further
supportof thecontinuity
(discontinuity).
Casey himselfargues forthe discontinuity
of
hypothesis,he concludes that thereis "strongevidencethat
imaginationand perception,assertingthat"even ifimagining functionalequivalenciesbetweenmentalimagesand physical
relies on perceivingis regardedas a premiseof all human
objectsexistat levelsofthevisual systemwhereconstraints
are
experience,it remainsmasterin its own house, displayingas
placed on acuity in the peripheralvisual field"(p. 123). In
autonomous action that is withoutparallel in perception" essence,thisstartling
conclusionpurportsthatthe"mind'seye"
(p. 173).
has a fovea,i.e., thatcentralaspectsof thementalimagewill
A comprehensive
reviewoftherecentexperimental
workon
be in sharperfocus than peripheralones. Not surprisingly,
mentalimagerybyFinke (1980) adds supportto thecontinuity increasingthe clarityof the shaman'smentalimageryis cited
hypothesis.Finke argues(p. 113) thatthereare "specificlevels
as a goal of shamanic visionary training.Increasing the
of information
processingwithinthe visual systemat which
vividnessof mental imagerythroughtrainingsharpensthe
mentalimagesand physicalobjectsand eventsare functionally focusto theperception-like
quality.In hisstudyoftheTamang
equivalent,as revealedby theirperceptualand behavioralefshamanismof Nepal, L. G. Peters(1982:34)briefly
notesthat
fects." Furthermore,he argues that "mental images, once
the progressionof the shaman's visionarytrainingis one of
formed,"activate "manyof the same information-processing transforming
"crude visions" into "clear visions." Similarly,
mechanismsthat are activated during visual perception" amongthe Tukano of Colombia, Reichel-Dolmatoff
(1975:77)
(p. 130): IO
reportsthatit is importantthatthe shaman (pay6)
of the experiencedvisual imageryconing the controlledness
tents,activelyengagingand manipulatingthe visionaryphenomena. These two phases are not necessarilydiscrete;
increasein controlover visual mentalimagerymay be sought
withan increasein its vividness.The distinction
concurrently
between them is, however, useful in interpretingthe
data ofshamanicaccounts."Vividness"and
phenomenological
thetwoimageryparameters
"controlledness"
are, furthermore,
ofpsymostcommonlyexaminedin theexperimental
literature
chology.
Accordingto thisview, mentalimagescan stimulatevisual processing

mechanismsdirectly.Thus, when mentalimages are formed,these
mechanismswould respondin much the same way as theydo when
objects and events are observed,resultingin the sensationthat an
imagecan be "seen"as ifitwerean actualobjectorevent.Further,the
more vivid the image, the more stronglythese mechanismswould
respond,and the moresimilarto actual objectsor eventsthe mental
image would appear.
Finke's "levels of equivalence"theoryhas profoundconsequences for our understandingof shamanism. Performing

specifictechniquesto enhancethevividnessofmentalimagery
activates"unconscious"(Shevrinand Dickman 1980),nonvolitionallevels of the psychophysiological
apparatusin response
to the imagery;thusthe shaman increasesthe affective
acceptance of visionaryexperiencesas ontologicallydistinctphenomena.In otherwords,theshamanfullyaccepts"visions"as
valid experiencesand reacts on a deep psychophysiological
level to theircontents.This accountsforthe perception-like
qualityoftheverbalreportsofvisionaryexperience,especially
the vibrant, affectivelycharged first-personaccounts of
shamans.
The shaman "exists in two worlds," says Hultkrantz
(1973:31),and acknowledgesthe validityof both,his mastery
derivingfromhis abilitynotto confusethetwo. "What is real
10 Summarizing
his and colleagues'studiesoftheformation
ofvisual
images,Shepard (1978:135)arrivesat a pointclose to Finke's conclusionwhenhe statesthatimaginalor analogicalthinking
is "a processin
whichtheintermediate
internalstateshave a naturalone-to-onecorrespondenceto appropriateintermediate
statesin the externalworld."
be ableto haveclearand meaningful

hallucinations....His vision
mustnotbe blurred,
hissenseofhearing
mustbe acute,thatis, he
mustbe abletodistinguish
clearly
theimagesthatappeartohismind
whilein a stateoftrance,andto understand
thesupernatural
voices
tohim.Muchofthiscapacity
over
speaking
is,undoubtedly,
acquired
theyears,thepayedeveloping
hisownkeyofinterpretation,
butsome
ofitis saidtobe alreadydiscernible
at an earlyage.
A commonmetaphorforthe enhancedvividnessof mental
imagerythroughtrainingis thetransformation
oftheshaman's
eyesor the developmentof an "inner"or "spiritualeye." The
indigenoususe of this metaphorin shamanicculturesadds
furtheranecdotal supportto the apparentfunctionalequivalence of imagery and perception. Among the Australian
Aboriginesmentalimagerytraininginvolvesthe development
of the "strongeye." Elkin (1977[1945]:49)remarksthat "an
importantfacultywhichthe'clevermen' possessand whichis
assiduously trained, is the 'strong eye'.
. .
. to possess the
'strongeye' is to have thefacultyofseeingspirits,oftheliving

and of the dead." In the initiatoryvision of a Nganasan
him
SamoyedshamanofSiberia,a "blacksmith"dismembered
and also "changed his eyes; and that is why, when he
The affectivebasis ofour senseof"reality"is describedbyJames
(1890, vol. 1:283):"In its innernature,belief,or thesenseofreality,is
a sortoffeelingmoreallied to theemotionsthananythingelse." Hume
(1961[1748]:340)also acknowledgedthe baselineimportanceof affect
in distinguishing
betweenfictionand belief.
12 I am indebtedto MihalyHoppal ofthe Ethnographic
Instituteof
the Hungarian Academy of Sciences forexplicatingthis dichotomy
between"ethnology"and "psychology"in the Sovietliterature.
446
shamanizes,he does notsee withhis bodilyeyesbutwiththese

mysticaleyes"(Siikala 1978:184).Bogoras(1909:116)reportsin
his classic The Chuckchee,"The eyes of the shaman have a
look different
fromthatofotherpeople,and theyexplainit by
the assertionthat the eyes of the shaman are very bright
(nikeragen),which,by the way, gives themthe abilityto see
'spirits'in the dark."
These accounts strongly suggest that increasing the
vividnessofmentalimageryis partofthetrainingofthenovice
shaman.What now needsto be exploredis how thisis accomplished.
Alteredstatesofconsciousness.The mostcommonand certainlythe most effectivemethodemployedby shamans for
increasingthe vividnessof visual mentalimageryis thedeliberateinductionof alteredstatesofconsciousness.
13 The use of
alteredstatesofconsciousnessis centralto manydefinitions
of
shamanic practice(Czaplicka 1969[1914]:198;Maddox 1923:
44; Shirokogoroff
1935:275, 362-66; Oesterreich1935:295;
Eliade 1964:4; Firth 1964; Lewis 1971:92-93; Reinhard
1976:16; Siikala 1978:15; Harner 1980:20; Peters and PriceWilliams1980:408;Noll 1983:444-46).
The abilityto experiencealteredstatesof consciousnessis
universalin thespecies.Weil (1972:17)goesso faras to suggest
thatthe"desireto alterconsciousnessperiodicallyis an innate
normaldriveanalogousto hungeror thesexual drive." Bourguignon(1974:234) has describedalteredstatesof consciousnessas providingthe"raw materialsforpotentialculturalutilization." Vivid mentalimagerymay certainlybe considereda
potentexampleof these"raw materials."Bourguignon(1968,
1973)foundthatfully90% ofa sampleof488 worldsocietiesof
varyingcomplexityhad some formof institutionalized
altered
statesofconsciousness.These alteredstateswerefoundto fall
into two main clusters:"possessiontrance,"includingstates
indigenously
as due to possessionby an exogenous
interpreted
agency that "[do] not involve hallucinations"(Bourguignon
1973:12),and "trances"includingalteredstatesnot so interpretedbut generallycharacterizedby enhancedvisual mental
imagery.Shamanismis concernedprimarilywiththe cultivationof thelatter,whichhas also been termed"magicalflight"
(Eliade 1964)or the"shamanicstateofconsciousness"(Harner
1980, Noll 1983). While the repertoireof the shaman may
includeotheralteredstatesofconsciousness,suchas revelatory
dreamsor statesinterpreted
as "spiritpossession"or "possession trance," the masteryof visionarystates is essential.
Whereasmostscholarsof shamanismcenteron the shaman's
"ecstasy"or alteredstate of consciousnessas the goal of the
shaman'sritetechnique(e.g., Siikala 1978),I contendthatthe
shaman'sgoal is enhancedmentalimageryand theinductionof
an alteredstateofconsciousnessis a meansto thatend. Indeed,
the importantpointstressedby the studyof shamanismas a
formofmentalimagerycultivationis notthatconsciousnessis
alteredbut that mental imageryis enhanced. Furthermore,
mentalimageryis enhancedin orderto servespecificfunctions
forwhichit has a unique adaptive value. Thus, the adaptive
and functionalsignificance
of mentalimageryis stressed,not
merelythefactthatit is a concomitant
ofa largegenericgroup
of alteredstates.
Mental imageryis intensified
throughritualproceduresfor
inducingalteredstatesof consciousnessthatmanipulateboth
physiologicaland psychologicalvariables. As Shirokogoroff
(1935:324)observes,thereare a "greatnumberof methodsof
producingextasy [sic]," and Jilek (1982b:335-39) has summarized the most salient ones to be foundin shamanism.14
13
Tart (1975:208)defines"alteredstateofconsciousness"as a "qualitativealterationin the overallpatterning
of mentalfunctioning,
such
thatthe experiencerfeelshis consciousnessis radicallydifferent
from
the way it functionsordinarily."
14 He identifies
the followingtechniques:focusedsuggestiveattention,pain stimulation,hypoglycemia
and dehydration,
forcedhypermotility,
temperature
stimulation,acousticstimulation,seclusionand
/nllbTT-TF ROTE
OF VTSTONS TN
SHTAMANTSM
Maddox (1923:44) reportsthat" 'trance'and 'ecstasy'are two

aids ofthemedicineman" and that"in ecstasythereis a certain
wantofmuscularcontrol,.andthemindis activelyemployedin
seeingvisions." In "The Vision in Plains Culture,"Benedict
(1922:1) states that a commoncross-cultural
approach to inducingvisionswas through"isolationand self-mortification."
Similarly,Galton (1883:174)remarksthat"the spiritualdiscipline undergone for purposes of self-controland selfmortification
have also the incidentaleffectof producingvisions.
. they often, through error, receive a religious
sanction.This is notablythecase amonghalf-civilized

races."
Althougha greatdeal of emphasishas been placed on the
moreexoticproceduresforinducingalteredstatesofconsciousness, muchsimplertechniquesforenhancingthe vividnessof
mentalimageryhave been reported.All ofthemhave in commonthegoal ofblockingoutthenoiseproducedbytheexternal
stimuliofvisual perception.Thus Shirokogoroff
(1935:325)observesthat"shamanisticperformances
are usuallycarriedout
in the dark." Shamanic costume paraphernalia also are
specifically
designedto enhancetheproductionof visual mental imagery.Prokofyeva(1963:124)reportsthe "blindfolding"
oftheSelkupshaman,whichis "explainedby theinvestigators
as being conducive to concentrationby the shaman." "The
Samoyedtadibeysubstituteforthe mask a handkerchief
tied
over the eyes,so thattheycan penetrateintothe spiritworld
by theirinnersight"(Czaplicka 1969[1914]:203).The Central
Eskimo shaman "getshis visionssittingor lyingin deep concentrationat the back of the sleepingplatform,behinda curtain, or covered with a skin. The drum is not used in this
connection"(Holtved 1967:46). An interesting
descriptionof
an old AustralianAborigineshamanpracticinghis visual mental imageryenhancementtechniquesis providedby one of Elkin's(1977[1945]:56)Aboriginalinformants:
Whenyou see an old man sittingby himselfoverherein thecamp, do
notdisturbhim,forifyou do he will"growl"at you. Do notplay near
him,because he is sittingdown by himselfwithhis thoughtsin order
"to see." He is gatheringhis thoughtsso that he can feel and hear.
Perhaps he thenlies down, gettinginto a special posture,so that he
may "see" when sleeping.He sees indistinctvisions,and hears "persons" talk in them.He getsup and looks forthosehe has "seen," but
notseeingthem,he lies down again in theprescribedmanner,so as to
see what he had not "seen" before.He puts his head on the pillowas
previouslyso as to "see" (have a vision)as before.Gettingup, he tells
his friendsto strengthen
thatpower(miwi)withinthem,so thatwhen
theylie down theywill see and feel(or become aware of) people not
present,and in thatway theywill perceivethem.
Imaginal conditioning. An operant-conditioning-based

mental imagery enhancement training program devised by
Lang (1979; Lang et al. 1983) to test his "bio-informational
theoryof emotional imagery" may provide some valuable clues
to understanding the training of the novice shaman. In his
elegant psychophysiological studies of imagery based on Pylyshyn's (1973) propositional theory,particular response descriptions of the subjects' experienced imagery are systematically
reinforced
This "responsetraining,"says
by theexperimenter.
Lang (1979:506),"appears to act like an amplifier,increasing
the magnitude of those responses which are part of an affective

reaction to which the subject is already predisposed." He describes his procedures as follows (p. 503):
Subjects were presentedwith sample scripts,containingresponse

propositions,and asked to imaginethe scenes suggestedby the text.
Following each imagining,the experimenter
asked them to report
whattheyhad actuallyimagined.The trainerreactedto thesedescriptionsby systematically
reinforcing
all statements
whichindicatedthat
restrictedmobility,visual-sensorydeprivation,sleep deprivation,kineticstimulation,
and hyperventilation.
To thislistmustbe added the
ingestionof hallucinogens(Furst 1972, Harner 1973a).
Vol. 26 * No. 4 * August-October

1985
447
the subject experiencedhimselfbehaving duringimagery.Typical

reinforcedresponseswere "my muscles were tense," "I feltmyself
running,""my heart was racing,""I was gasping for breath,"etc.
Stimulusdescriptionwas ignoredby the trainer.Over trialssubjects
progressively
increasedreportsof respondingin theirimageryand in
the reportedvividnessof an imaginedbehavioralexperience.
We also developeda secondtrainingprogram,based on thecounter
hypothesis,
thatvividimageryis characterizedbythenumber,clarity,
of stimuluselementsin the image. In this"mind'seye"
and specificity
forreportsof the color,form,and
training,subjectswere reinforced
pictorialvividness of thingsapprehended.The trainerpressed for
moreand moredetailedcontent,whilehe ignoredany reportsof subject behaviorin thescenes.These subjectsalso progressedundertraining,and soon came to reportrichtapestriesofsenseimpressionduring
imagery.
He concludes (p. 506) that his results "suggest that response
traininghas the effectof causing average subjects to respond to
imagery instructions in a way which is similar to that of subjects who have been selected, through questionnaire or perceptual recall tests, for their inherent imagery ability."
Although Lang's work needs replication, I propose that
some formof imaginal "response training" or stimulus training
is an essential aspect of the training of the novice shaman by
the master shamans. Both behavioral and pictorial elements
(color, form,etc.) are probably systematicallyreinforcedby the
master shamans as the novice progressively increases the
vividness of his visual mental imagery through training. Assuming that humans are essentially pragmatic and will,
through trial and error, hit upon methods that "work" to
achieve desired goals, it is not unreasonable to conjecture that
a form of imaginal conditioning was instrumentalin shamanic
vision cultivation. The clearest phenomenological report of
such imaginal conditioning in the literature is ReichelDolmatoff's (1975:79) account of the mental imagery enhancement training of a Tukano shaman:
The quest forthesepowerobjectsis difficult
and slow. For nightson
end the menwill sit and chant,askingthunderto favorthemwithhis
power.Until,in theirtrance,theywill see a tree,a piece ofwood, or a
stoneand will suddenlyknow: thisis mine,thisis what thundersent
me! The druggedapprenticewill mumbleand groan in his trance.
Close by,the paye is sitting."What do you see? Tell me, whatdo you
and the apprenticewill then findthe
see?" he will ask insistently,
words to describehis visions. "There is the bend in the river. . . a
black rock... I can hearthewaterrushing...." "Go on, go on!" the
payewillinsist,hisear closeto theother'smouth."Thereare birds,red
birds,sittingon the lowerbranchesofthetree...." "Are theysitting
on yourleftor on yourright?"thepaye willask. And so theycontinue,
haltingly,at timesin deep silence,untilthe older man knows what
kindofimagesand voices his pupil is perceivingand can now beginto
interpret
forhim.
INCREASING THE CONTROLLEDNESS OF MENTAL IMAGERY
The "controllability"
ofmentalimagery-"theextentto which
a personcan evoke and change images at will" (Tower and
Singer1981:131)-is a second importantdimensionof mental
imageryexaminedin theliterature(see, e.g., Gordon1949;A.
Richardson 1972; White, Sheehan, and Ashton 1977). The
abilityto controlimageryhas been positivelycorrelatedwitha
varietyof variables,e.g., the frequencyof dreamrecall(Hiscock and Cohen 1973)and thesuccessfulmentalrehearsalofa
of the
characteristic
motorskill. An importantcross-cultural
visioncultivationprocessis thedevelopmentofrelativecontrol
of the
over "the initiation,the guidance,and the termination
(Casey 1976:73). Casey
imaginative act-cum-presentation"
and spontaneity
considersthe"eidetictraits"of controlledness
mutuallyexclusivebut complementary.
oftheshaman'smentalimagerycan only
The controlledness
be relativebecause the spontaneityof the imaginalcontents
with which the shaman must activelyengage is a dominant
characteristicof shamanic accounts. Shamans reportbeing
surprisedand challengedby the unexpectedappearance of
448
torcesor agencies (spirits,uemons, gocs, etc.) tnat must De

reactedto and activelyengaged with while in the visionary
state(see, e.g., thetoneof the accountsincludedin thecollectionby Halifax 1979). "Potentially,all of imaginativeexperience is controllable.Actuallyin a givencase onlycertainaspectswill be controlled"(Casey 1976:64).
The hallmarkof the shaman is the abilityto controlhis
visions-to begin,manipulate,and end themat will. According to L. G. Peters(1982:35),
a specific
introThe training
appearsto havethepurposeofcreating
learnsto entervolitionally
spectivestate,onein whichtheneophyte
observer,
andcontroller.
intoa visionary
statewhereheis participant,
participates
in hisvisions,evento
Whiletheshamanorganismically
someofhisencounters,
heis ableto
theextent
ofoccasionally
miming
hisvisions'contents.
standback,so to speak,andmanipulate
Definitions
ofshamanismgenerally
cast"spirit
Spiritmastery.
1935:271; Ohlmarks
mastery"in a centralrole (Shirokogoroff
1939:353; Eliade 1964:93; Firth 1967:296; Lewis 1971:51;
Landy 1977:417; Siikala 1978:334; Harner 1980:20; Noll
1983:444-45). 15 Spiritmasterymaybe viewedas an attemptto
of thecontentsof theshaman'senincreasethecontrolledness
hancedmentalimagery.I definespiritmasteryas contactwith
and manipulationof spirits.Followingthe two-phaseschema
for the mental imageryenhancementprocess, contactwith
spiritscan be viewedfroma psychologicalpointofview as an
increasein thevividnessofmentalimagery,whilethemanipulation of spiritscan be describedas an increasein the controllednessof mental imagery.Thus, spontaneously"seeing
spirits"may be the firststep towards"mastering"themlater
throughmentalimageryenhancementpractice.
Increasingcontrolover mentalimageryis mirroredin the
developingshaman's increasingnumberof masteredspirits.
Shirokogoroff
(1935:271)notesthat"the shamanat the beginningofhis careerusuallydoes nothave verymanyspirits,but
he mastersthemgradually."An increasein thecontrolledness
in theincreasingnumberof
ofmentalimageryis also reflected
structuralcharacteristics
of mentalimagerythat the shaman
can master.Imaginal conditioningplays an importantpartin
the trainingof controlledness.Anotherilluminatingpassage
fromReichel-Dolmatoff
(1975:97-98) describesthe concomittant increase in vividness and controllednessin the mental
imagerypracticeof Tukano shamans:
15 Shirokogoroff's
(1935:269) descriptionof the shaman in Siberia
"personsof bothsexes who have mascan be applied cross-culturally:
teredspirits,who at will can introducethesespiritsinto themselves
particularly
and use theirpoweroverthespiritsin theirowninterests,
fromthe spirits;in such a capacity
helpingotherpeople, who suffer
theymay possess a complexof special methodsfor dealing with the
spirits."A WesternEuropean visionarytraditionofspiritmasterywas
medieval and Renaissance ritualmagic. Butler(1949:3) reportsthat
ritualmagic "aimed principallyat controlof the spiritworld," and
spiritmasterywas obtainedin a stateofenhancedvisual mentalimagery induced by the elaborate ritualsof conjurationor invocationof
"spirits,""apparitions,"or "demons." Our familiarfigureof Faust,
standingwithinthe protectionof his magic circle,adornedin a robe
coveredwithapotropaicsymbolsto keep the conjuredentitybeyond
the circle,a book of spellsin one hand and a swordor magicwand in
the other,is based on the ritual magician or magus. Accordingto
medievaland Renaissancesources,the mostpowerfultool of themagus was the vis imaginativaor "poweroftheimagination."In a 13thcenturydiscussionof the visions of magicians,St. Thomas Aquinas
(1956[ca. 1258-64]:91)revealsthat"throughthesevisionsor auditory
of magicians,intellectual
messageswhichappear in the performances
knowledgeof thingswhichsurpassthe capacityof his understanding
oftencome to a person. Examples are the revealingof hiddentreasures,the showingof futureevents,and sometimestrueanswersare
The similaritiesbetween
demonstrations."
givenconcerningscientific
thevisioncultivationoftheshamanand thatofthemagusare striking.
For example, shamans enter a visionarystate to consult spiritssometimesofthe dead-for divinatorypurposes;a similarmentalimand was
ageryexercisebythemedievalmaguswas called necromancy
a crimepunishableby death.
CURRENT
ANTHROPOLOGY
Ataboutmidmorning
eachmandrinks
threesmallcupsofthisyaje,all
andaftera whilethepayewillaskhis
thetimesinging
andsmoking,
visionsareblurred;
itislike
"Whatdo yousee?"Thefirst
companions:
from
smokearising
nowhere,
ascending
slowlylikea wallbefore
their
tubesandabsorbthevih6mixture.
eyes.Theynowtaketheirsnuffing
tothe
Lyingintheirhammocks
theynowfeelthattheyareascending
Milky Way.
. .
. The ascent to the Milky Way is not easily accom-
to
plished.Anapprentice
willhardly
everbe abletoriseimmediately
willlearnto do so onlyafter
thissuperluminary
regionbut,rather,
hewillbarelyriseoverthehorizon;
thenexttime,
manytrials.Atfirst
totheposition
ofthesun
perhaps,
hewillreacha pointcorresponding
at 9 A.M., thenat 10A.M., andso on,untilat last,ina singlesoaring
he willrisetothezenith.
flight,
The shaman mastersspiritsfor didactic reasons as well.
"Duringtheperiodofinitialcontactsthespiritsfunctionabove
all as teachers"(Siikala 1978:228).Jochelson(1905:47)mettwo
Koryak shamans who reportedthat, while in solitude,"the
spiritsappear to them in visible form,endow them with
power,and instructthem."
The shamanis a specialistwhose expertisederivesfromthe
unique contactwith and manipulationof forcesor agencies,
experiencedin visions as autonomous or semiautonomous,
which generallycannot be contactedand manipulatedin his
ordinarystate of waking consciousness.Culturally,whether
theseare interpreted
as exogenousforcesor agenciesexhibiting
a certain"intentionality"
(such as spiritsor gods)or as endogenous ones such as nonanthropomorphized
sources of occult
powerthatresidewithinthe shaman'sbody (e.g., the healing
energyn/um of the Kalahari Kung [Katz 1982]),theyare all
experiencedfromthe perspectiveofthe shamanas originating
fromoutsidehim.To theshaman,theexperienceof"spirits"is
in everysense of the word "real." To the "cognicentrist"
(see
Harner 1980:xiv; Noll 1983:447-50) observer,such experiences can be reduced to explanationsthat account for their
but not theirontology.
phenomenology
THE FUNCTIONAL AND ADAPTIVE CULTURAL

ROLES OF MENTAL IMAGERY
DIFFERENCES
IN MENTAL IMAGERY ABILITY

AND SOCIAL ROLE
That thereare individualdifferences

in the abilityto experience mental imagerywas proposed by Galton (1880, 1883).
Similarly,James(1890, vol. 2:57) notesthat"a personwhose
visual imaginationis strongfindsit hard to understandhow
thosewho are withoutthefacultycan thinkat all. Somepeople
undoubtedlyhave no visual imagesat all worthyofthename."
This difference
betweenvivid imagersand otherscontinuesto
be explored experimentally(J. Richardson 1980:117-42;
Tower and Singer1981:124-29).
Not just any individualcan become a shaman. Since the
essence of shamanismis vision cultivation,individualswho
reportexperiencesofenhancedvisual mentalimageryare more
likelyto be singledout for shamanictraining.This strongly
in theabilityto experience
suggeststhatindividualdifferences
mentalimagerymay be a major determinantof social role.
Oftena youth'sspontaneousvisionsof"spirits"are a signof a
shamanic vocation (e.g., Harner 1972:224n;Eliade 1964:84;
Siikala 1978:189). Shirokogoroff
(1935:274), discussingthe
of individualsand groups,"remarksthat
"adaptiveinstability
theecstasyoftheshamaniccandidate"cannotbe createdwithout a certainindividualinstability,"and I have pointedto a
labilitythat marks individuals as candidates for shamanic
training(1983:446).
The nascentshamanmaybe characterizedbywhathas been
called the "fantasy-prone
personality.
" Wilson and Barber
(1981, 1982) compiled a profilefromthe intensivestudyof
excellenthypnoticsubjectsand concludedthat"fantasy-prone
Noll: THE
ROLE OF VISIONS
IN SHAMANISM
personalities"may comprise4% of the population.These are

personswho "fantasizea large partof the time,who typically
'see,' 'hear,' 'smell,' 'touch,' and fullyexperiencewhat they
fantasize"(Wilson and Barber 1982:340).As is the case with
the descriptionsofyoungshamans-to-be,
"theirextensiveand
deep involvementin fantasyseemsto be theirbasic characteristic,"and Wilsonand Barberlistthefollowingtalentsof fantasy-pronepersonalitiesas derivativesof theirintensefantasy
life:"theirabilityto hallucinatevoluntarily,
theirsuperbhypnoticperformances,
theirvivid memoriesof theirlifeexperiences, and theirtalents as psychicsor sensitives."What is
strikingabout thislistis thattheseare all commonlyreported
attributesof shamansin traditional,nonliteratesocieties.
The abilityto experiencementalimageryvividlyis a markof
preferred
statusin some cultures.In our own culturethereis
evidencethatreporting
theexperienceofvividmentalimagery
is sociallydesirableand thatthis"social desirability"
factoris a
confounding
variableto be controlledforin theuse and interpretationof self-report
measuresof imageryand imagination
(White,Sheehan, and Ashton 1977). Lowie (1925:12) reports
thathe foundindividualdifferences
thatallowedsomeCrowto
experiencevisionsmoreeasilythan othersand concludesthat
"we mustassume thatsome people experiencevisionsbecause
of temperamentaldisposition,which theirenvious copyists
lack." Such experiencesmay lead to "ceremonialprominence
and wealth"(Lowie 1925:5). However,theexact natureofthe
of the "vatic personality"(La
"temperamental
predisposition"
in mental
Barre 1972) thataccountsforindividualdifferences
imageryremainsa mystery.
IMAGERY MNEMONICS AND THE PRESERVATION
OF CULTURE
A universal feature of shamanism is the "magical flight"

(Eliade 1964) or the "shamanicjourney"(Harner 1980) of the
shaman's "soul" that takes place duringhis visions. "Healer
and psychopomp,the shaman is therebecause his soul can
safelyabandon his bodyand roamat vast distances,can penetratethe underworldand rise to the sky" (Eliade 1964:182).
societies
Whatis oftenunderstatedin discussionsofnonliterate
is a living
by modernobserversis thatthe culturalmythology
one. There are no writtensourcesto validatereligiousbeliefs,
only the repeated, ritualized,reexperiencing
of the sacred.
Throughthe enhancementof his visual mentalimagerythe
shaman can "travel"to otherrealms,performvital tasks for
himselfand his community,
and thensafely"return"and relate
hisadventuresto his audience.This activityperforms
a crucial
didactic and especially mnemonic function.
In thevisionaryjourneysofshamans,a universalcharacteristicis thetraveloftheshaman's"soul" to different

"levels"or
"worlds," each with its stereotypicalset of culturallyprescribedsupramundaneexperiences.For example,in notingthe
"highdegreeof control"thatthe Tamang shaman Bhirendra
had overhis visions,L. G. Peters(1981:107)remarksthat,"for
themostpart,they[thevisions]werestereotyped.
He traveled
to specificheavens, encounteredspecificdeities,and underwentsimilarexperiencesdependingon thenatureoftheritual
he was performing."
The numberof"levels"theshamanmust
ascendor descend(thetwo mostcommonorienting
metaphors
foundin theseaccounts)is ofcoursedetermined
bythemythologyof the particularculture,but Eliade (1964:259-87) argues
that the "essentialschema" of visionarytravel to at least 3
levelsor "cosmiczones" (sky,earth,and underworld)along a
centralaxis of some sort(e.g., tunnel,tree,mountain)is ubiquitous.
However, in Siberia, 7, 9, 16, 17, or even 33 are not
uncommon
(Eliade 1964:275;Vasilevich1963).
One possibleexplanationfortheuniversality
ofthisschema
is thatit mimicsone ofthefundamentalfactsof theorganiza-
Vol.26 *No. 4 *August-October

1985
449
shaman,whichtheshamanmaynotuse,is interesting.
tional processes of memory.In nonliteratesocieties large
Everyshaman
fromlandmarks.
wouldthushavehisownways,whichhe followed
amountsof culturalinformation
mustbe memorizedand conas signposts,
The tentsofvariousspiritbeingsact in themselves
for
tinuallyrehearsed.Retentionof thisinformation
will depend
is drawnin thevisionto
theyareall different,
and specialattention
on how well the materialis organized.The importanceof orsymbolism.
ganizationalstrategiesin memorywas strikingly
demonstrated theirouterformandassociated
by the experimentalstudies of the Gestalt psychologists
The shaman's masteryof mentalimageryis an important
(Katona 1940; Koffka 1935:423-528; Kohler 1947:279-319)
mnemonist.
assetinhisculturalroleas mythological
Eliade (1958:
and Bartlett(1932) and continuesto be supportedby contem102) lauds the "outstandingrole of memory"in shamanism,
porarycognitivepsychologists(see Tulving and Donaldson
forin nonliterate
societies"theshamanis theman who knows
1972). As Cole and Gay (1972:1068)pointout, "thereis good
and remembers."L. G. Peters (1981:62) relates a Tamang
reasonto expectmembersof a pre-literate,
traditionalsociety myth that explains why the shamanic bombo tradition,
to have developedmnemonicskillsdifferent
fromthoseofliter- representedby Nara Bon Chen, the firsthuman shaman, is
ate, technologicalsocieties."I contendthat the most salient
memorizedand maintainedorally,whereasthe"inferior"
lama
mnemonicstrategiesemployed in nonliteratesocieties are
traditionofGuruRinpoche(Padma Sambhava)mustrelyupon
based on theuse ofmentalimagery.Recentresearchhas demtexts:
onstratedthatmentalimageryplays a keyorganizationalrole
One dayGuruRinpochesetoutto foolNara and causehimto lose
in memory.Neisser (1972:243) assertsthat "we cannot help
thathe had burnedall hisbooks
someofhispowers.So he bragged
noticingthatvisual representation
is amongthemostcommon
andnolonger
neededthem.Notwanting
becausehekneweverything
and the mostpowerfulof the [mnemonic]strategiesused" (see
to be shownup, Nara threwhis booksintoa fire.Whentheywere
also Neisser1982). Indeed, in his comprehensive
reviewofthe
and
GuruRinpoche
reachedintohisjackettorevealhistexts,
aflame,
experimentalevidence linkingmental imageryand human
intothefireandate
laughedatNaraforbeingso stupid.Narareached
as you,butI do notneedtexts
all theashes,saying"I amas powerful
memoryJ. T. E. Richardson(1980:82) concludesthat"under
forI havecommitted
to memory."
everything
laboratoryconditionsinstructions
to use mentalimagerymay
in memoryperformance....
lead to substantialimprovements
This tale demonstratesthe respect accorded the shaman's
theseeffectscome about by meansofincreasedorganisationof
superiorpowersof memoryby his community.It is the shathe materialto be remembered."
man's responsibility
to rememberforthe others.
I further
arguethattheshaman'svisionary"travels"to variThe shaman may have a superiormemorybecause of his
ous "levels,"each pregnantwithspecifically
organizedcultural
superioruse of mental imageryskills. If this conclusionis
meanings,operatesas an imagerymnemonicfortheretention valid, thenitforcefully
illustratestheadaptivevalue ofmental
of mythological
beliefsand otherculturallyrelevantmaterials
imagery.Mental imagerycultivationin nonliteratesocieties
in a nonliteratesociety.Siikala (1978:191)reportsthatan immay perhaps best be viewed fromthe culturalevolutionary
portantprofessionalskilldevelopedearlyin thetrainingofthe
standpointas an adaptive mechanismforthe survivalof culnovice shaman is "the transferof traditionand above all its
ture.
in visions."Each individualjourneythata shainternalization
man embarksupon equally servesas a collectiverehearsalof
MENTAL IMAGERY IN HEALING AND DIVINATION
16
culturalmemories.
The visionaryjourney of the shaman to various levels is
As I have pointedout, an importantculturalrole of mental
analogous to followinga "cognitivemap" (Neisser 1976:108imagerycultivationis to be foundin itsstrongassociationwith
53; Casson 1983:444-46)similarto the mnemonic"methodof
magico-religious
traditions.In primitivesocieties,as well as in
loci" inventedby Greek oratorsto retainlarge amountsof
the West in classical times(see Dodds 1951, 1971), two inexin memory(see Yates 1966). "In thismethod,one
information
tricablyrelated functionsof magico-religioustraditionsare
establishesa cognitivemap ofa seriesofparticularlocationsor
healingand divination.What is oftenoverlookedis theuse of
places, which one can mentally'visit' in a particularorder.
enhancedvisual mentalimageryin the performance
of these
listofitemsto memorize,it is onlynecesGiven any arbitrary
functions.
saryto imagineeach depositedon a particularlocation;nearJustas the Greek god Apollo and his son Asclepiuswere
perfectrecallwill followifone then'revisits'the places in the
physiciansand seers(Meier 1967:32),the shaman uses visual
usual order" (Neisser 1972:243). Justas the ancient Greeks
mentalimageryto diagnose and treatdisease. For example,
memorizedsizable blocksof theirorationsby associativelyorHandelman(1967:451)reportsthata Washo shamanwould"at
ganizingthem along a path of consecutiveloci in theirimsome point during the course of the ritual . . . receive visions
mediateenvironment,
so do shamansretainand reviewtheir
relatingto both the cause of the illnessand the prognosis."
culture'scosmologyby journeyingto successive "levels" in
Shamans induce enhancedvisual mentalimageryin orderto
theirvisions.This use oforientation
schemataby "primitives" "see" and identifydisease entitieswithinthe ill client'sbody
was similarlycommentedupon by Galton (1883:103), who
and thenperform
specificimagery-based
techniquesto remove
wrotethat"the Eskimos are geographersby instinct,and apthem(see Harner 1980).17 Mental imagerytherefore
plays an
pear to see vast tractsof countrymapped out in theirheads."
importantrole in shamanichealing.
Siikala (1978:186)strikingly
illustrates
theimportanceofcogniDivinationhas also been an important
goal ofvisioncultivativemaps in shamanismin heranalysisoftheinitiatory
vision
tion.The use ofunstructured
visual stimuli(e.g., crystalballs,
of a Nganasan Samoyedshaman:
pans of water,etc.) to induce mentalimageryfordivinatory
To be abletooperateintheotherworldtheshamanmustbe familiar purposesextendsfarback intopagan antiquity(Daiches 1913;
withitstopography
and theroadscrossing
it. The guiderepeatedly Dodds 1951, 1971).A fertilearea in experimental
parapsycholimpresses
on thenovicetheimportance
of knowing
theroadsand
ogy is the explorationof the relationshipof imageryto psi
to thewayofanother (George 1981, 1982; George and Krippner1984). Shamans
pathsof variousspiritbeings.The reference
16 Anisimov(1963:112)seemsto describethe shaman'sjourneyand
performanceas group trainingin imagerymnemonicskillswhen he
reportsthatamongthe Evenks "such activity. . . was carriedout by
the shamanduringa mass performance
at whichhis fellowclansmen
werenotonlyactiveparticipantsbut also an inspiredaudience,capable of seeingin wakinghallucinationeverything
the shamansaw and
said."
450
17 For example, "It is duringhis hallucinationsthat a paye can

diagnose a disease, know its cause, discuss its treatmentwith Vih6mahse(theMasterof Snuff),and learnthe correctformulashe has to
pronounceover the patient.Sometimesthe patient,too, musttake a
hallucinogenicdrug,and he will thendescribehis visionsto thepaye,
in search of clues to the causes and adequate treatmentof the affliction"(Reichel-Dolmatoff
1975:89).
CURRENT
ANTHROPOLOGY
Noll: THE ROLE OF VISIONS IN SHAMANISM

have employedsuch techniques,particularly
theuse of quartz
crystals (Harner 1980) and brass mirrors(Shirokogoroff
whichhe apparentlyborrowedin name and practicefromits
purposes.In1935:299-300),forclairvoyantand precognitive
deed, theuse ofenhancedvisual mentalimageryfordivination medievalmagical context.
tradimaybe an integralpartofalmosteverymagico-religious
tion(Winkelman1982).
Comments
CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS

to the
Shamanismhas been examinedhereas an introduction
possibilityof studying mental imagery cultivation as a
worldwideculturalphenomenon.Mental imagerycultivation
is a constructthatunifiesan immenseand disparatebody of
ethnographicand historicalevidenceforthe adaptive use of
mentalimagery.Mental imageryabilityis partofthe"generic
human personalitystructure,shared by all human beings"
(Bourguignon1979:21), and wherewe findevidenceofmental
imagerycultivationwe shall also no doubtdiscoverthatsuch
cultivationhas adaptive consequences. Shamanismin traditional, nonliteratesocietiesis the most dramaticexample of
mentalimagerycultivationthatcan be found.Thereare, however,otherrichculturaland historicalsourcesofevidencethat
supportsthe idea of mentalimagerycultivationas a cultural
research:
phenomenon.
The following
areas mayrewardfurther
1. The VajrayanatraditionofBuddhismprovidesabundant
and accessibleevidenceformentalimagerycultivation.This
traditioninvolvesintensivevisualizationtrainingbased on a
seriesof elaborateicons thatmustbe successfully
reproduced
in full detail in the "mind's eye" duringmeditationpractice
(Govinda 1960; Guentherand Trungpa 1975:47-52; Odin
1982).
2. Evidenceformentalimagerycultivationcan be foundin
themedievalIslamic practiceof "visionaryrecitals"and other
formsof imaginativeautonomydocumentedby Corbin(1960,
1966, 1969). In particular,thereseemsto be someevidencefor
a "vision-guardianspirit"complexamongmedievalSufiswho
called themselvesthe Uwaysis and were taughtby "spiritual
guides"that theymet in visions(Corbin 1969:32). Similarly,
the Spanish-bornArab theologianIbn 'Arabi (1165-1240)
"was, and neverceased to be, thediscipleofan invisiblemaster" named Khadir (Corbin 1969:32), whom he met in visionarystates. Perhaps shamanismis only one example of a
widespread"vision-guardianspirit"complex,despitethecontraryconclusionby Swanson (1973:372).
3. In Westerncivilizationthereare at least two main areas
of strongevidenceformentalimagerycultivation:the occult
scienceof classical, medieval,and RenaissanceEurope, especially the occult traditionsof ritualmagic (Butler 1949), alchemy(Jung1968[1944]),and witchcraft
(Harner 1973b),and
the historyof psychotherapy
(see Ellenberger1970),fromthe
medievaland Renaissanceconceptof imaginatio(Ellenberger
1967:161;see also McMahon 1976) to "magnetic"and "hypnotic"visionsto 20th-century
techniquesfor
psychotherapeutic
inducingmentalimagery(see Watkins1976, Singerand Pope
1978,Sheikh1984). Of special interestare Freud'searly"pressure"techniqueand later"freeassociation"method,'8Ferenczi's "forcedphantasies"(Ferenczi 1926),and Jung'stechnique
of"activeimagination"(Jung1969 [1957];see also Hull 1971),
18 Freud seems to have been aware of the similarity
of the freeassociativetechniquesof psychoanalysisto the mental imageryenhancement
techniquesoftheoccultsciences:"It is easyto imagine,too,
Lhatcertainmysticalpracticesmay succeed in upsettingthe normal
relationsbetweenthe different
regionsof the mind, so that, forinstance,perceptionmaybe able to grasphappeningsin thedepthsofthe
zgo and in the id whichwere otherwiseinaccessibleto it. It may be
;afelydoubted,however,whetherthisroad willlead us to theultimate
truthsfromwhichsalvationis to be expected.Neverthelessit may be
3dmittedthatthe therapeuticefforts
of psychoanalysis
have chosena
;imilarline of approach"(Freud 1965[1933]:71).
byJEANNE ACHTERBERG
Departmentof Rehabilitation Science, School of Allied
Health Sciences, University
ofTexas Health Science Center
at Dallas, Dallas, Tex. 75235, U.S.A. 15 IV 85
It is withgreatdifficulty
thatI fashionan objectivecomment
on Noll's scholarlyarticle.When thearticlewas sentto me for
review, my own book Imageryin Healing: Shamanismand
Modern Medicine was about to be releasedby New Science
Library(Boulder: Shambhala Publications).It shouldbe clear
fromthe titlethatNoll and I independently
soughtthe same
data base, albeitfromdifferent
perspectives.He offersan exlitercellentsummaryofthepsychologicaland anthropological
ature, meldingit togetherwith the conceptof imagery.My
intentwas to demonstratethe ancient,ubiquitousrole of the
imaginationin medicine,focusingon theshamanas themaster
healerin the imaginaryrealmsand supportingthe thesiswith
biologicalfactwheneverpossible.
We have cometo a singularconclusionregardingimageryas
theessenceofmanyshamanicpracticesand as a cross-cultural
resourcefordiagnosticand therapeutic
information.
However,
I would argue thatthe researchon imageryhas actuallybeen
quite paltry,despite a flurryof recentinterest.The subject
remainsout of favor in the "hard-nosed"psychologicaland
medical communities,despite its 10,000-20,000-yearhistory
as a healingmodality.Even bringingtogetherthe two bodies
ofinformation,
imageryand shamanism,is a reasonablynovel
conjecture.
Certainly,continueddescriptionof the historyand ethnographic aspects of mental imageryis appropriate,as Noll
suggests.In orderto reinstateimageryas a legitimate,even
indispensable,aspect of medicineand psychology,additional
researchmust answer two difficultquestions:What are the
psychobiologicalmechanismsinvolved in the phenomenon?
Does it workforany of thepurposesitstenacioushistorysuggests?
byERIKABOURGUIGNON
The Ohio State University,

Departmentof Anthropology,
124 W. 17thAve., Columbus,Ohio 43210-1364,U.S.A. 15
III 85
In introducingthe conceptof mentalimagerycultivationand

its applicationto shamanismNoll has performed
a usefulservice. The distinctionbetween enhancingvividness and inin the processof shamanistictraining
creasingcontrolledness
shouldbe helpfulnotonlyin guidingour readingoftheextant
in directingour attention
descriptionsbut, moreimportantly,
to new information
to be gathered.The large literatureon
dreams allows us to distinguishbetweensocietiesor groups
that considerdreamingimportant-and as a resultnot only
enhance memoryof dreams but also influencethe styleand
contentof dreams-and those that considerdreams merely
privateand negligible.A similardistinctionappears to exist
withreferenceto mentalimagery.
"Visualization"or "imaging"is a process used in various
contemporaryAmerican religiousmovementsas well as in
some forms of secular alternative healing. Csordas (1983:337)
describestheprocessin theHealing ofMemoriesritualamong

CatholicCharismatics,where"thesupplicantmaybe asked to
visualize, i.e., to induce a mental image or pictureof, any
painfulincidentthatis uncovered.An essentialelementofthe
Vol. 26 * No. 4 * August-October

1985
image is the healingpresenceof Jesusin human form."The

healermayhave a relevantvisionas well. Wagner(1983) notes
among the activitiesof the
"visualization"or "programming"
SpiritualFrontiersFellowship,a "new religion."In contrastto
theCatholicCharismatics,who use visualizationofpastevents
forhealing,membersof the SpiritualFrontiersFellowshipvisualize desiredstatesrangingfromhealingto weathercontrol,
events.
fromweightloss to interpersonal
The typeof visualization(staticpicturesor movingscenes,
past, present,or future,observationsor participationby subject) and themethodsused to obtainit need to be investigated
its
and, specifically,
in relationshipto the group'smythology
conceptof power.
Althoughvisionsare oftendiscussedin the contextof psychedelicdrugs,othermethods,includingsensorydeprivation,
are ofimportance(see Henney1974:70-79,fora comparisonof
experimentallyand ritually induced visions/hallucinations
linkedto sensorydeprivation).That enhancedmentalimagery
need not be linked to alteredstates of consciousnessis suggestedby itsveryimportantrolein theplasticand graphicarts
and in literatureand otherart formsand analogous processes
Conin othersensorymodalities(auditory,tactile,kinesthetic).
it is evidentthat the great paintersand
cerningprehistory,
sculptorsof the Upper Paleolithiccaves supplementedwhateversketchestheymayhave had withveryvivid visual recollectionsand imagery.Throughart,mentalimageryas a mnemonicdevice can be givena sociallysharedshape.
by LEONARD
GEORGE
DepartmentofPsychology,Universityof WesternOntario,
London, Ont., Canada N6A 5C2. 22 III 85
Noll's paper exemplifiesinterdisciplinary
scholarshipat its
finest.The perspectivepresentedin his paper highlightsthe
importanceof enhancedimaginalprocessesin manycultures
and suggeststhat, within every population, there exists a
groupof individualswho potentiallyhave a special relationship withthe imaginaldimensionsof experience.If thisis so,
one importantquestionconcernsthe role of such personsin
modernWesternculture. Psychologicalresearchhas shown
in oursociety
thatimaginallyorientedpersonscan be identified
in such formsas fantasy-prone
personalitiesand hypnotically
talentedsubjects(Barber 1984). Systematicimageryenhancementis occurringamonga proportionof thesepersons,in the
formof occult practices,meditation,and, as Noll mentions,
someformsof psychotherapy
(see Georgen.d.). Because there
equivalent to shamanismin
is no modern institutionalized
whichimaginallyorientedpeople can exercisetheircapacities,
cultural
theymayexistunnoticedin a varietyofcontemporary
ofimaginal
niches.One wondersiftherelativenonrecognition
realmsby our societyis an optimalstateofaffairs.If imaginal
experienceis vitalto spiritualexploration,as Noll's perspective
of"mere"imaginationand the
implies,perhapsthedenigration
epidemiccrisisof meaningin the 20thcenturyare morethan
coincidental.
How did the moderndevaluation of imaginal experience
comeabout? Some scholarshave traceditsrootsas farback as
the 8th-century
Council of Nicaea (Avens 1980); othershave
emphasized the rise of Cartesian dualism as a major contributor
(McMahon and Sheikh1984). Generallyspeaking,the
the imagination,when most
modernattitudeof marginalizing
culturesgrantimaginalentitiesa
premodernand non-Western
primaryrolein theirconceptionsoftheworld,musthave had a
multidetermined
and unusual evolution.There are signsthat
the postmodernattitudewill be morebalanced. A varietyof
thinkershave begunto discussthe possiblevalue of revoking
assignedto concretereality
theontologicalpriority
customarily
over the imaginalsphere (e.g., Buchler 1966, Epstein 1981,
Hillman 1983),and seriousnoteis beingtakenoftheimaginal
sophisticationof Eastern civilizations(e.g., Guenther1976,

Odin 1982, O'Flaherty1984).
ofpotentially
exThe attitudetakentowardthemultiplicity
perienceableworldsmay be a crucialfeatureof the shamanic
mindand is not examinedin depthin Noll's article.Imagery,
in additionto beingvivid and controllable,mustbe viewedas
nontrivialin orderto have an effecton a society,and to understand thisphenomenonone mustlook at the epistemicstructureswhichprovidethecontextfortheshaman'simaginalprocesses (cf. Al-Issa 1977). Importantquestionsconcerningthe
attitudevariable remain unansweredbut seem amenable to
empiricalinvestigation.For instance,to what extentdoes the
shaman'simaginalvividnessaccountfor,or dependupon,his/
herabilityto grantthestatusofrealityto mentalimages?Is the
shamanor imaginallyorientedpersonin generalcharacterized
by a globaltendencyto bridgeotherdichotomouscategoriesin
additionto thoseof"reality"and "fantasy"?Shamansin tradiofthe
personalities
tionalcultures,as well as thefantasy-prone
modernone, could be examinedin thisregard.Perhapsrecent
(e.g.,
advances in the studyof categorizationby psychologists
Tversky and Hemenway 1984) and anthropologists(e.g.,
Wierzbicka1984)can provideconceptualtoolsforsuchresearch.
Our understandingof these complexitiescan only benefit
fromsuch skillfulmediationbetweentheworldsof anthropologyand psychologyas is foundin Noll's article-trulya notable featof academic shamanism.
byMICHAEL HARNER
Department of Anthropology,Graduate Faculty, New
SchoolforSocial Research,65 FifthAve., New York,N.Y.
10003, U.S.A. 12 III 85
I welcomeNoll's articleas his secondmajorcontribution
to the
studyof shamanismfromhis disciplinaryperspectivein psysee thesophistication
of
chology(see also Noll 1983). I further
his work as bearing the fruit of the new participantobservationapproach in shamanic studies; Noll has trained
with me firsthandin the classic shamanic methods.In such
trainingand in my guide to shamanic practice (Harner
1980:esp. 21-56 and 136-37), I have emphasizedthe importanceof visualizationcultivationin shamanicwork,including
theshamanicjourney,shamanicdivination,and theextraction
of illness. One caveat: while visualizationis the basic and
minimumsensoryexperienceof the shamanicjourney,all the
othersensoryexperiences-hearing,smell,taste,and touchalso commonlycome intoplay. The essential,however,is still
imagery,and it is virtuallyimpossibleto experiencethe shamanicjourneyand mostofshamanicpracticewithouttheability to visualize. In my trainingof Westernersand othersin
shamanicmethods,I have foundthatapproximately
nineout
oftenpersonshave thecapacityforthevisualizationnecessary
to the shamanic journey. Interestingly,
among Westerners,
thosewho tendto have themostdifficulty
are oftenprofessionals in the fieldsof law, mathematics,linguistics,and philosospecialistsheavilydevotedto logicin
phy-so-called left-brain
theirwork.
byLAURI HONKO
Nordic Instituteof Folklore, Universityof Turku,20500
Turku,Finland. 10 Iv 85
In a studyon spiritbeliefsin Ingria(Honko 1962, 1964)1 was
able to establishan interesting
contrastbetween"casual" and
"ritual" encountersof spirits. In casual encounters,which
could be linkedwithbreachesofnorms,theappearanceofthe
and fullof"vivid
spontaneous,surprising,
spiritwas seemingly
mentalimagery";the ritualencounters,which conformedto
norms,werealmostdevoid ofgraphicvisionsofthespirit.The
real locus ofvividsupranormalimagerywouldthusseemto be
outsideritual,in therealmof unexpectedencountersin which
CURRENT
ANTHROPOLOGY
man findshimselfthe object-not the subject-of supranormal activity.The "visionquest"foundin shamanismand other
contextswould not, then,belongto the mainstreamof ritual
behaviorand would indeedrequirein its ritualizedformtechniquesforan activationor, as Noll putsit, cultivationofmental imagery.The extensivepreparatory
ritualthattheshaman
performsin solitudebeforeeach seance, which has escaped
Noll's attention,representsa concentration
of mentalpower
and a shiftfromone cognitivemap to anotherwiththeaim of
becominga shaman once more. I have describedthis roletakingoftheshaman(1969:26-55) as thepsychologicalcoreof
the ritualprocessin question:mostof what Noll describesas
mentalimagerymaybe further
analysedas counter-roles
ofthe
shaman. The conceptof rolenotonlyorganisestheperceptual
materialsand revealsthestructure
oftheritualbutalso relates
images to their significances.The learningof supranormal
role sets, and role sequences and theirsignificounter-roles,
cance in theideographicsystemis theessenceoftheprocessof
initiationthat everynovice must undergo.Initiationvisions
are of the utmostimportance:it is here that the models of
perceptionand concretementalimagesare createdin a system
thatwill be reproducedin everyseance. The systemis traditional but also containsindividualcreationand choice, as is
beautifullydepicted by Popov (1963:149-59; cf. Siikala
1978:175-87).
The concept of "mental imagery"tends to misrepresent
thingsbybeingtoo comprehensive
and, paradoxically,toonarrow. If all mentalimagesand theircultivationare includedin
the analysis,one tendsto lose sightof thespecial characterof
supranormalor othermarginalphenomena(i.e., phenomena
marginalalso fromthe pointof view of the experiencingand
perceivingperson). The limitationto the visual modalityof
perceptionis detrimentalto the understanding
of the processing of mentalimages, which includesnot onlywhat the shaman sees but also what he hears, touches,smells,and tastes.
Paraphernaliasuch,as the costume,the pipe, the drum,etc.,
are instrumental
in reactivatingmodelsofexperiencefromthe
past, fromthe initiationand the previousseances of the shaman in question.The stimuluswhichreleasesa mentalimage
may come fromany modalityof perceptionor froman interplay of two or moresensorymodes.
by AKE HULTKRANTZ
InstituteofComparativeReligion,University
ofStockholm,
106 91 Stockholm,Sweden. 7 IV 85
Noll's paperis a welcomecontribution
to theanalyticliterature
on ''visions"in societiesin whichshamanismand visionquests
occur. His discussionof the cultivationof visionsis of major
importance,and mostofhis argumentsare convincing.There
are to myunderstanding
some limitationsin his presentation,
however,thatsometimesreduce the value of his argumentation.
I am referring
herein particularto Noll's arbitrary
use ofthe
conceptof shamanism.It seems to be a vague, all-inclusive
concept,takingin both well-developedSiberian shamanism
and the mostlynonshamanicvision quest in North America. The old Americantraditionof equating "shaman" and
"medicineman"-two not necessarilyidenticalconceptsifwe
retaintheoriginalmeaningoftheformerterm-is also noticeable. Afterthecriticisms
by severalauthors,includingmyself,
of Eliade's definitionof soul flightas the essential manifestationof shamanic ecstasy,it is a bit exasperatingto find
thatNoll, withoutdiscussion,accepts thisinterpretation.
He
claims that the shamanic soul flightis a universalfeatureof
shamanismand that shamanismis primarilyconcernedwith
its visual cultivation.This is not correct.Shamans also have
seances in which the spiritsappear (withoutnecessarilypossessingthem:the situationis usuallyone of spiritualinspiration). The main qualityof the shaman is his abilitythrough
Noll: THE
ROLE OF VISIONS
IN SHAMANISM
ecstasyto createcontactwiththesupernaturalworld;whether
he makes a soul flightor calls on the spiritsis a questionof
professionalchoice and culturalways.
Noll's suggestionthatsomeformofimaginalstimulustrainingis essentialto thetrainingofthenoviceshamancan onlybe
consideredjustifiedifwe have a full-fledged
shamanicteacherpupil relationshipand a specialized characterization
of shamanhood.Many oftheNorthAmerican"shamans"would fall
away here.
To Noll, caughtin a psychologicalthoughtpattern,theshaman'sgoal is enhancedmentalimagery.Again,itseemspreferable to be more precise and, using the believer'sown emic
approach,to say clearlythatthegoal is liberatinga soul, counsellingwiththepowersoftheotherworld,diviningthefuture,
and so on. The enhancedcapacityforimageryis onlya prerequisite for realizingthese goals. This confusionbetween visionarycapacity and visionarycontentsaffectsthe author's
interpretation
when he definesspiritmasteryas controlled
mental imagery. Now, spirit masteryratherthan passive
mediumismseems to be characteristic
of mostshamanism,as
we can learnfroma vivid discussionin thejournalEthnos 25
yearsago (cf. Hultkrantz1978:43-47). Still,the shaman'sattitudeto thespiritsvarieswiththeirroles:he is forcedto obey
thespiritsthatcall himintoofficebutcan commandthespirits
that assist him. In some instancesthe obeyed and the commandedspiritsare separateentities.As Backman has pointed
out, data fromLapp (Saami) shamanismshow that we are
dealing with two differentspirit categories(Backman and
Hultkrantz1978:42-43). As faras is knownthereis, however,
no evidence of different
mentalimageryfor the two sets of
spirits.
Anothermistakengeneralizationis the postulationthatthe

shamanknowsmorethanothers,thatit is his responsibility
to
rememberfor his tribesmen.On the contrary,during my
fieldwork
amongtheShoshoniI foundthatthemostprominent
medicinemen were less reliablehistorians,even when it concernedreligioustraditions,than some traditionalists
in their
society.One medicine man was correctedby his wife and
brother-in-law
when he had to account for certainreligious
ceremonies.I thinkthatfieldexperiencewould convinceNoll
thathis presentation
of shamanismis an ideal construction.
Also, his contentionthat shamanicvisionarytrainingmay
facilitatetheretention
ofmythological
beliefsis toocategorical.
AmongtheMohave, forinstance,shamans(and otherpersons
as well) dreamnew myths.
Noll has omittedto discuss the influenceof drugs on the
exerciseof mentalimagery.However,in mostcases shamanic
tranceis furthered
by theaid oftobacco,alcohol,mushrooms,
and otherpsychotropic
means. How muchof mentalimagery
cultivationcan be tracedto theseauxiliaries?
Finally, some random notes on the literature:There is at
least one work observingthe complexof mentalimageryin
shamanism;Arbman(1968) examinesthe role of the visionin
formingecstaticshamanicexperiences.ConcerningKroeber's
view ofshamansas pathological,he modifiedhis standpointin
laterdays (Kroeber1952:317-19).
by STANLEY KRIPPNER
SaybrookInstitute,1772 Vallejo St., San Francisco,Calif.
94123, U.S.A. 16 ill 85
Shamanscan be describedas individuals(typicallyfromhunting-and-gathering

societies)who purportto regulatetheirattentionvoluntarily
so as to access information
notavailable to
othermembersofthegroupthathas awardedthemtheirsocial
role, using thisinformation
to amelioratephysicalor psychological conditionsof the groupmembers.In otherwords,shamans appear to alter theirstate of consciousnessin orderto

1985
453
reality,"bringingback powerand knowl

enter"nonordinary
edge that is used to diagnose and treatillness,communicat
withthespiritworld,findlostobjects,locatepotentialsource
empowerwarriorswh
of food,predictweatherfluctuations,
are about to fightenemytribes,etc.
thatshamansallegedlyacquire frommod
The information
ifyingtheirinternalattentionstates is typicallyreportedir
termsofimagery.Symbolsofone sortor anotheroftenare usec
to decorateshamans'costumes,ritualisticparaphernalia,anc
homeand worksettings.In addition,shamanswillofteninter
pret symbolsreportedfromtribal members'dreams, visior
quests,encounterswith"totemanimals,"and experiencesdur
ing a varietyof synchronous(coincidental)events. Auditor:
imagery(in the formof spontaneouschantsor songs, voices
fromdiscarnateentities,or messagesfromnaturespirits)anc
kinesthetic
imagery(in theformof automatisms,spontaneoua
symbolicdancing,or sensationsof internal"energyflow")ar4
also interpreted
when theyare manifestedby tribalmember!
or by theshamansthemselves.Thus shamanslive in a miliet
ofinternally
generatedimageryand an externalworldin whici
symbolicmaterialis constantlyappearing,requiringinterpre
tation.
Noll has expanded the domain of potentialpsychologica
researchtopicsby exploringthe shaman'suse of imagery.H4
observedthatalteredstatesofconsciousnessare
has correctly
to the shaman, not an end in themselvesbut facilitateth4
ir
generationofcertainimageswhichserveadaptivefunctions
the tribal setting.I agree with his depictionof shamans ac
types,"a moreaccurateassessmenl
personality
"fantasy-prone
than the labels of "recoveredhysteric"and "compensate(
thatare oftenapplied to them.
schizophrenic"
forseveralreaThe studyofshamanicimageryis important
sons. As humankind'sfirsthealers,shamansdevelopedtheus(
of imageryin the diagnosis and treatmentof disease. The
mechanismsinvolved are still unknown,but it has been reportedthatscoreson thestandardizedImageryof Disease tesl
predictremissionfromcancerwithgreateraccuracythanphysand Lawlis 1984). Similarimagiologicalindices(Achterberg
eryanalyseswiththe same testhave been foundto correlate
with immunologicalresponses in healthy subjects (e.g.,
Schneider,Smith,and Whitcher1983).
An even more provocativeset of findingspertainsto "psi'
phenomena-those interactionswhich are said to transcend
ordinaryconstraintsof time,space, and force.Reportsof allegedlygifted"psychics"suggestthe keyrole playedby vivid
data
of "psi." The experimental
imageryin the manifestation
on imageryand "psi" are inconsistent;
however,thesame can
be said forthe relationshipbetweenimageryand anotherhypotheticalconstruct,hypnoticsusceptibility.
From the standpointof social psychology,thereis at least
one otherreasonshamanicimageryis an important
topic.As a
the shaman not only
and storyteller,
historian,mythmaker,
thecultureofhis or herpeople butdirectsthedevelopreflects
ment of that culture. The shaman is more knowledgeable,
moreadept, and more potentin dealingwithunseenpower;
thananyoneelse in thecommunity
(Rogers1982:14).Shamans
predatepriestsas custodiansand promulgatorsof an establishedset of dogmasand rituals(Winkelman1984a). To what
extentdoes the private imageryof the shaman become the
public symbolismof the culture?Shamanic studies have a
greatdeal to teach us about the partthatimagerycan play in
directingboth the healing processof the individualand the
culturalenrichment
of the tribe.
is correct.Here I would like to tryto modelbrieflya seriesof

steps in the evolutionof Westernscientific
epistemology
that
mightclarifya bit the relationshipsNoll is interestedin.
Type 1: Anthropomorphic
universe.As did early literates
such as the Homeric Greeks and the Hebrew patriarchsof
Genesis,mostnonliteratepeople thinkof the universein anthropomorphic
terms.Everythinghas the same sort of consciousnessthat humans have. The personalis the universal.
Since knowledgegives a person power, he guards what he
knows,passingit onlyin confidenceto thosewhomhe trusts
and loves. Everything
else in theuniverseguards"its"knowledge in thesame way. The wise man is therefore
someonewho
has the clevernessto coax or steal knowledgefromotherhuman and nonhumansources(a beliefreflectedin the biblical
storyof the Fall and in the mythof Prometheus).Since the
knowledgeheldbyanimals,plants,and othernaturalphenomena is inaccessibleto man in his normalwakingconsciousness,
the wise man develops states in which he can communicate
directlywith the nonhumanworld. Hobbes and othersnotit is of coursea mistaketo thinkthatprimitives
withstanding,
cannot tell the differencebetween fantasyand perception.
Theirveryexpertisein fantasycultivationprovesthattheycan
and thattheyconsidertheknowledgeachievedthisway equal
or superiorin epistemologicalstatusto sense knowledge.
Type2: Conscioussupraindividualuniverse.Writtenhistory
and urban architecture
depositinto man's experiencea sense
thatthereexistsa knowledgegreaterthanthatofany individual and teachesthatthe presentworldis temporary
and partial. The universefor the Socratic Greeks and the Hebrew
prophetswas still conscious but now possessed a consciousness superiorto the individual's.The personalwas no longer
the absolute. The wise man soughtto approach the absolute
througheitherthe studyof texts(the Hebrews), the studyof
or thestudyoftheminditself(Plato). Mental
things(Aristotle),
imagerycould certainlyhelp, but what tendedto accumulate
in the writtenrecordswas the abstract,nottheexperientialthat is, knowledgeaccessible to ordinarywaking consciousness.
Type3: Nonconscious,lawfuluniverse.The Copernicandiscoverythattheuniversecould be understoodon theanalogyof
a machine,as opposedto a being,openedthequestionwhether
the mind itselfwas also a machine. Hobbes was the firstto
argue convincinglyand clearlyfor this view and therebyto
bringback to the centerof philosophicalinquirythe question
of the relationshipbetweenperceptionand imagination.By
making imaginationa pale copy of sensation,he founded
scientificpsychologyon a narrowlyempiricistfooting.His
ideas werepickedup byLocke and Hume and givensubstance
by early developmentalistssuch as Tiedemann and F. A.
Carus. Fortifiedby functionalmodelsfromevolutionary
biology,theseideas have guidedmuchof the researchin physioland ethology,not to mentionepistemology
ogy, embryology,
and ethics,downto thepresent,in spiteofmanycountermovementsbeginningwithGermanromanticism
around 1800. Psychoanalysis,of course,soughtto establishan empiricalbasis
forthestudyoffantasyand mentalimagerybutfocussedsomewhat fruitlessly
on the search forempiricalbases of the contentsofnonordinary
thought.Noll's workdoes muchto restore
thestudyofmentalimageryto itsrightful
place in thestudyof
man because it focusseson theobservableprocessesofmental
imagerycultivationand on observableculturalbeliefsabout
theseprocessesand theirproducts.
by CHRISTIE W. KIEFER
by RICHARD J. PRESTON
Human Developmentand Aging Program, UniversityoJ

California,San Francisco,Caif. 94143, U.S.A. 15 III 85
thatmentalimagerycultivaThe basic idea of Noll's artikcle,
life,
tionholdsthekeyto muchofman's religiousand scientific
454
DepartmentofAnthropology,
McMaster University,
Hamilton, Ont., Canada L8S 4L9. 11 III 85
Noll's synthesisis both good science and refreshing
reading.
My majorchallengeis to thehypothesis
thatthemorevividthe
CURRENT
ANTHROPOLOGY
image,themorecloselyit approximatesa perceivedactuality.

While thismay sometimesbe true,thereare importantnegatheory.A classic
tive cases thatdemand a less intellectualist
case is Gregorio,the hand trembler,who told Leightonof his
vision experienceof a brightlight. When Leightonpursued
this,he was toldthatitwasn'ta lightreally,itjust seemedthat
way. Vividness,then,mayas easilybe a characteroffeelingas
one ofclarity,and thenPlato (and Casey) have moreguidance
to offerus thanAristotle(and Finke and Winkelman).I think
thatNoll is close to thiswithhis term"affectiveacceptance."
The synthesisof psychologyand ethnologyis veryeffective,
butwe can be a littlemoreambitious.ProbablyNoll willagree
that the disciplineof concentrating
one's mind on imagingis
shared by shamans, mystics,poets, and others,with some
or even identityofprocesses.A centralreferstrongsimilarity
ence (not merelythis critic'sindulgence)is Coleridge'streatmentof fancyand imagination(Brett 1969:31-53). It is also
interesting
thattheenhancementand controlofvisual imagery
mayhave morepedestrianoutcomes,as Luria's (1968) superb
case studyshows. There is more at stake than enhancement
and control;thecreativeimaginationhas additionalaspectsof
selectionand organizationthatmay be discernedand defined
to further
Noll's argument.Perhaps,too, thecurrentresearch
on controlled-content
dreamingcan offersomeinsight.In any
event,I thinkthispaper has enduringvalue and congratulate
Noll on his intellectualbreadthand thoroughresearching.
byANNA-LEENA SIIKALA
Lohitie 2A4, 02170 Espoo 17, Finland. 15 Iv 85
Rapid recentdevelopmentsin researchintocognitiveprocesses
have drawn attentionnot only to the observation,organisaof knowledgebut also
tion,memorisation,
and interpretation
to theroleof imageryin theseprocesses.The resultsof cognitive science would appear to providegreatpotentialforthe
examinationof the relationshipbetweenmythicimageryand
visionaryexperiences.Traditionalvisions,familiarabove all
in religio-magicalcontexts,are shaped accordingto the cultural schemesrelatingto these experiences.Noll's article,in
whichvisionsare examinedas theoutcomeofconsciousmental
fruitimagerycultivation,providesa new and unquestionably
fulstartingpointforthe studyof bothshamanisticand other
visionary experiences.
The initiationof a shaman includesa periodduringwhich

the novice studies and internalisesthe shamanistictradition
of
and formsa mentalimageof thespiritsand thetopography
the otherworld. The tales recountedby individualshamans
indicatethatNoll's theorythattheinitiateconsciouslytriesto
increasethevividnessofhis visual mentalimagerywhileat the
same timestrivingtowardsthe controlof theseexperiencesis
indeedvalid. Concentration
on theimageryofthespiritworld,
means,is a signifialong withother,e.g., neurophysiological,
cant inducerof tranceduringthe seance. In comparingthe
shamanistictranceto the Westernalteredstate of consciousness achievedwiththe aid of hypnosis,I referred
to the point
in questionby speaking,in the mannerof Shor (1959), of a
special orientationthat supersedes the generalisedreality
is cut
orientation.
The shaman'sgeneralisedrealityorientation
offby means of suitableritualrequisites,the extinguishing
of
thelights,and thenoiseofacceleratingdrumming.Its place is
takenbya specialorientation,
a worldcreatedbytheshamanic
tradition,fantasiesof supranormalbeingsand theirdwelling
places (Siikala 1978:333). Noll formulatesthe natureof this
special orientationmore preciselyby speaking of enhanced
mentalimagery.
Noll's articleraises a numberof interesting
researchproblems. Nevertheless,I wish to look firstat the greatestlimitationsharedby the bulk of Westernresearchintoshamanism.
In the articleshamanismis conceivedof as a homogeneous
phenomenoncharacterisedby visionaryexperiencesand soul
Noll: THE
ROLE OF VISIONS
IN SHAMANISM
flightin the course of trance.I have on a previousoccasion

attemptedto show thatthemeetingwiththespiritsduringthe
seance and the formsof trancevaried even in the "classical"
shamanismof Siberia and CentralAsia. In workingtowards
variouspracticalgoals, the shamanmustalways,throughhis
spirithelpers,makecontactwiththeotherworld.This he does
in one ofseveralwaysdictatedbythebelieftradition.In northwesternand northernSiberia we findvisionarytranceconidea, in centraland easternSiberia
nectedwiththe soul-flight
possessiontrancebased on pronouncedmotoricactivity.The
shamanin CentralAsia may meetthespiritsat the shamanistype;in thiscase
ingsite,and notonlyin seancesofsoul-flight
visionsand auditionsplay a considerablerole.In northeastern
Siberia, on the otherhand, the shaman may, by means of
and varioustricks,givetheaudiencetheimpresventriloquism
sionthatthereis a largeband ofspiritspresentat theseance. It
thatduringtheseancetheSiberianand
shouldbe remembered
CentralAsian shamandoes notmerelyprojecthimselfintothe
spiritworld but retainscontactas necessarywiththosepresent. The extentto which he has to allow for his audience
in whichthespiritworldis
theway and theintensity
influences
a question
manifestand thedepthofhis trance.It is ultimately
this
betweentheshamanand hissupporters;
oftherelationship
is in turndeterminedby the social organisationof the ethnic
groupin question,its culture,etc. Althoughvisionaryexperiences do occupya leading positionduringthe initiationof a
Siberianshaman,theirimportanceand theirnaturevaryin the
regions.
seance traditionsof different
I do not considerthe concept "state of shamanisticconsciousness"a happy choice. "State of consciousness"refersto
"shamanistic"to specialforms
functions,
man'spsychophysical
of tradition.All mannerof alteredstatesof consciousness,beginningwithsleep, can be shamanisticin theirtraditioncontent. On the otherhand, visionarystates of trancesuch as
those encounteredin shamanismcan also be foundin other
culturalcontexts.Noll's approachis bestsuitedto thestudyof
questionis
visionarytrance.One interesting
imagery-oriented
then the relationshipbetweenintensiveimageryand trance.
How does one proceedfrommentalimageryin a wakingstate
to thevisionsofwhatare thoughtto be "real"eventscharacteristicoftrance?What is thepositionofmentalimagerycultivation in trance techniquesinvolvingsensorydeprivationor
The latterembraceshamanpowerfulsensorybombardment?
isticpossessiontrances,whichare characterisedby thevirtual
or totalabsence of hallucinations.
We should, in accountingforthe mechanismsbehindshamanisticvisions,pay special attentionto the relationshipbetween the shamanistictraditionand the shaman's imagery.
Shamanisticnarrativesand songs are made up of mythical
imagery.From theseinitiatesdraw the motifsboth fortheir
visionsand fortheirsongs,whichobservetraditionalschemes.
For example, the visions of Samoyed shamans followtradiand theircontent.It is also
tionalmodelsin boththeirstructure
of notethatduringhis initiationperiodthe novicemustlearn
whathe sees; he must"guess"whateach elementof
to interpret
a visionrepresents.It seemsobviousthatthenovice,possibly
undertheguidanceofan oldershaman,selectsfromthestream
ofimageryitemsthatbear shamanisticmeaning.Throughreche bringsthe image into focus,
ognitionand interpretation
gives it life,and develops it, formythicimages of the other
information
complexes.For
worldare made up of frame-type
example,traditionhas it thatthereis an anvil and firein the
dwellingofthesmithspiritsconductingthemysticinitiationof
the Samoyedshaman and thatthespiritsdissectand reassemble the shaman's body. Through this image-recognitionthe initiateis able to experienceever widening
interpretation
experiences
fieldsoftraditionin hismind.Sincetherecognition
itis easyto recalltheirimagesat some
are feltto be significant,

1985
455
later date. In fact, I assume that the controllednessof the

experiencedvisual imagerymentionedby Noll simplyrefersto
storeof
thefactthattheinitiategraduallyacquiresa sufficient
visual skillsconnectedwiththe shamanisticworld-presages
of shamanisticobservations.As the shaman seekingtrance
on theseimagesto the pointthathis generalised
concentrates
realityorientationvanishes, these presages come to be real
"observations"in his alteredstateof consciousness.
byIRItNE S. VASQUEZ and BARBARAW. LEX

The Mary IngrahamBuntingInstitute,RadcliffeCollege,10
GardenSt., Cambridge,Mass. 02138/Harvard-McLean
Alcoholand DrugAbuseResearchCenter,DepartmentofPsychiatry,HarvardMedical School and McLean Hospital,115
Mill St., Belmont,Mass. 02178, U.S.A. 12 Iv 85
We are puzzled over theraisond'etreofthispiece. It abounds
with unsupportedglobal statementsand internalcontradictionsthatundermineitsarguments.Moreover,it uses theliterature selectivelyto advance its basic premise.In an earlier
forlayingto rest
paperNoll (1983)establishedthegroundwork
the long-belaboredcontentionthatshamanismlargelyresides
in the domain of "schizophrenic"behavior.That articlealso
employeda notionof a ubiquitous"shamanic state of consciousness" that appeared to draw legitimacyfrom 19thof the"psychicunityofmankind."One of
centuryreifications
us (Lex 1984)has alreadypointedout thatthebiophysiological
statesattainedby personslabeledshamansare unlikelyto constitutea unitaryand sharplydelimitedphenomenon.Without
empiricaldata, a "biological constant"cannot be assumed
(Wallace 1975). For example, evidence is accumulatingfor
cross-culturaldifferencesin metabolismand sensitivityto
drugs affectingthe centralnervoussystemthat can only be
(Murphy1969,
explainedby subtleneurohumoraldifferences
Binderand Levy 1981).
In his currenteffortNoll marshalls a concatenationof
sources describinga wide array of disparate phenomenato
claim thatthe uniformgoal of shamanicpracticesis foundin
the processof strivingto attainand manipulateenhancedvisual mentalimagery.Thus mentalimagery-but onlyof the
visual sort-is presentedas theteleologicalcoreofshamanism.
Several aspects of thisapproach are particularly
troublesome
to studentsof religion.It is culture-boundinsofaras it perpetuatescommon-parlance
(i.e., idiomaticto English)expressionsof sensory,cognitive,and affectiveapprehensionvia the
visual mode (e.g., it is instructive
to considerthe sensorydifferencebetween "I see what you mean" and "I grasp your
of"mentalimagidea"). The absenceofoperationaldefinitions
ery,""alteredstatesof consciousness,"or even "shamanism"
and thusthegoal of shamanicpraccompoundsthedifficulty,
ticesis lost.
As we understandthe classic disquisitionson shamanism,
someof whichNoll himselfcites,thegoal ofshamanismhas a
numberof interrelatedbiological,psychological,social, and
culturalaspects(cf. Katz 1982). Selectionofone sensorymode
forexaminationmayserveas a heuristicto illuminatethecomplexitiesof shamanicpracticesand social roles. Choosingenhanced visual mentalimageryas theprimeintentionof shamanic endeavor, however, decontextualizesshamanic acts,
turnsperformance
intomechanicalbehavior,and emptiesshamanic traditionsof symbolicmeaning.While theremay be
some virtuein examiningthe "vividness"(intensity)
or "controlledness"
lack of op(techniques)of actual visualexperience,
oftheir
erationaldefinitions,
cogentand exclusiveillustrations
applications,and strictdocumentationof the rules of performance makes the purposeof thispaper opaque.
byMICHAEL WINKELMAN
School ofSocial Sciences, UniversityofCalifornia,Irvine,
Calif. 92717, U.S.A. 9 iv 85
Noll's considerationof psychophysiological
statesinducedby
mentalimagerycultivationis important,but concernwithvisions to the exclusionof auditoryimageryhas limitedhis perceptionoftheimportanceofmentalimagery.In differentiating
visual-based trance states or altered states of consciousness
fromthose involvingauditoryphenomena,Noll has overlooked the psychophysiological
similaritiesof tranceswithvisual and auditoryexperiences(see Lex 1979, Mandel 1980,
Winkelman 1984b) and the importanceof altered states of
consciousnessin traditionswhich cultivatemental imagery.
He suggeststhat the relationshipbetween mental imagery
and magico-religious
traditionsappears to hold regardlessof
societalcomplexity.
Althoughshamanic-type
visionsare found
in manysocieties,theyare typicalof simplersocieties,while
possessiontrance,whichtendsto involveauditoryperceptions,
is typicalofmorecomplexones (Bourguignon1968).Whysimilar traditions
shouldspecializewithrespectto sensorymodality
is an importantresearchquestion.
Noll contendsthatalteredstatesofconsciousnessare means
forenhancingmentalimagery,notends in themselves.He suggeststhattheadaptivevalue ofmentalimagerylies in improvingmnemonicfunction,providingorganizationin retention
of
mythologicalbeliefsand otherculturallyrelevantmaterials.
Mentalimageryin shamanictraditions
to improve
mayfunction
memory,but it has a moreimportantrole in inducingtrance
statesto facilitatehealingand divination.
Evans-Wentz(1978[1935])points out that yogic traditions
use visualizationto induce alteredstatesof consciousnessand
reversaldiscussed
develop psychicabilities.The field-ground
by Noll as a mentalimagerytechniqueprovidesan internal
focus of attentionwhich is characteristicof altered states,
theirinduction.Noll suggeststhat techniquesfor
facilitating
enhancingmentalimageryactivateunconsciousnonvolitional
levels of psychophysiology
and that shamans are selectedon
thebasis of theirabilityto experiencementalimages.He does
not, however,considerthe physiologicalchangesor the temthat accountforindividualdifferperamentalpredispositions
ences in mentalimagery.Researchsuggeststhatmanyfactors
contributeto visionaryexperiencesthroughinductionof hyslow-wavedischargesfromthe hippocampalpersynchronous
septalareas ofthetemporallobe (see Mandel 1980,Winkelman
1984b).These factorsincludethedeliberateinductionofvisual
imageryand unifyvisual and auditory-basedalteredstatesof
consciousnessin termsofa commonpsychophysiological
basis.
Noll pointsto two inextricably
relatedfunctionsof magicoreligioustraditions,healingand divination,and suggeststhat
mental imageryis used firstdiagnosticallyand secondlyin
healing. Cross-culturalresearch on magico-religiouspractitioners(Winkelman1984b)confirms
the centralroleof healingand divinationin shamanicpracticeand illustratesthatall
practitionersengagingin trainingfor altered states of consciousnessdo healingand divination,suggestinga functional
relationshipbetweenalteredstatesand theseactivities.Since
healing and divination are performedby magico-religious
practitioners
usingalteredstatesofconsciousnessbut notmental imagery,mentalimagerycannotbe central.
Noll correctlysuggeststhatmentalimagerycultivationhas
adaptiveconsequencesas a mnemonicdevice,buthe overlooks
moreimportantaspects. Why would the shaman, whose primaryfunctionsare healingand divination,engage in mental
imagerytrainingto improvememoryskills,whichappearto be
The centralroleofhealingand divination
secondaryfunctions?
functions
suggeststhatmentalimagerytraininghas important
otherthan enhancingthe shaman's memory.Productionof
mentalimageryapparentlyhas functional
effects
in facilitating
healingand divination.Noll pointsout thatenhancedvisual
CU RR E NT
A NT HR OP OL OG Y
imagerymay facilitatedivination,and Myers(1903) indicated

thatimageryprovidedthemeansofbringingunconscioussymbols into consciousness.Laboratoryresearchindicates that
altered states of consciousnessfacilitatepsi (clairvoyance)
abilities(see Honorton1977 forreview),suggestingthat the
thealteredstatesof
adaptivevalue ofimageryis in facilitating
consciousnessthat improvereliabilityof divinatoryperceptions.Noll suggeststhatI did notelaborateon my 1982obserof magicalpractices.
vationthatvisualizationis characteristic
That discussiondid, however, referenceresearchindicating
physical
thatvisualizationis a successfulstrategyforaffecting
systemsthroughpsi (psychokinesis),suggesting,again, that
visual imageryhas an adaptive role in facilitating
healing.
it
Whilevisual imageryhas an importantadaptivefunction,
divinationand
is primarilyin facilitatingaltered-state-based
healingratherthanas a mnemonicaid. Viewingalteredstates
ofconsciousnessas basic permitsus to explaintherelationship
of tranceto healingand divinationin trancetraditionsusing
bothvisual and auditoryexperiences.
Reply
by RICHARD NOLL
Stratford, N.J., U.S.A. 13 v 85
I am gratefulto theinternational
scholgroupofdistinguished
ars who have commentedon my paper. For the mostpart I
findtheircriticisms
stimulating,
as mostare derivedfromconfrommy
ceptual contextswhose assumptionsare different
own. For example, the commentsof Bourguignon,Harner,
Honko, Hultkrantz,and Siikala arise froma primarilyethnologicalcontext,whereasVasquez and Lex and Winkelman
offera materialistic
critique.I am indeed"caughtin a psychologicalthoughtpattern,"as Hultkrantzobserves,and deliberatelyso.
In my analysisof shamanismas a formof mentalimagery
cultivationI have been guildedby one prevailingpassion: to
uncoverand describethe phenomenology
of shamanicexperience. I deliberatelylimitmy discussionto the shamans who
employ"imagery-oriented
visionarytrance,"as Siikala putsit,
in orderto draw attentionto theimportanceofmentalimagery
in the practiceof certainshamanictechniques.I do not deny
theimportancein shamanismof possessiontranceor theother
experiencedalteredstatesof consciousness.Nor do I denythe
betweenpsychoimportanceof the complexinterrelationship
logical,biological,social,and culturalvariablesin shamanism.
I examinein depththe major dimensionof shamanicexperience that is least understoodand perhaps most speculated
about and misinterpreted-visions.Far morescholarlyattention has been givento spiritpossessionand spiritmasteryin
termsofalteredstatesofconsciousness,roleplaying,etc., than
to visionaryexperience.Perhapsthisis because thepsychological literaturehas onlyrelativelyrecentlyprovidedtherichexperimentaldescriptionof mentalimagerythatcan serveas a
languageforexplicatingthatexperience.Whateveroperational
definition
is eventually(ifever)agreedupon, "mentalimagery"
is a usefulconceptforexaminingthephenomenology
ofhuman
experience.
kindcommentscame as a welcomesurprise,as
Achterberg's
her work with Frank Lawlis on the clinical applicationsof
in the
imagery-based
techniquesis amongthemostinteresting
field.I am lookingforwardto readingher new book, which,
fromherdescription,would appear to elaborateon theancient
traditionof healingwithimagerythatreceivesmodestattention in my paper. Bourguignon'scomplimentsare also much
appreciated,as are thoseof Krippner,Preston,and Kiefer.
Georgeis correctin assumingthatthehypothesized
relationship betweenmentalimagerycultivationand magico-medico-
Noll: THE
ROLE OF VISIONS
IN SHAMANISM
religioustraditionsimpliesthat"imaginalexperienceis vitalto
" In thisregardI have beeninfluenced
spiritualexploration.
not
references
to this
onlyby themanyhistoricaland ethnographic
relationship
but also by theworkofHenriCorbin,JamesHillman, and, in particular,C. G. Jung.Jung,himselfa "fantasy" is most appropriatelyread as a pheprone personality,
nomenologist-"imageis psyche"(Jung1967[1929]:50).Jung
feltthattheverypulse oflifewas somehowrepresented
by the
natural,spontaneousprocessesof mentalimagery:"So faras
our presentknowledgeextends,it would seem that the vital
and individualform
urgewhichexpressesitselfin thestructure
of thelivingorganismproducesin theunconscious,or is itself
such a process,whichon becomingpartiallyconsciousdepicts
itselfas a fugue-like
sequenceofimages"(Jung1966[1935]:1
1).
In Jung'sview the vibrantreportsof imageryin shamanic
accounts revealed an underlyingarchetypalstructurethat
confirmedthe "psychologicalinferencethat may be drawn
fromshamanisticsymbolism,namelythatit is a projectionof
theindividuationprocess,"and in thisregardhe compareditto
"philosophical"alchemy(Jung 1967[1945-54]:341).His conceptionof individuationwas one of a naturaltransformative
process nurturedby imagery-basedpsychotherapeutic
techniques (activeimagination)-in myterms,by mentalimagery
cultivation.
Harner's influence on my work is considerable. His
phenomenologicalapproach to shamanism-which I have
in understandadopted-is, I believe,ofparamountimportance
ing the ethnographicliterature.Indeed, his presentationon
shamanismbeforethe SovietAcademyof Sciencesin Moscow
in the summerof 1984 atteststo the growinginternational
interestin his work.That "left-brain
specialists"are poorvisualizerswas firstnoticedby Galtona centuryago in themental
imagerydeficitsof the "men of science":"They had no more
notionof itstruenaturethana colour-blindman, who has not
discernedhis defect,has of the natureof colour. They had a
mentaldeficiency
of whichtheywere unaware,and naturally
enough supposed that those who affirmedtheypossessed it,
were romancing"(Galton 1883:85).
Honko's interesting
proposalthatwhatI describeas mental
imagery"may be further
analysedas counter-roles
of the shaman" deservesfurther
study.In someways thisremindsme of
the largelyintrojected"internalobject world"of the Kleinian
object-relationstheorists.I stronglydisagreewith the statement, however, that "the concept of role . . . organises the
perceptualmaterials"ifHonko is implying
thatperceptualprocesses are essentiallystructured
by learning.This is a mistake
also made by Freud (1960[1923])in suggesting
thattheemerging ego is the organizationof the perceptualworld through
language. The experimentalstudiesof perceptionby the Gestaltpsychologists
thatorganizationis an a
have demonstrated
prioriconditionof consciousexperienceand not an effectof
learning(K6hler1947,Koffka1935). Honko, alongwithother
commentators
(Harner,Vasquez and Lex, Winkelman),criticizes theemphasison thevisual modalityat theexpenseofthe
othermodalities,particularly
audition.This emphasisis deliberate.Visual mentalimageryis byfarthemostcommontypeof
and historimageryexperiencementionedin theethnographic
ical literature,and the mentalimagerycultivationof magicoconcerned
religiouscomplexesseems to be disproportionately
withthevisual. In addition,thevast majorityofexperimental
studiesofmentalimageryis concernedwiththismodality.I do
not denythat auditoryimageryis important(see my n. 5) or
that it or any of the othermodalitiescan occur with visual
withtheethnographic,
imagery,butto be consistent
historical,
and experimental
literatures
I limitmydiscussionto thevisual
modality.
Hultkrantzand Siikalacriticizemyuse oftheword"shaman-
Vol. 26 *No. 4 *August-October1985

457
ism." Siikalacorrectly
takes"shamanism"in mypaperto mean
essentially"a homogeneousphenomenoncharacterisedby viin thecourseoftrance,"and
sionaryexperiencesand soul flight
Hultkrantzfindsthis"exasperating."I deliberatelyadopt this
(anthropologically)
extremepositionin orderto draw attention
to theprevalenceof mental-imagery-based
techniquesamong
many(notall) magico-religious
practitioners,
manyofwhomfit
thetraditional
"shaman"or "medicineman"labels. That imagery-basedtechniquesare used by ecstaticspecialistsamong
suchwidelydistributedpeoples as the Washo and theLakota
Sioux of North America, the Tukano of Colombia, the
Tamang of Nepal, the classic Siberian groups,the Kalahari
!Kungof Africa,and the AustralianAboriginespointsto the
valid generalizability
oftheconceptofshamanismas a formof
mentalimagerycultivation.It is truethatI sometimesblurthe
boundariesbetween the traditionalNorth Americanvisionquest complexesand classical Siberian shamanism,but this
the universality
blurringis aimed at demonstrating
of mental
imagerycultivationas a culturalphenomenon.In thisrespectI
submita humble mea culpa to my more seasoned scholarly
colleagues.However,althoughit is notclearfrommypaper,I
do not want to conveythe impressionthatI believe the only
visual mentalimageryexerciseconductedby shamansis soul
flight.The literatureis clear, as both Hultkrantzand Siikala
pointout, that a shaman can invoke spiritsand have them
"appear" (withoutpossession)and not embarkon a shamanic
journeyto do so. Spiritscan indeedbe summonedfordidactic
and divinatory
reasonswithouta "soul flight"scenario.If I am
guiltyofany scholarlycrime,it is theadoptionofan approach
thatsacrificessome specificity
forgeneralizability.
Hultkrantzchargesthat I have "omittedto discuss the influenceof drugs on the exerciseof mentalimagery."As my
intention
was to be as phenomenological
as possible,I did not
feel it appropriateto discuss specificneurophysiological
or
biochemicalfactorsin imageryproduction.However,relevant
references
are citedin n. 14.
viewVasquez and Lex representa "neuromythological"
point. For thema psychologicalprocessor experienceis not
"legitimate"
or "real"unlessneurophysiological
or biochemical
hypothesescan be formulatedto accountforit. Such analyses
can be of value. The problemis thatin thisrelativelyyoung
fieldof studydata are oftenprematurely
citedin an explanatorymode (hence,"neuromythologically".)
The richnessofhuman experienceis oftenlostin theseanalyses,and phenomena
may be ignoredfordecades untileven a tenuousmaterialistic
hypothesiscan be posited to explain them. Noam Chomsky
once observedthat the progressof science can be viewed as
simplythe translationof more and more metaphorsof the
mentalintothemetaphorsof thematerial.The problemspresentedby the phenomenaof humanexperiencedo notchange
overtime;what does changeis theculturallyderived,consensuallyacceptablebaselinemetaphoriclanguagethatis used to
describethem.In ourtimeand place causal explanationsbased
on materialistic-particularly
or biochemneurophysiological
ical-metaphors are grantedprimaryvalidity.I chosetheterm
"mentalimagery"forits utilityin phenomenological
analysis.
do I use it in a quasi-causal sense. Finke's
Only peripherally
(1980) use of it is similar-open-endedenoughnot to violate
the phenomenological
oftheconceptand yetcapable
integrity
of reductionto neurophysiological
function.Precisionforits
own sake is meaningless.Whetherthis rendersmy paper's
purpose"opaque" is a judgmentthatI can onlyleave to others.
Winkelmanlikewiseinterprets
my lack of materialisticreductionas a deficiency,
butI see thismoreas a misunderstanding producedby a conflictof perspectives.Winkelmansees
mentalimageryas facilitatingthe inductionof alteredstates
of consciousness,whereasI argue that the inductionof such
statesis a meansofproducingvividmentalimagery.(Krippner
agrees with me.) As evidence Winkelmancites his studies
of magico-religiouspractitionersand the parapsychological
458
Ganzfeldexperimentsof Honorton (1977). Having participated in Honorton'sexperimentsat the Psychophysiological

ResearchLaboratoryin Princeton,I wantto pointout thatthe
assumptionbehindthemis thatan alteredstateof consciousness facilitatesthe experienceof vivid imagery-the opposite
of what Winkelmanis claiming.I do not considerthe role of
and
mentalimageryin healingand divination"unimportant,"
I have not overlookedthisrelationship.However, I consider
the relationshipbetweenmentalimageryand memorymuch
betterdemonstratedin the experimentalliteraturethan that
has not
betweenmentalimageryand psi, sinceparapsychology
yetfounda consistentand reliableindependentvariable that
willproducepsi on demand.Honorton'sexcitingworkdemonstratesthatmentalimagerydoes play a rolein psi, confirming
Maimonides'sassertion."It is undoubtedlyclear and evident
thatmostprophesiesare givenin images,forthisis thecharacteristicof the imaginativefaculty,the organ of prophecy"
(Maimonides1956[1191]:247).
evidenceof mental
One closingnote: I have foundfurther
imagerycultivationas a culturalphenomenonin MacDermot's
(1971) The Cult oftheSeer in theAncientMiddle East. MacDermotanalyzes the hagiographicliteratureof Coptic Egypt
and argues(p. 1) that"a
duringthe earlyrise of Christianity
featureof this period was the widespreadrise of cults, concernedwiththe promotionof seership."
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papersby C. J. Fulleron royaldivinityand humankinshipin
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Mental Imagery Cultivation as a Cultural Phenomenon: The Role of Visions in Shamanism [and

Comments and Reply]

Vol. 26, No. 4, August-October1985

? 1985 by The Wenner-Gren

Mental Imagery Cultivationas a Cultural

MENTAL IMAGERY in someform

definition(e.g., Bugelski 1971; Neisser 1972; A. Richardson

stitute,Big Sur, Calif., in February1984.

may findvaluable clues for

spontaneousexperienceof mentalimageryin daily life most

literatureexiststhatchroniclesthe incidenceof thisbasic human experiencein the West.

peciallythatproducedpriorto 1975,it is difficult

forme is not real foryou," a Washo shamantellsHandelman

Accordingto thisview, mentalimagescan stimulatevisual processing

Finke's "levels of equivalence"theoryhas profoundconsequences for our understandingof shamanism. Performing

be ableto haveclearand meaningful

'strongeye' is to have thefacultyofseeingspirits,oftheliving

shamanizes,he does notsee withhis bodilyeyesbutwiththese

Maddox (1923:44) reportsthat" 'trance'and 'ecstasy'are two

. they often, through error, receive a religious

sanction.This is notablythecase amonghalf-civilized

Imaginal conditioning. An operant-conditioning-based

the magnitude of those responses which are part of an affective

Subjects were presentedwith sample scripts,containingresponse

Vol. 26 * No. 4 * August-October

the subject experiencedhimselfbehaving duringimagery.Typical

torcesor agencies (spirits,uemons, gocs, etc.) tnat must De

. The ascent to the Milky Way is not easily accom-

THE FUNCTIONAL AND ADAPTIVE CULTURAL

IN MENTAL IMAGERY ABILITY

That thereare individualdifferences

personalities"may comprise4% of the population.These are

A universal feature of shamanism is the "magical flight"

In thevisionaryjourneysofshamans,a universalcharacteristicis thetraveloftheshaman's"soul" to different

Vol.26 *No. 4 *August-October

17 For example, "It is duringhis hallucinationsthat a paye can

Noll: THE ROLE OF VISIONS IN SHAMANISM

CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS

The Ohio State University,

In introducingthe conceptof mentalimagerycultivationand

describestheprocessin theHealing ofMemoriesritualamong

Vol. 26 * No. 4 * August-October

image is the healingpresenceof Jesusin human form."The

sophisticationof Eastern civilizations(e.g., Guenther1976,

Anothermistakengeneralizationis the postulationthatthe

Shamanscan be describedas individuals(typicallyfromhunting-and-gathering

Vol.26 *No. 4 *August-October

reality,"bringingback powerand knowl

is correct.Here I would like to tryto modelbrieflya seriesof

Human Developmentand Aging Program, UniversityoJ

image,themorecloselyit approximatesa perceivedactuality.

The initiationof a shaman includesa periodduringwhich

flightin the course of trance.I have on a previousoccasion

Vol.26 *No. 4 *August-October

later date. In fact, I assume that the controllednessof the

byIRItNE S. VASQUEZ and BARBARAW. LEX

imagerymay facilitatedivination,and Myers(1903) indicated

Vol. 26 *No. 4 *August-October1985

Ganzfeldexperimentsof Honorton (1977). Having participated in Honorton'sexperimentsat the Psychophysiological

BRAUD, W. G. 1983. "Prolonged visualization practice and psy-

Noll: THE ROLE OF VISIONS IN SHAMANISM

Vol. 26 *No. 4 *August-October1985

HOLT, R. R. 1964. Imagery:The returnof the ostracized.American

Vol.26 No. 4 August-October

Vol.26 No. 4 August-October

Vol.26 No. 4 August-October

Vol. 26 No. 4 August-October1985

Vol. 26 No. 4 August-October1985