Francis Fukuyama

2 Education

Yoshihiro Francis Fukuyama (born October 27, 1952)

is an American political scientist, political economist, and
author. Fukuyama is known for his book The End of
History and the Last Man (1992), which argued that the
worldwide spread of liberal democracies and free market capitalism of the West and its lifestyle may signal the
end point of humanitys sociocultural evolution and become the nal form of human government. However,
his subsequent book Trust: Social Virtues and Creation
of Prosperity (1995) modied his earlier position to acknowledge that culture cannot be cleanly separated from
economics. Fukuyama is also associated with the rise
of the neoconservative movement,[2] from which he has
since distanced himself.[3]

Fukuyama received his Bachelor of Arts degree in

classics from Cornell University, where he studied
political philosophy under Allan Bloom.[8][11] He initially
pursued graduate studies in comparative literature at Yale
University, going to Paris for six months to study under
Roland Barthes and Jacques Derrida, but became disillusioned and switched to political science at Harvard
University.[8] There, he studied with Samuel P. Huntington and Harvey Manseld, among others. He earned
his Ph.D. in political science at Harvard for his thesis
on Soviet threats to intervene in the Middle East.[8][11]
In 1979, he joined the global policy think tank RAND
Fukuyama has been a Senior Fellow at the Center Corporation.[8]
on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law at Fukuyama has been aliated with the Telluride AssociStanford University since July 2010.[4] Before that, he ation since his undergraduate years at Cornell, an educaserved as a professor and director of the International tion enterprise that was home to other signicant leaders
Development program at the School of Advanced Inter- and intellectuals, including Steven Weinberg, Paul Wolnational Studies of the Johns Hopkins University. Pre- fowitz and Kathleen Sullivan.
viously, he was Omer L. and Nancy Hirst Professor of
Public Policy at the School of Public Policy at George Fukuyama was the Omer L. and Nancy Hirst Professor
of Public Policy in the School of Public Policy at George
Mason University.[4]
Mason University from 1996 to 2000. Until July 10,
He is a council member of the International Forum for 2010, he was the Bernard L. Schwartz Professor of InterDemocratic Studies founded by the National Endowment national Political Economy and Director of the Internafor Democracy and was a member of the Political Science tional Development Program at the Paul H. Nitze School
Department of the RAND Corporation.[5]
of Advanced International Studies of Johns Hopkins University in Washington, D.C. He is now Olivier Nomellini
Senior Fellow and resident in the Center on Democracy, Development, and the Rule of Law at the Freeman
Spogli Institute for International Studies at Stanford Uni1 Early life
versity.[11]
Francis Fukuyama was born in the Hyde Park neighborhood of Chicago. His paternal grandfather ed
the Russo-Japanese War in 1905 and started a shop
on the west coast before being interned in the Second
World War.[6] His father, Yoshio Fukuyama, a secondgeneration Japanese-American, was trained as a minister in the Congregational Church, received a doctorate
in sociology from the University of Chicago, and taught
religious studies.[7][8][9] His mother, Toshiko Kawata
Fukuyama, was born in Kyoto, Japan, and was the daughter of Shiro Kawata, founder of the Economics Department of Kyoto University and rst president of Osaka
City University.[10] Francis grew up in Manhattan as an
only child, had little contact with Japanese culture, and
did not learn Japanese.[7][8] His family moved to State
College, Pennsylvania in 1967.[10]

3 Writings
Fukuyama is best known as the author of The End of History and the Last Man, in which he argued that the progression of human history as a struggle between ideologies is largely at an end, with the world settling on liberal
democracy after the end of the Cold War and the fall of
the Berlin Wall in 1989. Fukuyama predicted the eventual global triumph of political and economic liberalism:
What we may be witnessing is not just the
end of the Cold War, or the passing of a particular period of postwar history, but the end
of history as such.... That is, the end point of
1

3
mankinds ideological evolution and the universalization of Western liberal democracy as
the nal form of human government.

Authors like Ralf Dahrendorf argued in 1990 that the essay gave Fukuyama his 15 minutes of fame, which will
be followed by a slide into obscurity.[12][13] He continued
to remain a relevant and cited public intellectual leading
American communitarian Amitai Etzioni to declare him
one of the few enduring public intellectuals. They are often media stars who are eaten up and spat out after their
15 minutes. But he has lasted.[14]
One of the main reasons for the massive criticism against
The End of History was the aggressive stance that it took
towards postmodernism. Postmodern philosophy had,
in Fukuyamas opinion, undermined the ideology behind
liberal democracy, leaving the western world in a potentially weaker position.[15] The fact that Marxism and fascism had been proven untenable for practical use while
liberal democracy still thrived was reason enough to embrace the hopeful attitude of the Progressive era, as this
hope for the future was what made a society worth struggling to maintain. Postmodernism, which, by this time,
had become embedded in the cultural consciousness, offered no hope and nothing to sustain a necessary sense
of community, instead relying only on lofty intellectual
premises.[16] Being a work that both praised the ideals
of a group that had fallen out of favor and challenged
the premises of the group that had replaced them, it was
bound to create some controversy.
Fukuyama has written a number of other books, among
them Trust: The Social Virtues and the Creation of Prosperity and Our Posthuman Future: Consequences of the
Biotechnology Revolution. In the latter, he qualied
his original end of history thesis, arguing that since
biotechnology increasingly allows humans to control their
own evolution, it may allow humans to alter human nature, thereby putting liberal democracy at risk.[17] One
possible outcome could be that an altered human nature
could end in radical inequality. He is a erce enemy of
transhumanism, an intellectual movement asserting that
posthumanity is a desirable goal.
In another work, The Great Disruption: Human Nature
and the Reconstruction of Social Order, Fukuyama explores the origins of social norms, and analyses the current disruptions in the fabric of our moral traditions,
which he considers as arising from a shift from the manufacturing to the information age. This shift is, he thinks,
normal and will prove self-correcting, given the intrinsic
human need for social norms and rules.

WRITINGS

In 2008, Fukuyama published the book Falling Behind:

Explaining the Development Gap Between Latin America
and the United States, which resulted from research and a
conference funded by Grupo Mayan to gain understanding on why Latin America, once far wealthier than North
America, fell behind in terms of development in only
a matter of centuries. Discussing this book at a 2009
conference, Fukuyama outlined his belief that inequality within Latin American nations is a key impediment
to growth. An unequal distribution of wealth, he stated,
leads to social upheaval, which then results in stunted
growth.[18]

3.1 Neoconservatism
As a key Reagan Administration contributor to the formulation of the Reagan Doctrine, Fukuyama is an important gure in the rise of neoconservatism, although his
works came out years after Irving Kristol's 1972 book
crystallized neoconservatism.[19] Fukuyama was active in
the Project for the New American Century think tank
starting in 1997, and as a member co-signed the organizations 1998 letter recommending that President Bill Clinton support Iraqi insurgencies in the overthrow of thenPresident of Iraq Saddam Hussein.[20] He was also among
forty co-signers of William Kristols September 20, 2001
letter to President George W. Bush after the September
11, 2001 attacks that suggested the U.S. not only capture
or kill Osama bin Laden", but also embark upon a determined eort to remove Saddam Hussein from power
in Iraq.[21]
In a New York Times article from February 2006,
Fukuyama, in considering the ongoing Iraq War, stated:
What American foreign policy needs is not a return to
a narrow and cynical realism, but rather the formulation
of a 'realistic Wilsonianism' that better matches means to
ends.[22] In regard to neoconservatism he went on to say:
What is needed now are new ideas, neither neoconservative nor realist, for how America is to relate to the rest of
the world ideas that retain the neoconservative belief in
the universality of human rights, but without its illusions
about the ecacy of American power and hegemony to
bring these ends about.[22]

3.2 Fukuyamas current views

Fukuyama began to distance himself from the neoconservative agenda of the Bush administration, citing its excessive militarism and embrace of unilateral armed intervention, particularly in the Middle East. By late 2003,
Fukuyama had voiced his growing opposition to the Iraq
[23]
and called for Donald Rumsfeld's resignation as
In 2006, in America at the Crossroads, Fukuyama dis- War
Secretary
of Defense.[24]
cusses the history of neoconservatism, with particular focus on its major tenets and political implications. He out- At an annual dinner of the American Enterprise Institute
lines his rationale for supporting the Bush administration, in February 2004, Dick Cheney and Charles Krauthammer declared the beginning of a unipolar era under Ameras well as where he believes it has gone wrong.

3
ican hegemony. All of these people around me were Fukuyama announced the end of the neoconservative mocheering wildly,[25] Fukuyama remembers. He believes ment and argued for the demilitarization of the War on
that the Iraq War was being blundered. All of my friends Terrorism:[28]
had taken leave of reality.[25] He has not spoken to Paul
Wolfowitz (previously a good friend) since.[25]
[W]ar is the wrong metaphor for the
broader struggle, since wars are fought at full
Fukuyama declared he would not be voting for Bush,[26]
intensity and have clear beginnings and endand that the Bush administration had made three major
ings. Meeting the jihadist challenge is more
mistakes:
of a long, twilight struggle [quoting John
F. Kennedys inaugural address] whose core is
Overstating the threat of radical Islam to the US
not a military campaign but a political contest
for the hearts and minds of ordinary Muslims
Failing to foresee the erce negative reaction to its
around the world.
benevolent hegemony. From the very beginning
showing a negative attitude toward the United Nations and other intergovernmental organizations and Fukuyama endorsed Barack Obama in the 2008 US pres[29]
not seeing that it would increase anti-Americanism idential election. He states:
in other countries
I'm voting for Barack Obama this Novem Misjudging what was needed to bring peace in Iraq
ber for a very simple reason. It is hard to imagand being overly optimistic about the success with
ine a more disastrous presidency than that of
which social engineering of western values could be
George W. Bush. It was bad enough that he
applied to Iraq and the Middle East in general.
launched an unnecessary war and undermined
the standing of the United States throughout
the world in his rst term. But in the waning
Fukuyama believes the US has a right to promote its own
days of his administration, he is presiding over
values in the world, but more along the lines of what he
a collapse of the American nancial system and
calls realistic Wilsonianism", with military intervention
broader economy that will have consequences
only as a last resort and only in addition to other measures.
for years to come. As a general rule, democraA latent military force is more likely to have an eect
cies don't work well if voters do not hold pothan actual deployment. The US spends 43% of global
litical parties accountable for failure. While
military spending,[27] but Iraq shows there are limits to
John McCain is trying desperately to pretend
its eectiveness.
that he never had anything to do with the ReThe US should instead stimulate political and economic
publican Party, I think it would be a travesty
development and gain a better understanding of what hapto reward the Republicans for failure on such a
pens in other countries. The best instruments are setting
grand scale.
a good example and providing education and, in many
cases, money. The secret of development, be it political or economic, is that it never comes from outsiders,
but always from people in the country itself. One thing 4 Aliations
the US proved to have excelled in during the aftermath
Between 2006 and 2008, Fukuyama advised
of World War II was the formation of international inMuammar Gadda as part of the Monitor Group,
stitutions. A return to support for these structures would
a consultancy rm based in Cambridge, MA.[30]
combine American power with international legitimacy.
But such measures require a lot of patience. This is the
In August 2005, Fukuyama co-founded The Amercentral thesis of his 2006 work America at the Crossroads.
ican Interest, a quarterly magazine devoted to the
In a 2006 essay in The New York Times Magazine strongly
broad theme of America in the World. He is curcritical of the invasion, he identied neoconservatism
rently chairman of the editorial board.[11]
[28]
with Leninism. He wrote that neoconservatives:
Fukuyama was a member of the RAND Corporation's Political Science Department from 1979 to
believed that history can be pushed along
1980, 1983 to 1989, and 1995 to 1996. He is now
with the right application of power and will.
a member of the Board of Trustees.[11]
Leninism was a tragedy in its Bolshevik version, and it has returned as farce when prac Fukuyama was a member of the Presidents Council
ticed by the United States. Neoconservatism,
on Bioethics from 2001 to 2004.[11]
as both a political symbol and a body of
Fukuyama is a Fellow of the World Academy of Art
thought, has evolved into something I can no
and Science (WAAS).
longer support.

7 SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY
Fukuyama is on the steering committee for the
Scooter Libby Legal Defense Trust.[31] Fukuyama
is a long-time friend of Libby. They served together
in the State Department in the 1980s.
During the 2008 Presidential Election, Fukuyama
endorsed Democratic candidate Barack Obama who
went on to win the Presidential Election.[32]
Fukuyama is a member of the Board of Counselors
for the Pyle Center of Northeast Asian Studies at the
National Bureau of Asian Research.[33]
Fukuyama is on the board of Global Financial Integrity.

The Great Disruption: Human Nature and the Reconstitution of Social Order. Free Press. 1999. ISBN
0-684-84530-X
Our Posthuman Future: Consequences of the
Biotechnology Revolution. New York, NY: Farrar,
Straus and Giroux. 2002. ISBN 0-374-23643-7
State-Building: Governance and World Order in the
21st century. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.
2004. ISBN 0-8014-4292-3
America at the Crossroads: Democracy, Power, and
the Neoconservative Legacy. New Haven, CT: Yale
University Press. 2006. ISBN 0-300-11399-4 US
edition

After the Neo Cons: Where the Right went Wrong.

London: Prole Books. 2006. ISBN 1-86197-9223 UK edition

Fukuyama is on the executive board of the InterAmerican Dialogue.

Personal life

Fukuyama is a part-time photographer. He also has a

keen interest in early-American furniture, which he reproduces by hand.[34] He is keenly interested in sound
recording and reproduction, saying, These days I seem
to spend as much time thinking about gear as I do analyzing politics for my day job.[25]

Falling Behind: Explaining the Development Gap between Latin America and the United States (editor).
New York, NY: Oxford University Press. 2008.
ISBN 978-0-19-536882-6
The Origins of Political Order. New York, NY: Farrar, Straus and Giroux. 2011. ISBN 978-1-84668256-8
Political Order and Political Decay: From the Industrial Revolution to the Globalization of Democracy.
New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux. 2014. ISBN
978-0-374-22735-7

Fukuyama is married to Laura Holmgren, whom he met

when she was a UCLA graduate student after he started
working for the RAND Corporation.[8][11] He dedicated
his book Trust: The Social Virtues and the Creation of
Prosperity to her. They live in California, with their three
7.3
children, Julia, David, and John away in school.

See also
Daniel Bell

Essays

The End of History?, The National Interest, Summer

1989
Women and the Evolution of World Politics, Foreign
Aairs October 1998
Immigrants and Family Values, The Immigration
Reader 1998. ISBN 1-55786-916-2

Selected bibliography

7.1

Scholarly works (partial list)

The Soviet Union and Iraq since 1968, Rand research

report, 1980

7.2

Books

Human Nature and the Reconstruction of Social Order, The Atlantic Monthly, May 1999
Social capital and civil society, paper prepared for
delivery at the International Monetary Fund Conference on Second Generation Reforms, October 1,
1999
The neoconservative moment, The National Interest,
Summer 2004

The End of History and the Last Man. Free Press,

1992. ISBN 0-02-910975-2

After neoconservatism, The New York Times Magazine, February 19, 2006

Trust: The Social Virtues and the Creation of Prosperity. Free Press, 1995. ISBN 0-02-910976-0

Supporters voice now turns on Bush, The New York

Times Magazine, March 14, 2006

5
Why shouldn't I change my mind?, Los Angeles
Times, April 9, 2006
The Fall of America, Inc. Newsweek, October 13,
2008
The New Nationalism and the Strategic Architecture
of Northeast Asia Asia Policy January 2007
Left Out, The American Interest, January 2011
Is China Next?, The Wall Street Journal, March 12,
2011
The Future of History; Can Liberal Democracy Survive the Decline of the Middle Class?, Foreign Affairs, January/February 2012
What is Governance? Governance (journal), March
2013

See also
Biopolitics
Brave New World argument

[10] Ford-Grilliparzer. Encyclopedia of World Biography 6

(2nd ed.). Detroit, MI: Gale Research. 1998. ISBN 9780-7876-2546-7. Retrieved Mar 17, 2011.
[11] Francis Fukuyama. The Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies at Stanford University. Stanford University. Retrieved March 9, 2011.
[12] Dahrendorf (1990) Reections on the revolution in Europe
p. 37
[13] Luciano Canfora La grande illusione del capitalismo
eterno preface to Ercolani, Paolo La storia innita. Marx,
il liberalismo e la maledizione di Nietzsche quotation:
Quanto detto sin qui pu forse bastare a
non prendere sul serio saggi troppo fortunati
(ma gi quasi avviati al dimenticatoio) come
La ne della storia del nippo-statunitense
Fukuyama. Libro che, comunque, stato
ampiamente stroncato per le sciocchezze
che contiene: e non gi da tardi epigoni del
marxismo-leninismo, ma da loso 'liberal'
come Dahrendorf, il quale ha anche avuto il
buon senso di elencare gli errori di fatto (tali
da mettere in forse il conseguimento della
maturit classica"!) che il troppo fortunato
libretto contiene.

Obama Republican
[14] Wroe, Nicholas (May 10, 2002). Historys Pallbearer.
The Guardian. Guardian Media Group.

References

[1] The Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies at

Stanford University. Fsi.stanford.edu. Retrieved 19 August 2013.
[2] Thies, Cliord (2011-06-24) The End of Hystery? Francis Fukuyamas Review of The Constitution of Liberty,
Mises Institute
[3] Interview with Ex-Neocon Francis Fukuyama: A Model
Democracy Is not Emerging in Iraq"". SPIEGEL ONLINE.
March 22, 2006. Retrieved October 14, 2014.

[15] 'Francis Fukuyama, Reections on the End of History,

Five Years Later, History and Theory 34, 2: World Historians and Their Critics (May 1995): 43.
[16] 'Francis Fukuyama, Reections on the End of History,
Five Years Later, History and Theory 34, 2: World Historians and Their Critics (May 1995): 36.
[17] For a critical analysis of Fukuyamas bioethical argument,
see: Jordaan, D. W. (2009). Antipromethean Fallacies:
A Critique of Fukuyamas Bioethics. Biotechnology Law
Report 28 (5): 577590. doi:10.1089/blr.2009.9915.

[4] Francis Fukuyama. Francis Fukuyama. Stanford Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies.

[18] Ryan Weddle (2009-02-18).

Fukuyama: Social
Agenda Needed to Combat Poverty in Latin America.
Devex. Retrieved 2009-02-19.

[5] Francis Fukuyama International Forum for Democratic Studies Research Council Member. National Endowment for Democracy. Retrieved 23 November 2014.

[19] Irving Kristol (1972), On the Democratic Idea in America,

New York: Harper.

[6] Francis Fukuyama: 'Americans are not very good at

nation-building'". the Guardian. Retrieved October 14,
2014.

[20] Abrams, Elliott; et al. (1998-01-26). Letter to President

Clinton on Iraq (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF)
on 2005-10-09. Retrieved 2008-08-16.

[7] Wade, Nicholas (Apr 2, 2002). A Dim View of a

'Posthuman Future'". The New York Times. Retrieved
Mar 17, 2011.

[21] Letter to President Bush on the War on Terrorism.

Project for the New American Century. Archived from the
original on 2004-12-30.

[8] Wroe, Nicholas (May 11, 2002). Historys pallbearer.

The Guardian. Retrieved Mar 17, 2011.

[22] Fukuyama, Francis (2006-02-19). After Neoconservatism. The New York Times. Retrieved 2010-05-02.

[9] Fukuyama, Francis (Oct 7, 1999). Fukuyama 101. Interview with Ben Wattenberg. Think Tank. PBS. Washington, D.C. Retrieved Mar 17, 2011.

[23] Francis Fukuyama (2004-06-01). The Neoconservative

Moment (PDF). The National Interest. Retrieved 200705-13.

10

[24] Fukuyama Withdraws Bush Support. Todays Zaman.

2004-07-14. Retrieved 2007-05-13.
[25] Bast, Andrew (April 10, 2011). The Beginning of History. Newsweek. Retrieved May 5, 2011.
[26] Andrew Billen (2004-07-14). Why I won't vote for
George Bush. The Times (London). Retrieved 2007-0513.
[27] The 15 countries with the highest military expenditure in
2009. Retrieved May 5, 2011.
[28] Francis Fukuyama (2006-02-19). After Neoconservatism. The New York Times Magazine. Retrieved 200705-13.
[29] Francis Fukuyama (2008-11-03). Francis Fukuyama.
The American Conservative. Retrieved 2008-10-30.
[30] Pilkington, Ed (March 4, 2011). US rm Monitor Group
admits mistakes over $3m Gadda deal. Guardian. Retrieved March 25, 2011.
[31] Lewis, Neil A. (2006-02-03). Defense Fund Raises
Money in Libby Case. The New York Times. Retrieved
2007-05-13.
[32] The End of History, and Back Again, The Sydney Morning Herald. Retrieved on 2008-05-27.
[33] Pyle Center for Northeast Asian Studies, the National Bureau of Asian Research.
[34] Fukuyama, Francis (2009-06-07). Making Things
Work. The New York Times. Retrieved 2010-05-02.

10

External links

Francis Fukuyamas blog at The American Interest

Islam and America... Friends or Foes?
Appearances on C-SPAN
Booknotes interview with Fukuyama on The
End of History and the Last Man, February 9,
1992
ANU Public Lecture Series MP3 of a public lecture by Fukuyama titled The Missing Dimension of
Stateness delivered at The Australian National University, December 15, 2006
Francis Fukuyama explains his last book: The Origins of Political Order

EXTERNAL LINKS

11
11.1

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Robbot, Sdedeo, Moncrief, Henrygb, Clngre, Sekicho, Wereon, Albatross2147, Centrx, JamesMLane, Graeme Bartlett, Wilfried Derksen,
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