1996 Collectors World Archaeology

Journal of WorldPrehistoty, VoL 10, No: 1, 1996
The Study of Collector Variability in the

Transition to Sedentary Food Producers in
Northern Colombia
Augusto Oyuela-Caycedo 1
Human adaptation to the tropics by populations of collectors has been a

long-standing issue of debate, especially with regard to the role that collectors
may have played in pathways toward sedentism and food production. In this
essay, I examine significant differences in strategies developed for estuarine
environments versus the inland environments of the transitional savannas of
northern Colombia to analyze how these two adaptations articulate with the
processes which led toward sedentism and food production in neotropical
northern Colombia. Contrary to the received wisdom, I argue that the
exploitation of rich estuarine environments is not necessarily a prelude to food
production; seed exploitation early in the sixth millennium B.P. in the northern
Colombian transitional savanna zone provides a second and arguably more
probable model.
KEY WORDS: Colombia;shell middens;early pottery; estuary;savanna.
INTRODUCTION
The study of shell midden collectors in Colombia began with the research of Gerardo Reichel Dolmatoff and Alicia Dussan de Reichel in the
1950s. Since then, the accumulation of archaeological data and environmental studies have made it possible to advance the understanding of collectors' patterns of adaptation in northwestern South America. This essay
concentrates on, and compares, the adaptive systems of coastal and inland
collectors. Following a description of shell middens produced by collectors
lDepartment of Archaeology,2500 University Drive NW, Universityof Calgary, Calgary,
Alberta, Canada T2N 1N4. e-mail: a0Yuelac@acs.ucalgary.ca.
49
0802-7537/~6/0300-0049509~5W0 0 1t)96 Plenum Pu'bl|ghinl~ Corporation
50
Oyuela-Caycedo
in estuarian environments, their distribution in time and space is reviewed

in order to define midden formation processes. I argue that the relationship
between shellfish collecting activities in rich environments such as estuaries
and their dynamic pulsar behavior undermines the view of the concept that
adaptation to shellfish collecting or fishing activities in very rich environments was a necessary stage for the development of food production or
even sedentism. The arguments are supported through an analysis of shell
midden sites in northern Colombia, which, in my view, indicate that estuary
exploitation is an independent adaptive pattern unlikely to have generated
food production trajectories.
The second part of this essay presents a summary of the recent inland
research conducted at San Jacinto 1, which has produced, for the first time,
hard evidence of early collector adaptations to a transitional savanna environment in northern Colombia. This evidence indicates complex strategies
of mobility and subsistence which, in turn, it can be argued, serve as a
good link to later changes toward food production, sedentism, and territoriality. San Jacinto 1 is best known as a site with one of the earliest fibertempered pottery traditions in the Americas (see Oyuela, 1987a, 1993, 1995;
Raymond et al., 1994; Hoopes, 1994).
Binford (1978, 1980) differentiates foraging from collecting subsistence
strategies; these correlate with the two strategies of residential mobility, as
opposed to logistic mobility. Foragers use strategies appropriate to immediate-return systems, while collectors are associated with immediate- and/or
delayed-return systems (Testart, 1982). The high mobility of foragers and
a more regular daily food procurement are expected to attract low-bulk
inputs. Variability between camps is likely to be related with the seasonal
scheduling of activities. Collectors' activities should be more visible archaeologically; also, intrasite variability would be greater than is found in foragers' sites (see ethnographic case study by Meehan, 1982).
In considering why some populations choose residential mobility while
others prefer logistic mobility, Binford noted that such variation is related
to environmental variables. Mobility strategies (or combination of strategies) exhibited by hunter-gatherers are selected to cope with the structure
of food resources in a defined environment (also see Kelly, 1983, pp. 277,
1992). This argument holds that, since humans are energy-capturing systems, the organization of technology is applied to solving problems of coping with the energy-entropy structure. It is in this context that the process
of food production and/or the associated technology is placed. Significant
differences between different kinds of collectors emerge in a comparison
of adaptations to coastal estuarine environments and inland transitional savannas.
Collector Variability in Colombia
51
THE NORTHWEST OF SOUTH AMERICA: LA COSTA

COLOMBIANA
The Caribbean region of what is today the Republic of Colombia is
characterized by strong variability in amount of precipitation as well as in
topographic and physiographic structure. Considered to be the northern
lowlands of the Andean foldbelt (Fig. 1), the area has a high degree of
environmental diversity that ranges from very dry desert with dunes (Alta
Guajira), wetlands (Mompox Depression), and savannas (Bolivar) to cloud
forest and permanent glaciers (Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta). Previous
research on foragers and collectors has been concentrated almost exclusively on the Caribbean littoral. The recently completed inland San Jacinto
project interjects a new adaptive strategy and a new ecological zone into
the debates about paths to food production in this area.
In approaching the delineation of past adaptive strategies, the first
question to arise concerns the relationship of the present environment to
past conditions and charting the significant changes. It is clear that the
lowlands of northern Colombia have in fact been affected by significant
environmental changes. It is thought that human activities may have played
a role in the transformation of the faunal and floral distributions (see Parsons and Bowen, 1966; Gordon, 1957; Parsons, 1980; Oyuela, 1987b, Plazas
et al., 1993; Bray, 1995). It is generally accepted that past glacial activities
had little effect on temperature below an altitude of 2000 m. Past fluctuations in temperature are thought to be only 1 or 2~ above or below the
present-day normal (Van der Hammen, 1986, p. 57i). While temperature
was not seriously affected by areal or global climatic changes, other important ecological variables responded to upland climatic shifts with
changes in precipitation patterns, the volume of rivers, amount of sedimentation, and sea levels (see Thompson et al., 1985; Shimada et al., 1990).
Van der Hammen (1982, p. 62) proposes a close relationship between
low sea-level periods and savannas in the Quaternary (see also Wijmstra
and Van der Hammen, 1966). Based on research in Guyana and Surinam,
he concludes "It seems that low sea level and savannahs always go together" (Van der Hammen, 1983, p. 25). This seems to correlate with pollen
diagrams of Lake Valencia (Venezuela) and the Peten (Guatemala) (Markgraf, 1989, pp. 3-9). Low sea levels affect inland water table levels and the
drainage characteristics of soils (Back and Hanshaw, 1987). Evidence of a
correlation between drainage gradients of rivers and changes in sea level
has been obtained by studying variation in river levels of the Bajo Magdalena and Cauca-San J6rge rivers (Van der Hammen, 1983; Plazas et al.,
1993; Bray, 1995; cf. Wijmstra, 1967). Correlations between river and sealevel changes have even been made as far inland as the upper drainage
IV
Sinu
River
Monnil
Cauea River
ZONE
I Magdalena River
sar River
50
~~Rancheria
100 KI.
Fig. 1. General map of northern Colombia with zones of shell middens. Zone I, Cartagena and
Canal del Dique; Zone II, Gulf of Morrosquillo; Zone Ill, Isla de Salamanca, Cienaga Grande,
and Cienaga de Pajaral; Zone IV, Gulf of Urab~.
ZONE
I1
ZONE 1
Malambo
C':\I~III~I~EAN ,~E:\
t,,d
53
Table I. Approximate Climatic Dry and Wet
Periods Based on Low River Levels in the

Magdalena Valley, San J6rge-Cauca, Colombiaa
Dry periods
Wet periods
(a.e.)
(B.P.)
6900?
5560 to 5400
5400 to 4800
4800 to 4600
4100 to 4600
4100 to 3850
3850 to 2700
2700 to 2000
2000 to 1500
1500 to 1350
1350 to 750
750 to 650
650 to 450
450
"Data from Van der Hammen (1983, p.25); Van
der Hammen and Noldus (1986); Plazas et al.
(1993); Wijmstra (1967).
system of the Caqueta River, a tributary of the Amazon River (Van der
H a m m e n et al., 1991). In the Magdalena valley and the savanna lowlands
of northern Colombia, dry intervals have been identified in which the area
apparently assumed a more savanna-like character (Table I). Recently, the
validity of most of Van der H a m m e n ' s climatic sequence for the Holocene
has been confirmed by the ice-core records from Huascarfin, in northern
Peru. The record, especially from the dust in the ice core, has peaks remarkably similar to those of the dry periods of Van der H a m m e n ' s sequence
(Thompson et al., 1995).
Collectors of Estuary Environments:

Shellfish Gatherers and Fishermen
Changes in drainage systems and sea level affect population distribution and density along the coast as well as along the river and stream systems. To evaluate the nature of these changes, it is necessary to review the
factors affecting the formation and evolution of estuary environments. The
discerned pattern is then interpreted in relation to the temporal and spatial
distributions of the excavated shell middens of the Caribbean littoral of
northwestern South America.
54
Oyuela-Caycedo
Shell middens are one of the most visible kinds of sites produced by
collectors (shell middens produced by natural processes also exist). We
need to understand how shell middens formed and the significance of the
spatial and temporal discontinuities of shell middens as ecofacts. A significant advancement in addressing such questions was made when Bailey
(1983) suggested the possibility that coastal middens should be examined
through the study of the spatial discontinuities. He identifies two key factors that have shaped the classical postdepositional explanation of the generation of discontinuities: variation in the local availability and abundance
of the marine mollusks and discarding behavior. Other factors related to
both midden formation and discontinuities include oscillation of sea level,
silting in areas of marine vegetation, formation of bay mouth bars, and
tectonic movements, as well as exhaustion of a preferred food supply (Hurt,
1974; MeUars, 1987; Shackleton and Van Andel, 1986; Cooke, 1987; Suguio
et al., 1992).
Sea-level transgressions have an enormous impact on the distribution
of fauna and flora, especially in river valley drainages, where the gradient
and sedimentation processes change (Inman, 1983). Sea-level transgression
lowers the gradient and usually results in increased sedimentation and the
expansion of floodplains. In turn, this leads to the formation of riverine
terraces, which determine the location and potential stratification of archaeological sites (Gardner and Donahue, 1985).
The displacement of the shoreline has an impact on the formation of
estuaries since their origins are linked with sea-level transgressions (Meisler
et al., 1984; Kraft, 1985; Woodroffe et al., 1988). The northwestern South
America shell middens were located in estuarine environments. Understanding the origin and vulnerability of the estuaries in northwestern South
America can lead to a partial understanding of the formation and development of shell middens in these high-biomass ecosystems (Knox, 1986).
All evidence indicates that estuaries form during periods of sea-level
transgression (Kennish, 1986, p. 41). It can be argued that the longevity of
estuaries is controlled primarily by sea-level changes, tectonic movements,
and precipitation rates. Wet climates and high sea levels increase the sediment
flux in coastal systems, promoting widespread deposition of marine sediments,
formation of sandbars, and other physiographic conditions that are required
for the formation of shell beds. Low sea levels result in erosion and nondeposition. Thus, a eustatic rise of sea level tends to prolong the life span of
an estuary and a drop tends to shorten it (Kennish, 1986, p. 48).
In light of the relation of sea-level changes to estuarine formation,
Oyuela and Rodrlguez (1990) have proposed a model for explaining the
spatial and temporal discontinuities of shell middens in northwestern Colombia. The model, discussed below', describes the dynamic relationship
55
Table IL Periods of Shell Midden Formation and Sea-Level Transgressions

i
Evidence of
Wet periods (B.P.)
Sea-leveltransgression
5400 to 4800 Marineterrace
4100 to 4600
Shell midden formation

Puerto Hormiga
Puerto Chacho
Unidentified
3850 to 2700
Marineterraces; coral formation

(Bar6) 1 to 3 m above present
dated by C-14 to 2800 B.P. ~ 150
years and 2700 B.P. -+ 90 years
Canapote
Barlovento
2000 to 1500
Location; shell midden dates
Marta
Mina de Oro
1350 to 750
Shell midden dates; palynology
Tasajeras
Loma de Lopez
Ceeilio
Cangarti
Palmira
Estorbo 1
650 to 450
Palynology;marine terrace; shell

dates
Unidentified
a m o n g human collectors, estuarine environments, and the creation of shell

middens; it is supported by the spatial and temporal distributions and environmental contexts of shell middens from all of the sites in northwestern
South America that have been excavated or where enough data are available for use in this interpretation.
Estuarine environments present a patchy spatial distribution. Furthermore, estuarine fauna mainly originate in the sea. Most of the species found
on the continental shelf have migratory cycles involving the use of estuaries
as nursery grounds before the creatures migrate to the open sea. In general
estuarine species diversity is low, but those adapted to this seasonal environment are extremely abundant (Vernberg, 1983, p. 43). The model argues
that shell middens form in northern Colombia during sea-level transgressions when environmental changes favor the expansion of estuarine resources, especially shellfish populations (r-selected species). Shellfish can
then b e c o m e an abundant and predictable resource for human population
use. Conversely, during sea-level regressions shellfish populations decrease
primarily as a consequence of the reduction and disappearance of most
estuarine environments. These changes in sea level are closely related to
wet and dry periods (see Table I). These factors have a primary effect on
the formation and visibility of shell middens on the landscape (Table II).
The gradual decline in estuarine resources and their exploitation can push
56
Oyuela-Caycedo
human populations to change their subsistence strategies for alternative

food sources such as open sea or river fishing. In this dynamic set of relationships, the discerned pattern is as follows.
1. A high temporal correlation exists among the beginning of shell
midden formation, the slow rising of sea level, and wetter climatic
periods.
2. Low frequencies of shell midden deposits are found during low
sea levels and during dry periods. In the archaeological record,
this correlates with temporal gaps or a low frequency of shell
middens.
3. The spatial distribution of shell middens is concentrated around
active or extinct estuarine environments, resulting in a patchy
distribution that may or may not accord with current environmental
conditions but reflects conditions in the past.
4. Between estuarine zones, the human population placed an
emphasis on other subsistence resources that do not produce shell
middens.
The diversity of factors governing shellfish population growth rates
(precipitation, temperature, sediment deposition, and spread of currents)
complicates the determination of the seasonality of shellfish exploitation.
In the case of Colombia, we have very little information about seasonal
availability of shellfish for places such as the Cienaga Grande de Santa
Marta. However, such data as exist indicate that shellfish are relatively
available all year-round. In contrast, fish availability in the estuaries is
highly seasonal (Hernandez, 1986; Rivera et aL, 1980).
Direct evidence of seasonality is not presently available in the archaeological reports describing excavated shell middens. Hence, the role of
shellfish collection in a seasonal calendar of resource procurement is unknown; this makes it difficult to understand the seasonal variability of
coastal collectors for comparison with inland collectors.
Four zones of major shell midden concentration are recognized in northern Colombia (Fig. 1). Each of these zones reflects a particular discrete history
of exploitation; that is, the shell midden zones do not have long life spans.
Zone I: Canal del Dique and Cartagena

This zone can be subdivided into lacustrine subzones of the Canal del
Dique and the Bay of Cartagena. The best-studied shell middens in the
first subzone are Puerto Chacho and Puerto Hormiga. Representative of
- r4 -
f i_
10
20
:30 KI.
Pto.
I00
Chach/
Ilormiga
Monsu
C a n a p o t e
Pto.
r,
-~
2O0
._j
~-~
- -'---~
500 ,')
,-"; J
zoo
loo
-5 .
San
ff~
~-" ~
~a~into
....
/]ucarelia
R] B o n g a l
Et G u a m o
San Jacil~to 2
"
,!
MAGDALENA
RIVER
~z.-
CANAL
'
DEL DIQUE
Fig. 2. Map of main sites located in Zone I: Cartagena and Canal del Dique. Note location of San Jacinto 1.
/,
J~.-."
...... -7 CARTAGENA
COLOMmA,, [
~.~
CARIBBEAN)
g{~SEA
%'~
[]arlovenlo
- .
: Rotinet~
la
t')
~~
ml
o_
Oyuela-Caycedo
58
Table IIL C-14 Dates of Northern Colombian Shell Middens
Zone I: Cartagena-Canal del Dique (Uncalibrated Dates)"

Barlovento
Sample No.
W-741
W-743
W-739
Y-1318
Material
Shell
Shell
Shell
Charcoal
Date B.P.
2980 __. 120
3140 120
3470 120
3510 100
Canapote
Y-1760
Y-1317
C h a r c o a l 3730 - 120
C h a r c o a l 3890 100
Puerto Hormiga
1-1123
SI-15t
1-445
SI-152
SI-153
Charcoal
Charcoal
Shell
Shell
Shell
Puerto Chacho
Beta-26200
4502 250
4820 __. 100
4875 170
4970 70
5040 70
Charcoal 5220 90
~Sources: Rubin and Alexander (1960, p. 180); Reichel (1986, p.

81, 1965a, p. 53, 1985, pp. 175-176); Stuiver (1969, pp. 631-633);
Legros (1990).
the second subzone are the shell middens of Canapote and Bariovento (Fig.
2, Table III).
Puerto Chacho. Puerto Chacho is located on the right margin of the
Canal del Dique (Department of Bolivar), approximately 2.5 km f r o m the
shell midden of Puerto Hormiga and 13.5 km from the coastline. The site
has the form of a long S with a west-east orientation, a length of 84 m,
and a width that fluctuates between 14 and 29 m. The most abundant mollusks are members of the genera Pitar and are found throughout the whole
s e q u e n c e . L e s s e r q u a n t i t i e s o f Crassostrea rhizophorae, Melongena
melongena, and some other small mollusks indicate the closeness of the
site to the beach. Only the middle occupation of the site has been dated
by C-14; this date is 5220 B.P. + 90 years (Legros, 1990; Rodrfguez, 1995).
Puerto Hormiga and Mons~. Puerto Hormiga and Puerto Chacho are
located on the same alluvial terrace, but Puerto Chacho is on its border.
Puerto Hormiga is located 300 m from the natural channel of the Canal
del Dique in the high part of an alluvial terrace. The shell midden had a
ring shape, with a diameter of 77 m from north to south, 85 m from east
to west, and a height of 1.2 m. The midden is composed of 75% shells of
Pitar sp., which lives in shallow water environments, and 25% shells of Ostrea sp., which require marshy environments (Reichel, 1965a). This shell
midden suggests that the channel was directly influenced by the sea and
that the site was beside a bay or big lagoon formed after a sea-level transgression. The site was occupied during a wet period (Table I and Fig. 4).
59
Monsfi, which is close to Puerto Hormiga and to the sea (3 km today),

is not a shell midden. Like Puerto Hormiga, Monsfi is a mound with a ring
form. The C-14 dates and the diverse cultural material indicate that it is
younger than Puerto Hormiga, with occupations between 4270 B.P. +-- 80
years and 3230 B.P. ___ 90 years. In 1976 Reichel placed the age of the site
between Canapote and Puerto Hormiga. Later, in 1985, as a result of two
dates obtained from shell samples, he proposed an earlier occupation (the
Turbana Phase, Monstl) than that of Puerto Hormiga. There are a number
of problems with shell dates, as Reichel fully recognized (personal communication, 1992; see also Rodriguez, 1995; Wippern, 1987). Here, we accept his first estimate since it makes more sense in relation to the cultural
assemblage recovered.
The question arises as to why this site which is relatively close to the
channel and the sea is not a shell midden. One answer is that no estuary
or shellfish beds were available for exploitation. Monsfi's formation probably
occurred during a period of falling sea level and dry climate, when the estuarine environment was retreating or changing to a more riverine form.
The faunal remains at Monsfi suggest a riverine environment, similar
to present lowland and savanna areas, where deer, armadillos, jaguar, and
monkeys were hunted during occupations of the site defined by different
ceramic phases (Turbana, Monsfi, Pangola, and Barlovento phases).
Through time there was an increase in the exploitation of sea and estuarine
resources (see Reichel, 1985, Tables XLIII and XLIV), most notably during
the cultural period called Barlovento (so called due to the similarity with
material from the shell midden of Barlovento located close to Cartagena).
This shift is possibly the result of the next sea-level transgression and gradual return to the wetter conditions dated between 3500 and 2700 B.P. (Tables I and II). The species exploited during this phase include turtles and
fish of various species, but frequency information is limited. In order of
a b u n d a n c e , the mollusks are Strombus gigas, Ampullarius sp., and
Melongena melongena. The main purpose for collecting Strombus gigas can
be interpreted as acquiring the raw materials for agricultural hoes in the
Barlovento Phase (as favored by the excavator) or as axes for canoe manufacturing (Rodrlguez, personal communication, I990).
To summarize the evidence from these several sites, it is likely that
the Puerto Chacho site was occupied during a period that saw the intensification of shellfish exploitation. The Puerto Hormiga midden is a result
of intensive exploitation of these resources during a period of transgression
and formation of estuarine environments in a wet climate. Later, the drop
in sea level limited the resources and moved the coastline farther away.
The people remained in the area but with different subsistence strategies
emphasizing inland gathering and sea and river fishing. Monsfi shows this
60
Oyuela-Caycedo
kind of adaptation, and as expected, the climate was dry during the site's
initial formation. At the end of the period under consideration, the Barlovento Phase, there are indications that people again began to exploit an
environment more affected by the sea. This suggests another transgression
that favored the formation of the shell middens of Cartagena. It should be
noted that there were riverine and swamp adaptations during the same
period as Puerto Hormiga but these are very poorly understood (see Angulo, 1981, 1988b).
Canapote. The site lies 300 m from the estuarine lagoon of Tesca and
1600 m from the coast in a marine formation. Bischof (1966) suggests that
the area of the site was an island at the time of the early occupation since
the mollusk resources of-the shell midden do not indicate dependency on
the lagoon. Unfortunately, no mollusk or fish identifications are given and
only a description of the ceramics is available (Gebhard et al., 1988).
Barlovento. The site is located on a sandbar that forms the salt marsh
lagoon of Tesca and is 300 m from the seashore (Reichel, 1955). The site
is 2-3 m above modern sea level. Six shell mounds interconnected at the
base define a circle. The mean height of the mounds was 3 m, with some
rising to 6 m. The area of the shell middens was close to 10,000 m 2. Two
cuts made in separate shell middens indicated differences in their composition. In Cut I there was a high density of Galeodes patula (also identified
as Melongena melongena); this snail is typical of shallow waters with mud
soils. The second shell identified in quantity was Chione histrionica (also
identified as Venus sp.), which is also found in shallow waters. Cut II revealed mollusks similar to those in Cut I but also contained a layer of
Cryptolgramma braziliana. Fish, relatively abundant in the oldest layers,
have been identified as Chaetodipterus sp. and Cardisoma sp.
Both shell middens are related with a wet climatic period and a gradual rising of sea level from an initial level below that of the present. Apparently, a gradual process of sea-level rise was initiated at the beginning
of the Canapote phase. Bischof (1966) hypothesized that the lagoon of
Tesca was formed after the occupation of Canapote, this fits well with the
interpretation of sea-level transgression presented here. Possibly, the estuary reached its maturity during the Baflovento phase when sea level was
at its highest, probably close to or slightly above the present level. This
correlates well with the marine influences observed at Monsfi during the
Barlovento phase.
Another line of evidence favoring this sea-level oscillation between 1
and 3 m above the present for this region of Cartagena was presented by
Burel and Vernette (1981). Their study establishes that some coral formations are 3 m above the present-day sea level, as are some shell midden
beds. Samples from the shell midden deposits give dates of 2850 B.E ---
6!
150 years, and those for the coral formations of 2700 B.P. ___ 90 years. This
information accords with the proposed model of sea-level transgression,
which permitted the formation of the Barlovento and Canapote shell middens and is seen in the later levels at Mons~ (Table II).
Zone II: Gulf of Morrosquiilo
This zone is not well-known. Few excavations have been conducted

and the results are still very preliminary (Santos and Ortiz-Troncoso, 1986;
Van der Hammen and Ortiz-Troncoso, 1992, pp. 18-19). Today, this zone
has developed a line of small lagoons and patches of mangrove, thanks to
the formation of a new sandbar in front of an old series of beach ridges
that run parallel to the coast. This small system of longitudinal lagoons are
indirectly affected by the delta of the Sinfi River (Fig. 1). Several shell
middens and a stratified site have been identified in this zone. Available
information for three middens indicates two periods of shell midden formation for the area. Furthermore, a stratified site confirms a lower sea
level before the formation of the shell middens of the last period.
The first wet period occurs between 3850 and 2700 B.P. It is characterized by the site of Las Caracuchas. This site is a large shell midden of
10,000 m z that in some parts rises as high as 6 m. Interestingly, the shell
midden is located 7 km from the present shoreline and 14 km to the west
of the Sint~ River. The shells found at this site are from an estuary, where
an exchange of sea and river water once occurred, a conclusion supported
by recent geomorphological studies in the area (Van der H a m m e n and Ortiz-Troncoso, 1992, p. 19).
The second wet period associated with midden formation is between
2000 and 1500 B.P. Only two shell middens are known. The first one is La
Aguada. This site is a sparse shell midden located beside the sea. It measures 100 m in length and 20-60 cm in depth. The second site is La Isla,
which is defined by two shell middens. One is 15 m in diameter; the other
is formed by two mounds of 5000 m z total.
Marta is not a shell midden but appears to be a stratified site of 35,000 m 2
and 1 to 3 m in height; it is close to lagoons, swamps, and the sea. The
site also functioned as a burial place. Shell hooks as well as hoes made of
shell (Strombus sp.) and lithics have been reported. Its, initial occupation
starts at 2130 B.P. _.+ 90 years. The importance of this site is that it was
formed in a dry period (Tables I and IV, Fig. 4) and a geomorphological
study of the site concluded that the initial occupation occurred when the
sea level was 1 m below the present. Lenses of shells were found deposited
in the lower strata. This occurrence may reflect the rise in sea level and
62
Oyuela-Caycedo
Table IV..C-14 Dates of Northern Colombian Zone II: Gulf
of Morrosquillo (Uncalibrated Dates)a
Marta
Sample No.
GrN-11224
GrN-11302
GrN-12345
GrN-11303
Material
Charcoal
Charcoal
Charcoal
Shell
Date B.P.
2010 --- 45
2080 +_-140
2130 __-90
1740 50
aSource: Van Zweden (1994, p. 37)~
temporary short-lived formations of estuaries. A date from shell f o u n d in

these lenses falls, as predicted, into a wet period [1740 B.P. _+_ 50 years
(GrN-11303)]. Geomorphology studies show that the habitation area o f the
site increased in size over time as the sea level rose. The disappearance
of shells from the upper strata of the midden has been interpreted as reflecting a lessening of mollusk importance in the diet (Van Zweden, 1994,
p. 37), but I would suggest that the site was mainly a fishing station on an
open beach which occasionally had access to estuarine resources when the
sea level was rising. The hoes made of shell may be interpreted as having
a use in canoe manufacture.
The still incomplete study of this area suggests that shell middens were
developed during the wet period of 2000 to 1500 B.P. as the Marta site
seems to confirm. The only site that would have been formed before this
is Las Caracuchas and it is most probably contemporaneous with Barlovento, formed between 3500 and 2700 B.P. Unpublished radiocarbon
dates support this chronology (Santos, personal communication, 1992).
Zone III: Cienaga Grande de Santa Malta
This zone can be divided into three subzones. The first, the Isla de
Salamanca, is the sandbar that separates the 57,700 ha of saline water of
the Cienaga Grande lagoon from the sea; the second is the Cienaga G r a n d e
lagoon itself; and the last is the series of small lacustrine lagoons between
the great lagoon and the delta of the Magdalena River. In this latter
subzone, only Cienaga de Pajaral has been studied (Fig. 3).
In the past, the area that became the Cienaga Grande was actually
the delta of the Magdalena River, but as a result of the rise of sea level,
the sandbar of the Isla de Salamanca converted the former delta into a
large saltwater lagoon which became one of the most productive estuaries
of Colombia. Its shallow waters support an abundance of Ostrea plumosa,
63
CARIBBEAN SEA
Tatlajera,
Palmira,
Los J a g u a y e s
Isla d e S a l a m i l n e a
ALENA RIVER
Cangartl
Cienaga Grande
de
Cienaga.
Sanl.a Marta
Pajaral
o
Lama
d e l.ope'i
Mina d e Oro
0
i
5
i
10 Kms.
i
Fig. 3. General map of sites located in Zone IIh Isla de Salamanca, Cienaga
Grande, and Cienaga de Pajaral.
Protothaca gram, and other mollusk species as well as a high fish population,
especially of seasonal migrant species such as Musel sp.
Holocene era paleoecological studies of the Cienaga have been done
by Wiedemann (1973), Cohen and Wiedemann (1973), and Van der Hammen and Noldus (1986). Before 7000 B.P. the Magdalena River passed
through this area, and the shoreline was probably at least 10 m below its
present level, Between 6600 and 5400 B.P. marine influences are present
and areas of mangrove began to develop. A period of stability in the mangrove forest was followed by its gradual destruction between 3400 and 1900
B.P. Van der Hammen and Noldus (1986, p. 587) interpret these changes
as resulting from a sea-level transgression of 2 m. ! suspect other forces
64
Oyuela-Caycedo
Table V. C-14 Dates of Northern Colombian Shell Middens Zone

III: Isla de Salamanca, Cienaga Grande, and Cienaga de Pajaral
(Uncalibrated Dates)a
Sample No.
Isla de Salamanca
Tasajeras
Palmira
Los Jagfieyes
Cangaru
Material Date B.P.
M-1308-1
M-1302
IAN-90
UGa-819
Charcoal
Charcoal
Charcoal
Charcoal
1000 _+ 105
1450 _+ 110
1615 ___100
985 _+ 120
Mina de Oro
M-1310
M-1311
M-1312
M-1475
Shell
Shell
Shell
Charcoal
825 _+ 100
905 _+ 100
945 _+ 100
1490 _+ 100
Cienaga de Pajaral
Cecitio
IAN-89
Charcoal 960 _+ 375
Cienaga Grande
Loma de Lopez
"Sources: Crane and Griffin (1965a, b, pp. 16-17, 144-145);

Murdy (1986); Bischof (1969).
may have been at work, such as a dry climatic period or, more probably,
a tectonic movement of the land mass, since the Cienaga is 7-30 km east
of the Santa Marta fault (Wiedemann, 1973, p. 89). After 1900 B.P. a gradual sea-level advance led to the formation of the present lagoon and the
sandbar of the Isla de Salamanca (Van der H a m m e n and Noldus, 1986, p.
587; Cohen and Wiedemann, 1973, p. 140).
It is clear that the m o d e m Cienega Granda or Great Lagoon formed
as a result of sea-level rise or transgression (Table II). This process led to
the relative stabilization of an estuarine environment after 1900 B.P. The dry
period that has been p r o p o s e d in o t h e r areas of northern Colombia,
1500-1350 B.P., may indicate small regressions in the sea level, with marked
consequences for the estuarine environments. This would slow the population
growth of shellfish to a point where their exploitation by human populations
reached a low level of productivity. This or tectonic uplift would explain the
existence of natural shell middens and marine terraces in the a r e a of
R o d a d e r o , dated to 1430 B.P. - 40 years, with oyster beds 1.25 m above
the present sea level (Van der H a m m e n and Noldus, 1986, p. 587). As expected, all of the shell middens of this zone were formed during the wet period
after the phenomena briefly described above (Fig. 4 and "lhbles I and II).
Subzone Isla de Salamanca

These shell middens were described first by Gerardo Reichel D o l m a toff (1954). H e gave them a late date based on ceramics found at the bot-
Canal
del
Dique
Cartagena
Morrosquillo
4800 4600
4100
,,|,
2700
i-- r-
3650
2000
1500 1350
-4-
Fig. 4. Relationship between C-14 dates by zone, d u periods (D) and wet periods (W).
5400 BP
--4--
---b
---t-----..,4._
D
,!
DW
750 650 450
-8-
Uraba
Cienaga
Grande
t~
.~
-i
ot~"
o_
66
Oyuela-Caycedo
tom of the shell middens pertaining to the Tairona chiefdoms. He assumed

the middens represented temporary camps (Table V). The whole Isla de
Salamanca seems to have been covered by a continuous line of shell middens. The chronology of the shell middens supports the hypothesis of shell
midden formation occurring during wetter periods: in this case, during the
wet period following 1350 B.P.
Los Jagueyes. Los Jagueyes lost its upper layers during the construction
of the road that crosses the Salamanca sandbar (Angulo, 1978); 30 m from
the midden, a prehistoric cemetery has also been completely looted. The remaining midden, 50--60 cm thick, was excavated in arbitrary levels of 20 cm.
The Tairona ceramics found in all layers indicate a relationship with the neighboring complex chiefdoms. The only date for the site [1615 B.E _ 100 years
(IAN-90)] is considered a chronological outlier in relation to the type of
ceramics found and other C-14 dates for the region. The shell midden is
closer to the lagoon than to the sea, and the shells that compose the site
are Plotothaca grata and Ostrea plumosa, both from shallow-water environments. Remains of birds and fish were also found, but no species identifications have been given.
Tasajeras. In this area, the sandbar is 200 m wide. This midden has a
diameter of close to 80 m and the deposit is 1.8 m thick. The shell composition and the cultural material are similar to those of Los Jagueyes.
Palmira. Close to Tasajeras and to the lagoon, Palmira has an ovoid
form 60 m in length by 30 m in width and 0.80 m high. The shell midden
composition is similar to that of Tasajeras and Los Jagueyes.
The ceramics found in Los Jagueyes, Tasajera, and Palmira are not
very different from the utilitarian ceramics found in the northern lowlands
of the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta. A comparison of the ceramics found
in these three sites with those of the Tairona area place them between 1350
and 750 B.P. The sites lack the bichrome ceramics which are very common
in the assemblages of the northern and western lowlands of the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta before 1350 B.P., thus supporting this date as the
beginning for the wet episode.
Cangaru. Cangaru is close to the sea and, like the other shell middens
of the Isla, is part of the discontinuous line of shell middens found in an
area approximately 1 km long, most reaching 1.1 m in thickness. Cangaru
was used as a burial place as well as an encampment for fishing and shell
gathering. The most common shells were Donax striaticus, Donax denticulatus, and Donax carinatus (94%). These shells produce small quantities of
meat, are very common in shallow waters and sand, and are easily seen
between tides. The next most common species recovered was Pitar circinata,
which is gathered in the same kind of environment, followed by Ostrea plumosa, which is typical of the lagoon. The most common fish were Ar/us
67
sp. and Centropomus sp., both found in the lagoon. Bones from the seasonal
migrant family Mugilidae were recovered. Turtles were also exploited. Cultural material included beads, one hook, and ground stone artifacts.
The chronology of Cangaru places it within the period estimated for the
other shell middens of this subzone (Table V). The material remains reveal
close ties to sites previously described as part of the Tairona culture (1000-450
B.P.). One of the interesting aspects of this site is the presence of ceramics
that are more commonly recovered from the east margin of the Cienaga
Grande, specifically from the shell middens of Loma de Lopez and Mina de
Oro. The presence of ceramics like those from layer C at Mina de Oro, which
are very sparse in the western lowlands and parts of the northern Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta, also argue for a date after 1350 B.P. (Bischof, 1969).
Subzone Cienaga Grande

In this subzone only two shell middens have been studied. Based on
the paleoecological reconstruction of Van der Hammen and NOldus (1986),
older shell middens probably occur in the interior of the Cienaga Grande.
Shell middens can also be expected to have formed inland to the south of
the Cienaga during the transgressional or wet periods (Table V). The sites
were most likely contemporaneous with the wet periods when the Puerto
Hormiga and Canapote middens were formed. The only two shell middens
studied in this area are nearly contemporaneous with those described for
the Isla de Salamanca subzone.
Mina de Oro. Excavated by Henning Bischof in 1961 and still unpublished in final form, the site of Mina de Oro is composed of four layers,
each separated by culturally sterile layers. The two oldest layers (A and
B) were formed before 1490 B.P. _- 100 years according to one C-14 date
from the surface of layer B,
Bischof (1969) proposes that the ceramics from layer C at the Mina
de Oro site and the early phase of the Tairona ceramics found at Nahuan,
are related. He suggests layer C dates between 1450 and 1200 B.E La
C ceramics were examined by the author at the Anthropological Muse
of Barranquilla; they are similar to one of the ceramic types excavated
the site of Mamoron in Gaira, where two charcoal samples gave dates ot
1400 B.E __. 70 years and 1170 B.P. --- 55 years (Oyuela, 1987b). This refines
the chronological placement of layer C at Mina de Oro and agrees with
the expected formation of shell middens during the wet period as described
by Van der Hammen and Noldus (1986). The shell midden was occupied
until approximately 1050 B.E (Bischof, 1969).
Oyuela-Caycedo
68
Loma de Lopez. Loma de Lopez is a shell midden with an area of 2 ha

and a maximum thickness of 3 m (Angulo, 1978). It is located 3 km from the
shoreline of the Cienaga Grande, in a floodplain of high sedimentation.
The site is composed mainly of shells of Protothaca grata.
The cultural material of Loma de Lopez is similar to Cangaru (ground
stone, spindle whorls). The pottery of this site is similar to that of the Isla
de Salamanca and to the Tairona ceramics produced after 1000 B.P. The
site was abandoned at approximately 800 B.P. ___ 100 years.
Angulo (1978) proposed that the site was initially occupied by agricultural peoples who later abandoned it, being subsequently reoccupied by
fishing and gathering peoples. Presently, no evidence exists to support this
hypothesis. Angulo also considers that these fishing peoples migrated to
this subzone from elsewhere. If the subsistence change that he postulates
is correct, a different interpretation would consider the change from agriculture to fishing as the result of a return to more optimal conditions for
shellfish gathering and fishing than for agriculture. These changing conditions would occur as a consequence of increases in estuarine productivity
in a wet period.
Subzone of Pajaral Lagoon
This lagoon has shallow waters, like the Cienaga Grande, surrounded
by mangrove forest. The only data for this subzone come from two shell
middens excavated by Anguto (1978) (Table V). Cecilio: Cecilio has an area
of 1 ha and is a relatively shallow midden 60 cm deep. The upper levels
of the site are characterized by Protothaca grata shells and the lower levels
by the presence of Ostrea plumosa. The material culture consists mainly of
ground stone and pottery, showing a relationship to the ceramic complexes
of the Magdalena River region (see Reichel and Dussan, 1991). The faunal
remains consist of fish, alligator, and turtle of unidentified species. Close
to the site is a cemetery in a shell midden 3 m deep called Tia Maria.
Burials with offerings of ceramics, fish, shells, and bird bones were uncovered. Angulo (1978) assumes that the site was contemporaneous with
Cecilio and was used as a burial place by the inhabitants of that site.
Angulo (1978) and Murdy (1986) argue that because of the similarities
of the Cecilio pottery to that from the Magdatena River, the shell middens
of the Cienaga initially were the result of some kind of migration to this
zone from the latter region. Furthermore, they propose that later, around
1000 B.E, evidence of the "influence" of the Tairona culture exists. I disagree with this view in light of the results from the regional study of Gaira
(Oyuela, 1987b). First, the ceramics of the Magdalena River region have
69
a broad distribution in all of the western areas of the Sierra Nevada de

Santa Marta and can even be found in low percentages in the north. Second, this broad distribution has not been studied in regard to ceramic exchange networks or even to determine how the ceramics were produced
and at what level this occurred (household, town, or specialized production). As a consequence, we are still far from understanding the regional
variation that seems to exist between river drainages, and even within valleys and sea bays (Oyuela, 1985). The traditional perspective on the cultures defined by ceramics (Malambo, Nahuange, Tairona) ignores the
regional variation that exists (see Bray, 1995) and does not encourage the
study of pottery production as a process or the effects of differential access
to pottery production. In any case, it is premature to talk of "influences"
or to make generalizations about particular pottery types as originating in
particular regions. Third, considering the advances that have been made
on the research of the chiefdoms of the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta
(Groot, 1985; Herrera, 1985; Oyuela, 1985, 1986a-1987b, 1990), it is more
likely that the sites represent politically and ethnically independent groups
economically tied to the highlands as suppliers of fish, calcium carbonate
from shells (used as a catalyst in the consumption of coca), and salt (Cardenas, 1988).
In summary, the shell middens excavated in the zone of the Isla de
Salamanca, Cienaga Grande, and Pajaral chronologically corroborate the indications for shell midden development during the last two wet climatic periods (1350 to 750 B.R and 650 to 450 B.P.). Indications also exist of earlier
shell midden developments during other wet periods, but many of these sites
may now be underwater or buried by sediments on the southern side of the
Great Lagoon. It is important to note that today the inhabitants still exploit
shellfish although this activity is now completely secondary to fishing, which
yields the staple food in the Isla de Salamanca (Krogzemis, 1968).
Zone IV: Gulf of Uraba
Since 1976, a group of shell middens in an alluvial zone located primarily on the right margin of the Gulf of Uraba has been studied. They
are relatively far from the coastline. Different forms have been identified,
such as linear ones more than 250 m in length. Other circular mounds are
30 m in diameter and 3 m high. In general, these sites are beside rivers and
small streams and probably began to form approximately 1300 years ago. All
of the investigated middens share a similar cultural inventory (ceramics, lithics,
and remains of exploited resources) and are part of what Santos (1989)
70
Oyuela-Caycedo
Table VI. C-14 Dates of Northern Colombian Shell Middens Zone
Estorbo 1
IV: Gulf of Urab~ (Uncalibrated Dates)a

Sample No.
Material
Date B.P.
GrN-11304
Charcoal
1055 _ 40
GrN-12344
Charcoal
925 __+45
i
"Source: Santos (1989).

defined as the "complejo Urab~i." The best documented of these sites is
El Estorbo (Santos, 1989).
Santos initially published a number of incorrect C-14 dates from the
IAN radiocarbon laboratory (see Bray, 1983). Using new dates and the
correlation of ceramics with other dated sites, he has corrected the previous
temporal placement of El Estorbo in a new synthesis of the site, and it is
this revision that is utilized here (Table VI and Fig. 4) (Santos, 1989).
El Estorbo. El Estorbo is divided into four subsites. At Estorbo I the
oldest layer is a shell midden capped by an approximately 1-m sterile yellow
clay layer, which represents a period of alluvial sedimentation. The shell
layer has been dated with two charcoal samples between 925 B.P __. 45
years (GrN-12344) and 1055 B.E _-+ 40 years (GrN-11304), correlating with
the wet period defined between 1350 and 750 B.P. The oldest component
is therefore contemporaneous with the oldest sites in the Cienaga Grande.
The second shell midden is above the sterile clay layer and its accumulation
stopped before the Spanish conquest. Evidence suggests the inhabitants of
the site were fishermen and hunters with manioc agriculture, and the collecting of shell was possibly a secondary activity. Furthermore, it is very
probable that the end of this shell midden occupation is related to the dry
period that has been identified around 750 B.P. The last occupation of the
site is characterized by a dependency on maize agriculture rather than on
shell gathering (Bray, 1984, pp. 328-329; Santos, 1989).
DISCUSSION
The picture that we have today of the human population that created
the shell middens in the northwestern part of South America is still very
incomplete. This lack of information is especially apparent for the periods
of minor sea-level transgressions occurring after the relative stabilization
of sea level around 5000 B.P. However, enough information is available to
allow us to establish a general outline of events.
Each zone must be evaluated for its own internal chronological placement. These local sequences can then be linked to the origin or formation
of estuarine environments. The existing sequences agree with the model
71
presented here of the genesis and longevity of these environments (Table

II and Fig. 4).
The development of estuarine environments is related to the rise in
sea level, and their reduction or death is a consequence of lowering sea
levels or tectonic uplift. In this way a shell midden's history is seen to be
closely related to environmental changes that can be reconstructed (see
Kennish, 1986). Finally, distinct temporal clusters of shell middens are
formed during periods of relatively slow eustatic sea-level rise, specifically
after 6000 B.P., when the sea level experienced minor fluctuations above
and below the present level. The ages of the shell midden sites correlate
with rise of sea level and with wet periods.
The shell midden "way of life" is a result of optimal environmental
possibilities brought about by the beneficial effects of sea-level rise and climate on estuarine environments. While shell middens are logically expected
during such times, they are but one of many different maritime adaptations
that humans have developed. Alternative forms of adaptation and mobility
that are not related to prolific mollusk gathering are expected to be more
common during descendent sea-level periods or in spaces between estuaries.
An enormous concentration of research on shell midden sites since the end
of the last century makes us forget that there are other kinds of coastal
environments, where shell deposits are not abundant and where humans
have lived successfully. The problem appears t o b e that we are looking for
only one kind of easily detectable type of site or, in the tropical area, for
one kind of adaptation linked with estuarine environments. We tend to ignore other forms of maritime adaptations such as coral environments, deep
bays without mangrove formations, open-sea coastal areas, and others requiring different and less visible strategies of adaptation with more emphasis
on fishing, collecting crabs, and bird hunting supplemented with plant gathering, i.e., on resources that do not l~ave "big" accumulations of middens
but that could maintain small, mobile populations (see McNiven, 1992).
Another set of arguments holds that there was an "explosion" of maritime adaptations or a "broad-spectrum revolution" that contributed to
sedentism in northwestern South America. This type of resource use is supposed to be the result of warm temperatures and an abundance of resources
which favored coastal subsistence economies identified as the precursors
to agriculture and sedentism (Binford, 1972, 1983, pp. 208-213; Yesner,
1980; el. Hayden, 1990; Sanoja, 1989). I would argue, however, that the
abundance of archaeological sites related to maritime resources after 5000
B.P. is better interpreted as being related to the ecological evolution of
coastal environments and geomorphological processes. The formation of
estuarine environments after 6000 B.P. does not indicate conditions favorable to sedentism, due to the fact that such environments were very dy-
72
Oyuela-Caycedo
namic with great potential for change in both short and long terms. These
conditions would continue to favor a degree of mobility very much tied to
the seasonal fluctuation of resources and the dynamic behavior of the estuary (cf. Meehan, 1982).
The results presented here show that shell midden research is very
complex. The conditions that produce the shellfish resources are brought
about by large-scale environmental changes; therefore one can say that
sometimes the environment plays a deterministic role in human decisions.
Over time, the dynamics of the environment demand new adaptive alternatives or a return to old ones. We see this in the chronology of the shell
middens of northern South America.
Inland Collectors' Strategies: From Collectors to Food Producers

and Sedentism
One of the research problems most emphasized in shell midden studies

has been the cultural history of the changes from collectors to agriculturalists. Most authors have linked the development of food production to
the earlier exploitation of estuary resources, In this scheme, the favorable
richness of these resources was seen as contributing to sedentism which
was the precursor of agriculture. The empirical support for such a view
derives mainly from the sites described above (Angulo, 1978, 1981, 1988a,
b; Bischof, 1966; Bray, 1984; Legros, 1990; Reichel, 1954, 1961, 1965a, 1982,
1985). The only model proposed that explores such changes in detail for
this area was developed by Gerardo Reichel Dolmatoff and Alicia Dussan
de Reichel for the changes from hunter-gatherers to agriculturalists in lowland Colombia (Reichel, 1961, 1965b, 1982, 1986; Reichel and Dussan,
1956). The excavation of Puerto Hormiga, plus the publication of research
reports on Canapote, Barlovento, Momil, and most recently on Monstl, as
well as the evidence from surface collections of preceramic sites on the
northern coast led to Reichel's proposal of the following sequence of
events.
1. The origin of horticulture was a gradual process that started in
the Archaic with populations of seasonal gatherers.
2. The process varied with concentration of resources and adaptive
strategies of the populations. The cooccurrence of sedentary
villages as well as mobile populations of collectors around 4000
B.P. is likely.
3. The origin of sedentary and horticultural life was the result of the
exploitation of abundant resources in rich environments and of
Collector VaMability in Colombia
73
access to diverse microenvironments. This is exemplified by the

excavated sites of Puerto Hormiga, Canapote, and Barlovento.
4. The origin of pottery here is independent of its origins elsewhere.
Early pottery production indicates increases in sedentism and
develops in hunter-gatherer populations of shell midden
collectors, such as at Puerto Hormiga.
5. Climatic changes (wet toward dry periods) favored the increased
exploitation of more diverse environments as well as the need for
dependency on domesticated plants. [This is clear in the
interpretation that Reichel (1985, p. 45-47) made about a
formation of a calcium carbonate layer at the Monsd site.]
6. Horticulture started as a gradual process where the first plants
utilized intensively were roots such as manioc (Manihot esculenta)
of possible local domestication in the lowlands of Colombia. In
the early phases diets based on roots were complemented by the
collection of plants from diverse environments exploited by
seasonal gatherers (palm seeds for example).
7. Full sedentism and agriculture occurred at the end of the
Formative period (3000 B.P.).
8. The introduction of maize from Mesoamerica to the area
occurred at the end of the Formative period (3000 B.P.). A shift
in the diet from manioc to seed culture as the major staple
occurred. The cause of this shift may be related to a climatic
change (wet period). The site of Momil (2000-1800 B.P.) shows
such a change (Reichel and Dussan, 1956).
9. The advantage of maize for long-term storage favored population
growth and social complexity, which in turn led to the formation
of chiefdoms in the Andes (Reichel, 1961). The process of social
complexity, and agriculture expanded from the lowlands to the
highlands:
10. The colonization of new environments favored the process of
intensification of use of new plants, as well as cultural
diversification.
This model indicates a change from gatherers with seasonal fishing
stations or campsites to groups with a dependency on root crops such as
manioc (Reichel, 1965b). These changes are represented at sites close to
the sea such as Monsd; at the shell midden sites of Puerto Hormiga (5000
B.P.), Barlovento and Canapote (2000-1000 B.P.); and at riverine sites such
as Malambo (3000 B.R). The populations used a broad spectrum of resources from diverse microenvironments characterized by lagoon-estuary,
savanna, and dry forest systems (Reichel, 1985), In all of these adaptations
74
Oyuela-Caycedo
to rich environments, pottery was present in large quantities relative to

amount of recovered lithic materials. The latter reflects mainly a plant food
processing technology used to supplement a diet based on fishing and seafood gathering. This plant processing technology is interpreted as pointing
to a pattern of food gathering of nuts and grinding or mashing of roots
(Reichel, 1965b, pp. 53-59).
The manioc to maize transition has been postulated for the site of
Momil around 2150 B.P., as well as at the Malambo site around 3000 B.P.,
based on artifact function (Angulo, 1981; Reichel, 1986, pp. 75-76). DeBoer
(1975) urges caution when assigning artifacts a root grinding function. At
Malambo (Angulo 1981) evidence of budares was presented as indications
of manioc use; however, when the author examined this material, it was
realized that it corresponds to the large rims of typical Tairona vessels with
everted lips mistakenly inverted in the process of classification and interpreted as the edges of the budares. In the excavations of the sites of Monsft
(Barlovento Phase) and Barlovento, shell hoes were reported and interpreted as an indication of some kind of root horticulture with a mixed
strategy of gathering and hunting (Reichel and Dussan, 1956; Reichel,
1985). However, no solid evidence from macro- or microbotanical remains,
or the biochemical analyses of human skeletons, has yet been obtained to
support this inference.
In summary, as a consequence of the focus on the coastal sites of the
Colombian lowlands, the evidence indicates a reduced mobility focused on
rich and diverse environments where a gradual process leading to horticulture or root crop utilization took place and where the later introduction
of maize had a major impact on population growth and the formation of
villages and chiefdoms. This developmental model is very different from
the those proposed for Valdivia (Raymond, 1993; Van der Merwe et al.,
1993) and Panama (Cooke and Piperno, 1993) where early maize is argued
to be present in association with pottery in the early Formative. In the
following discussion of the site of San Jacinto 1, I outline evidence for
inland lowland adaptations different from those indicated by coastal and
riverine archaeological sites; I argue further that this new evidence suggests
an alternative path to food production.
San Jacinto 1: A Seasonal Site in a Transitional Savanna

Environment
Since most of the research on the topic of collectors and early food
producers has concentrated on the shoreline of the Caribbean or the major
river systems, it was necessary to broaden the geographical scope of the
75
tl .la('i~sto 1
9- " ' "
%. J
Fig. 5. Location of San Jacinto 1.
arguments to include an inland area. In 1986, I began a search for inland

sites expecting to find a pattern similar to that observed in Mesoamerica
at Tehuac~m (MacNeish, 1992) and Oaxaca (Flannery, 1986). The research
was designed to elucidate the role of sedentism in the transition from foragers to food producers in the lowland savanna environment of the Serranla
de San Jacinto in northern Colombia and to explore other factors involved
in this transition within the lowland environment.
The starting point of the project was the excavation of San Jacinto 1,
the oldest of the sites with fiber-tempered pottery in the region (Oyuela,
1987c). The decision to start with a site with pottery was made in order
to confirm Reichel Dolmatoff's observations that these early pottery sites
were occupied by semisedentary populations of gatherers, but where some
reliance on a root crop may be present.
76
Oyuela-Caycedo
Fig. 6. Rollinghills of the region of San Jacinto, Colombia.

San Jacinto 1 is located in the serrania of San Jacinto (the northern
foothills of the Cordillera Occidental of the Andes), ca. 220 m above sea
level, on a small floodplain surrounded by low rolling hills (Figs. 5 and 6).
The region is broadly defined as a savanna with grassland vegetation which
undergoes strong seasonal climatic variations (Bouli6re and Hadley, 1983;
Parsons, 1980). To evaluate models of mobility and subsistence, we needed
to measure the degree of sedentism or mobility at the site, to identify the
food resources exploited, and to establish the diet. It was felt that a largescale, intensive excavation was necessary to recover data relevant to the
degree of sedentism or mobility, the identification of exploited resources
and their contribution to the diet, and the use of space at the site.
A total of 27 layers or strata was defined during the first phase of the
research which involved an extensive auguring program; these strata were
subsequently recognized in the actual excavation. Of these, evidence of anthropic activity is registered in nine layers (Oyuela, 1993). The most recent
corresponds to the present topsoil or humus, called stratum 1. The second
period of human activity occurs in stratum 5, which has been dated between
2120 B.P. _ 90 years (Beta 79781) and 1750 B.E +__ 80 years (Beta 78619);
evidence of Chenopodium sp. was recovered (Bonzani, 1995), The most ancient period of formation of anthropic soils, and the focus of this research,
77
Table VII. C-14 Dates of Northern Colombian Site of San Jacinto

1 (Uncalibrated Dates)
Stratum
10, Feature
10, Feature
10, Feature
10, Feature
10, Feature
12, Feature
12, profile
12, profile
12, Feature
16?, profile
31.
15
45
57
53
151
63
Sample No.
GX-20353
GX-20352
GX-20354
Beta-77407
Beta-77405
GX-20355
Pitt-0154
Beta-20352
Beta-77406
Pitt-0155
Material
Charcoal
Charcoal
Charcoal
Charcoal
Charcoal
Charcoal
Charcoal
Charcoal
Charcoal
Charcoal
Date B.P.
5300
5315
5325
5330
5510
5530
5665
5700
5730
5940
75
_+ 80
80
__. 80
70
_+ 80
__. 75
__. 430
.4- 110
60
occurred in strata 9, 10, 12, 14, 16, 18, and 20. According to 10 radiocarbon
dates, these soils were formed between 6000 and 5300 B.E (Table VII).
The results of the excavation confirmed the following.
1.
2.
3.
4.
The people settled in a point bar environment.

Seasonal flooding was a variable that affected the site during the
rainy season.
The migration of the meandering stream channel was a variable
that affected the development of living floors, very likely
producing cross-bedding as well as horizontal stratigraphy. The
end of the human occupation of the site was likely the result of
a displacement of the stream by a neck cutoff process.
We calculate that the largest "living space" occurred in stratum
9 (346 m2). Based on the form of the site, we estimate that the
cutoff of the stream destroyed a minimum of 35 m2 of the original
site area. On the basis of the extensive augering results, the flat
space of the ancient point bar where the greatest concentration
of features was located was chosen for excavation. We know that
this flat area is surrounded by a thick U-shaped midden or
dumping area. The flat area was chosen over the midden deposits
because key research questions were best addressed in the context
provided by the activity areas.
During the excavation of the site an intensive program of flotation

was implemented that permitted the recovery of kilograms of carbonized
material which is in the process of analysis by Ren6e M. Bonzani as part
of her Ph.D, dissertation (University of Pittsburgh). It is interesting to note
that more carbonized material was recovered than faunal remains.
San Jacinto 1 was formed by long-term human occupation and reoccupation over a period spanning possibly 700 years. Site activities produced
78
Oyuela-Caycedo
Fig. 7. General view of the numerous fire-pits revealed at the end of the excavation of
San Jacinto 1.
79
a complex stratigraphy and microstratigraphy representing living floors,

each of variable thickness, and an abundance of 112 earth ovens resulting
from the seasonal occupation of the site at the end of the rains (Oyuela,
1996) (Fig. 7). The social organization represented by the site seems to be
limited to an extended family of 10 to 15 individuals. Evidence of dwellings
indicate provisional constructions like windbreaks or temporary shelters.
Most of the daily cooking activities used earth ovens or fire pits for roasting.
The cooking techniques relied heavily on the use of fire-cracked rocks for
the fire pits as well as for indirect cooking as for example boiling. Evidence
of direct fire cooking was also found (Fig. 8).
It is clear that pottery was not used primarily for daily cooking
(Oyuela, 1995). This conclusion is based on the following evidence. First,
there is a lack of spatial association of pottery with the ovens and hearths
(Oyuela, 1995), All of the occupations of the site show evidence of a reliance on cooking techniques that do not require pottery but that employed
fire-heated rocks in a pattern similar to that observed in Archaic groups
from North America to Patagonia. Second, fire-cracked rocks were present
at the site in high density and in direct association with the hearths and
ovens. Third, the evidence of pottery was "scarce" and the fragments do
not indicate direct exposure to fire. Fourth, the vessels are small rather
than large containers (Pratt, 1995). Fifth, a large percentage of the pottery
fragments was decorated (Fig. 9). The San Jacinto 1 pottery contrasts with
that found in the more recent periods, as at Puerto Hormiga, where pottery
was abundant and not highly decorated.
The preliminary picture emerging from the excavation of San Jacinto 1
is that it was a special purpose site occupied when a specific plant resource
was available for harvesting. These occupations occurred at some point between the end of the rainy season and the middle of the dry season. The
site can be understood as one of the variable kinds of sites generated by a
logistic mobility strategy. There is clear evidence that the site was reoccupied
over numerous years. San Jacinto i was located on a favored point bar beside
a permanent stream. The San Jacinto economy appears to have revolved
around harvesting and processing seeds of wild grasses by means of an expedient ground stone technology (Fig. 10) (Oyuela, 1993; Castro, 1994; Bonzani, 1995) and cooking the processed seeds, mainly in roasting or fire pits.
The diet may have been supplemented by hunting of deer and tapir and
small animals that were procured and processed with a diverse assemblage
of unifaciaUy flaked stone tools or expedient technology. All the raw materials
employed are found in the region within a radius of 5-10 kin. There is no
evidence of exotic materials from more distant sources. Mobility seems to
have been restricted to a territory that may have been no larger than 10 km
in radius, and in which microenvironments and the patchy distribution of re-
Fig. 8. Detailed view of fire-cracked rocks in the interior of a fire-pit.
81
5 CM.
2 IN.
5CM.
I"
" ,
I 2
IN.
5 CM.
Fig. 9. San Jacinto fiber-temperedpottery sherds, Baroque type.

sources would require constant monitoring and maintenance of territorial
control--possibly by social means such as feasting. Indeed, the postulated
territory size may have been in part determined by the ability of groups to
monitor and control a given area. This may be defined as spatial-temporal
Fig. 10. Overturned bowl-shaped metate, Feature 76, in situ. Note the pair of manos at the bottom.
83
territoriality, where only limited sectors of seasonal and predictably patchy

resources are defended or controlled when they are ready.
DISCUSSION
The results from San Jacinto 1 complicate the traditional view that we
have for the lowlands of Colombia as well as for other tropical areas of
the world. This is primarily a consequence of the fact that, for the first
time, we have started to look at adaptations other than those outlined for
the familiar riverine or marine model.
From San Jacinto 1 we have good evidence to support the following
interpretation.
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
Intensification in food processing techniques such as grinding and

pounding indicates a heavy dependency on wild seed gathering
or harvesting as a major food staple.
Emphasis on harvesting of wild grass seeds for food was under
way before horticulture began. No indications of root crops have
been found at the site to date.
Pottery was a scarce item moved around by the population of
hunters and gatherers. Its role was more likely related to social
activities such as serving and feasting than to economic activities
of cooking.
A logistic strategy of mobility was associated with an expedient
tool technology.
San Jacinto 1 is a special purpose site in a regionally restricted
circuit of seasonal mobility. As a consequence, we should expect
strong variability in the material assemblages of other sites
occupied during the rainy season.
The existence of defined territories of resource exploitation
controlled by each group seems to be the norm. The practice of
a time-space territoriality is indicated.
The study of inland adaptive strategies seems to indicate a more complex development than has been argued previously for the lowlands of the
tropics. Inland adaptations in areas such as the Serrania de San Jacinto are
regulated by precipitation fluctuations that create variations of resources in
time and space. The bimodal seasonality of the Serrania had a strong effect
on the strategies of mobility and subsistence and pushed individuals to develop strategies that favored their own reproductive success. These strategies
led to an intensification of the use of certain foods which can be seen as
antecedent to the development of full-scale food production. Such complex
strategies were not necessary for the survival and reproductive fitness of the
84
Oyuela-Caycedo
groups in the rich coastal and riverine environments. It is on this dynamic

behavior in areas outside of the rich marine and riverine environments that
we should focus for a better understanding of the variation in strategies
leading to the processes of food production and sedentism in the tropics.
FINAL COMMENTS
Littoral collectors seem to have maintained similar adaptations from
the times of Puerto Chacho and Puerto Hormiga up to the Spanish conquest without significant changes. The littoral lifestyle was adapted to deal
with estuary fluctuations and cycles of fish availability. The lithic technology
associated with coastal middens is not the one that is later associated with
food production. The main technological changes within the littoral sites
appear abruptly and can be interpreted as punctuated changes which were
not accompanied by the gradual incorporation of the new technologies tied
elsewhere to food production. When the technology of food production is
present in shell middens, it appears suddenly and indicates an intrusion or
link to inland food producers, all of whom were tied at one point or another
to an exchange system of food circulation above the level of simple huntergatherer societies. Such a link is best seen in the case of the Cienaga
Grande collectors and their exchange with the inland Tairona chiefdoms.
This association resulted in strong changes in the relations of production
but not in the adaptability of the groups to cope with the environment.
These conclusions and the dynamic nature of estuaries and shell midden
formation seem to be of universal character, having enormous implications
for areas with similar environmental conditions as those presented here.
On the basis of the arguments offered here, I believe that shell middens
are not linked to a trajectory that would lead to food production.
Shell middens are extremely useful in reconstructing the environmental
history of an area, and coastal adaptations to environmental changes require further detailed studies. Since mollusks are very sensitive to environmental changes, the spatial and temporal distribution of shell middens can
serve to refine environmental reconstructions made by pollen, river channel, or ice cores; such distributional data can also contribute to the understanding of small scale regional environmental changes. Past human
adaptations were undoubtedly complex, and we should search for the full
adaptive range instead of simply focusing on a very specific site type because of its high visibility. We still do not know what occurs between estuaries or about other kinds of collecting strategies (for example, coral
environments, deep sea bay resource exploitation, and open coastal
beaches) or how humans manage the risk in such places. These areas are
85
where the advances in future research in northwestern South America can

be expected.
Comparisons to the estuarine and other environments in other parts
of South and Central America can be examined for support of the basic
hypothesis presented here, or for variations in the path to food production.
The information base for making such comparisons is unfortunately very
uneven. Coastal Panama and Ecuador, for example, appear to demonstrate
similar patterns, but differences in the process. The research in Panama,
developed in the context of a regional study of the Santa Maria drainage,
does not give information on the pulsar dynamic behavior of the estuaries
where the shell middens of Cerro Mangote and Monagrillo are located
(Cooke and Piperno, 1993). However, the studies conducted at both sites
show that they were economically tied to inland sites. Cerro Mangote presents a picture of its occupants' moving between the inland and the estuary;
however, it is not clear how far they were moving or if the movement was
seasonal. In contrast, Monagrillo has been interpreted as a stable fishing
settlement that probably was tied in an exchange system to inland groups;
the evidence of this pattern of fishermen and inland agriculturalists has
not been demonstrated. In both cases there is little information about inland sites that confirm Cerro Mangote's mobility or Monagrillo's economic
relations toward the inland. The absence of reports on early open sites
found inland contemporaneous with Cerro Mangote and Monagrillo hamper further comparisons on the pattern of mobility in estuarine environments and its relation to the inland. I would expect that shell middens at
the Santa Maria estuary are temporally restricted in time and space and
that the people living around the estuaries practiced some form of seasonal
mobility in relation to the sea resources.
In relation to the process toward food production, the only clear evidence on inland adaptations comes mainly from some rockshelter test pits
and microbotanical evidence that suggest that food production was under
way at an earlier date inland than at any shell midden excavated (Cooke
and Piperno, 1993; Piperno, 1995; Norr, 1995). This seems to be consistent
with the interpretation of the northern Colombian evidence as to where
the process toward food production took place. The problem with the inland Panamanian information, which is based on pollen, phytoliths and
bone isotopic analysis, is that it has been focused on the physical evidence
for maize, as well on the early evidence of domestication (see Piperno,
1995), but has not been evaluated as part of the process leading toward
sedentism or incipient food production in relation to seasonality and plant
constraints or scheduling (planting, harvesting).
With regard to coastal Ecuador, there is no information on shell middens. However, an inland process toward food production has been clearly
86
Oyuela-Caycedo
established which is earlier than any fishing settlement. This inland area
exhibits a pattern of demographic growth that is significantly greater than
that found in the rich coastal environment (Raymond, 1993). The scant
available evidence of fishing sites indicate that they are tied economically
and probably ideologically (as the Valdivia figurines suggest) to inland processes (Raymond, personal communication, 1995). Of course the data are
still very incomplete because of the strong emphasis on ceramic problems
and on determining when the "golden kernel" was introduced into the area.
In Ecuador, sedentism has been assumed but not demonstrated for any of
the early sites. Here the pattern of where the events happened seems to be
similar to northern Colombia. However, when the process is compared, it
seems to be quite different. Food production has been argued to be in place
at the beginning of Valdivia (3300 B.C.), based on the microbotanical evidence at Real Alto. However, it is not clear what the process was that led
these people to become sedentary or even why they became food producers.
Most of the argument seems to be for a kind of "neolithic revolution." This
approximation makes it very difficult to outline a model that in a satisfactory
way explains why and how these people became food producers in first place.
As in Panama, there is no clear understanding of how the events in Ecuador
are articulated in the process that led to food production.
As has been argued, shellfish collectors do not have to cope with the
same range of factors as those affecting inland collectors. Risk management
strategies among inland collectors are more likely to have the potential to
lead to intensive food production activities than those involved in the
coastal/estuary adaptations. The case of San Jacinto 1 is a silver bullet in
the side of proponents for the link between rich environments and intensive
food production. It illustrates that intensive food collecting activities involving technologies and food remains not observable in the littoral are
associated with more marginal savanna environments. In the case of San
Jacinto 1, intensive food processing is clearly represented by a lithic technology for the grinding and pounding of seeds of wild grasses, as well as
by extensive evidence of cooking in roasting pits. This development occurred long before food production and sedentism, and very likely even
before the domestication of a cultivar (Bonzani, 1995). Furthermore, even
if pottery is present, it has no association with cooking activities and does
not play a significant role in food processing (Oyuela, 1996). San Jacinto
1 predates by approximately 1000 to 500 years any of the shell middens
excavated in northern Colombia, Panama, and Venezuela.
Returning to the implications of the pattern proposed for San Jacinto
1, it does not seem likely that the scenario proposed by Binford (1972) is
correct. In this scenario he proposes that increasing population density on
the rich coastal or river environments would favor the displacement of
87
population inland causing a need in the transitional areas to intensify as

the initial steps toward food production. The initial population growth from
rich areas seems very unlikely from the evidence of northern Colombia, as
well as with the reconstructed scenarios of Ecuador and Panama. Evidence
of population growth on the coast during the Holocene seems to be a consequence of an archaeological record biased toward high visibility shell middens, which can give the wrong impression when the formation process of
shell middens is not considered (see Trigger, 1986). Shell middens are a
result of estuarine formation and intensive exploitation by mobile groups
that use a resource that is highly reliable in coping with seasonal contraints.
In the case of San Jacinto 1 there is no indication of events that suggest
that we are dealing with displaced populations.
Other models that consider a rich environment to be a prerequisite to
food production (e.g., Hayden, 1990) seem to be very unlikely, as has been
discussed before in light of the results from San Jacinto 1 and from what
we know for the estuarine environments. The view presented here seems to
be more consistent with the interpretation made in Oaxaca (Flannery, 1986),
where food production developed in transitional environments with a bimodal seasonality and where reduced mobility in relation to patchy resources
is essential, due to the need to manage risk by exploiting an abundant and
predictable resource. Furthermore, this event seems to generate a kind of
spatial-temporal territoriality that is very important in relation to risk management and eventually food production. This form of territoriality is a consequence of the exploitation of specific types of resources that demand
constant monitoring to be collected when they are available for processing.
The resources are characterized by being abundant, and available in a relatively predictable and very short time span. In the case of San Jacinto 1,
the abundant, predictable, and patchy resources were grass seeds. Exploitation of this resource gradually fostered the development of technological
intensification (grinding, pounding, cooking, and storage) that very likely is
the basis for the rise of agricultural production in this area.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This paper is the result of years of thinking on this issue and discussion
with many people to whom I owe a great debt. I think of the late professor Gerardo Reichel Dolmatoff, Alicia Dussan, and Dick Drennan
a s my intellectual mentors. Thanks are extended to Jaime Castro,
Camilo Rodriguez, Carlos Lopez, Jim Richardson Ill, Gustavo Santos, Jack Wolford, and Jerry Sabloff, all of whom in one way or another influenced the shape of this paper. The research was conducted
Oyuela-Caycedo
88
with funding f r o m different institutions to different projects that contributed to the research o f this article. These institutions are the F u n d a c i 6 n
de Investigaciones Arqueologicas del Banco de la Republica, T h e Latin
A m e r i c a C e n t e r o f the University of Pittsburgh, the Tinker F o u n d a t i o n ,
the H e i n z Foundation, and the National Science Foundation. A P o s t d o c toral Fellowship at the University of Calgary provided quality time for
thinking and writing in a peaceful environment looking at the Rock3," M o u n tains f r o m the G r e a t Plains of Canada. Thanks are extended to Dr. R i c h a r d
C o o k e for his c o m m e n t s on the model presented by myself and C a m i l o
Rodriguez at the International Congress o f A r c h a e o z o o l o g y at the S m i t h sonian Institution (1990). Scott R a y m o n d at the University o f Calgary m a d e
extensive notes and c o m m e n t s o f the paper, which were most beneficial as
well as for making possible the time to write this paper. Special t h a n k s go
to Jane Kelley, A n g e l a Close, and Ren6e Bonzani for editorial assistance.
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1996 Collectors World Archaeology

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1996 Collectors World Archaeology

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Journal of WorldPrehistoty, VoL 10, No: 1, 1996

The Study of Collector Variability in the

Human adaptation to the tropics by populations of collectors has been a

in estuarian environments, their distribution in time and space is reviewed

Collector Variability in Colombia

THE NORTHWEST OF SOUTH AMERICA: LA COSTA

Collector Variability in Colombia

Table I. Approximate Climatic Dry and Wet

Periods Based on Low River Levels in the

Collectors of Estuary Environments:

Collector Variability in Colombia

Table IL Periods of Shell Midden Formation and Sea-Level Transgressions

Shell midden formation

Marineterraces; coral formation

Location; shell midden dates

Shell midden dates; palynology

Palynology;marine terrace; shell

a m o n g human collectors, estuarine environments, and the creation of shell

human populations to change their subsistence strategies for alternative

Zone I: Canal del Dique and Cartagena

Table IIL C-14 Dates of Northern Colombian Shell Middens

Zone I: Cartagena-Canal del Dique (Uncalibrated Dates)"

~Sources: Rubin and Alexander (1960, p. 180); Reichel (1986, p.

Collector Variability in Colombia

Monsfi, which is close to Puerto Hormiga and to the sea (3 km today),

Collector Variability in Colombia

Zone II: Gulf of Morrosquiilo

This zone is not well-known. Few excavations have been conducted

aSource: Van Zweden (1994, p. 37)~

temporary short-lived formations of estuaries. A date from shell f o u n d in

Zone III: Cienaga Grande de Santa Malta

Collector Variability in Colombia

Table V. C-14 Dates of Northern Colombian Shell Middens Zone

Material Date B.P.

Charcoal 960 _+ 375

"Sources: Crane and Griffin (1965a, b, pp. 16-17, 144-145);

Subzone Isla de Salamanca

750 650 450

tom of the shell middens pertaining to the Tairona chiefdoms. He assumed

Collector Variability in Colombia

Subzone Cienaga Grande

Loma de Lopez. Loma de Lopez is a shell midden with an area of 2 ha

Collector Variability in Colombia

a broad distribution in all of the western areas of the Sierra Nevada de

Zone IV: Gulf of Uraba

IV: Gulf of Urab~ (Uncalibrated Dates)a

"Source: Santos (1989).

Collector Variability in Colombia

presented here of the genesis and longevity of these environments (Table

Inland Collectors' Strategies: From Collectors to Food Producers

One of the research problems most emphasized in shell midden studies

Collector VaMability in Colombia

access to diverse microenvironments. This is exemplified by the

to rich environments, pottery was present in large quantities relative to

San Jacinto 1: A Seasonal Site in a Transitional Savanna

Collector Variability in Colombia

9- " ' "

Fig. 5. Location of San Jacinto 1.

arguments to include an inland area. In 1986, I began a search for inland

Fig. 6. Rollinghills of the region of San Jacinto, Colombia.

Collector Variability in Colombia

Table VII. C-14 Dates of Northern Colombian Site of San Jacinto

The people settled in a point bar environment.

During the excavation of the site an intensive program of flotation