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they admire his steadfastness and scrupulousness (13%); his ability to compromise (12%); his concern for the needs of ordinary people (11%); and, his impartiality, honesty and pleasant appearance (10%).
Speaking about the emotional reactions evoked by the president, we offer
the following reactions from the surveys respondents: 36% respect their president; 26% sense feelings of hope in him; 19% trust their president; 15% possess
kind feelings towards their president.
The survey results also recorded less negative emotions. Among the responses
were those made by individuals who expressed disappointment (13%) and lack of
trust (12%).
The respondents noted the following typical characteristics of the personality of Vladimir Putin: impartiality and honesty (21%); trustworthiness (20%); managerial experience and expertise (19%); organizing skills and competence (18%);
constancy and reliability (17%); hard-working (16%); adeptness at making changes (15%).
About 78% of Russian respondents noted that the president is keeping his
election campaign promises. Further, more and more people think that these
commitments are actually being implemented. In January, 16% thought so, and
in October XXXX 32% thought that the election campaign proposals had been
partially implemented. 17% of the respondents believed that these plans had not
been implemented.
The survey participants also noted that Putin is a personage who can compromise, thus being able to unite different political forces. They observe that the
president has a very strong will, and they approved his political performance
especially for some regions in Russia where his plans have been implemented.
Let us turn to the second survey example.
Second example. This survey was conducted in June, 2013 by the Levada
centre. It included 1600 respondents from 45 regions in Russia, and posed the
following question: How do Russians assess the performance of Vladimir Putin?
In this case, the survey showed the following results: 54% reported that they
supported President Putin in his role as president; 20% of the respondents do
not support the president; and, 22% who were former supporters of Vladimir Putin, recently had become disappointed with the president.
The distribution of the principal features of President Putin, approved by
respondents, can be observed in this order: political experience and ability to
express his ideas clearly and coherently (33%); intellectual abilities and manliness (25%); reasonable political leadership (25%); cultural and educational level
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(less than 25%); and, personal charm (about 14%). Putins evident advantages listed by people also concern his practical economic prowess and flexibility, ability
to make compromises (13%), and his dedication to law and order efficiency (10%).
On average, Russians allot 6 points out of 10 in assessing President Putins
political performance. Respondents also changed their opinions about the target
group of people whose interests influence President Putin and are expressed by
him. Less people think that President Putin is on the side of the special security
forces, army, police, and oligarchs. About 25% believe that Putin expresses the interests of the Eltsyn family circle. More people (a 25% increase) think that President Putin expresses the interests of the middle class.
The above examples corroborate the fact that the changes in public opinion
concerning the president can be traced to several variables. The latest surveys
manifest the following behavioral dynamics attributed to President Putin in different ways. The level of trust in the president is increasing: In January 2014:
34%; March 2014: 51%; and, July 2015: 59%. President Putin widened the gap
between himself and his closest political rival by 20%. Compared to the beginning of 2014 and the start of 2015, President Putin is 35% in front of his rival.
The indicators that gauge the readiness of voters to again cast their vote for the
president has indeed increased. At the beginning of 2014, 30% were set to vote
for the president; at the end of March 2014 they were already 46%; and, in August
2014 the number of respondents approached 57%. Since that time, this indicator
has slightly decreased to 55%. According to the latest surveys, we can notice the
changes of emotions that people have exhibited concerning President Putin. In
2013, the predominant emotional reaction was indifference (about 50%). Some
20% spoke with positive feelings; and, 25 % recorded negative feelings. In 2015,
2.5 times more people expressed positive attitudes on behalf of the president.
Among them there were respondents showing delight (10%); kind feelings (37%);
neutral feelings (40%); and negative feelings (11%). Some changes to the answers
to the question Why do a lot of people trust Putin? were noted. In 2013, 42% of
the respondents answered this question in this way: People dont see anybody
else to rely on. At the moment, the answer has been altered to read so: Vladimir Putin is very proficient. He copeswith many of the problems our country
is facingwith dignity. This indicator has vigorously expanded from 14% to 38%.
Interviewer: And what about Putins rating dynamic for all his presidential
terms? AAF: It can be said that we can observe four peaks in President Putins
popularity. The first dates back to the end of 1999 when his performance approval, as a prime minister, rose from 31% in August to 80% in November 1999. These figures were registered during the terrorist attacks that had occurred in Rus3
sian cities. Secondly, the Chechen war and the beginning of economic development, played an important part in influencing the countrys opinion of Vladimir
Putin. In January 2000, President Putins exceptional ratings helped him be elected president of Russia in the first round of voting. The second peak of his popularity (86%) was in December 2003. During the election campaigning, there were
many slogans calling for the elimination of the oligarchs, and disagreements with
the United States over the Iraq war upped President Putins ratings. The third
rating peak, as high as 86-87%, corresponded with the election campaign of
2007-2008. At its height, Dmitrij Anatolevic Medvedev became the president of
Russia. This was the peak of President Putins stability classification that was to
rise very much during the Georgian aggression in North Ossetia and Abkhazia in
September 2008. During this crisis the highest rating index ever, 88%, was reached. After this internationally recognized emergency, the popularity of Vladimir
Putin declined until February 2014. During this period, President Putin lost onethird of his supporters. The fourth crowning point of President Putins popularity rating was achieved after the Crimea invasion. This action actuated an extended confrontation with the West. The current rating, 89.9%, according to the
Russian Public Opinion Research Center, shows that there has not been a rating
change for more than a year.
Interviewer: What are Vladimir Putins legitimate grounds based on?
AAF: This is a very tricky issue. There are several reasons for President Putin having such high ratings. The first explanation is the role the Russian state
media plays in covering and reporting events inside and outside Russia. The official state media projects current events in such a way that a high percentage of
the Russian people can be unitedin their opinions and moodsconcerning
Russian politics. This can be illustrated by events in Ukraine and Syria and the
position of Russia when dealing with these events. Crimea, battles in south-eastern Ukraine, humanitarian aid convoys, Donbass volunteers, and the destructive sanctions imposed by Western countries have all been influenced by Russian
state media reporting. The second reason is connected to the fact that no political alternatives exist to contradict President Putins position. As a result, from
one-fourth to one-third of survey respondents support Vladimir Putin. The third
cause deals with the fact that the Russian peoples real problems are not considered in the agendas of the opposition political parties. Only official Russian authorities speak about the social problems that are of utmost concern for the majority of people. Despite the corruption and bureaucratic problems the official
authorities remain the only channel for asking help for the ordinary Russian.
Off-system opposition tends not to respect the majority of the Russian people.
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Thats why people usually have an opposing view such as those people concerned only with the problem of power grabbing. These have nothing to do with the
ordinary people. The fourth reason of Putins stability lies in his ability to sustain
social complacency. This tact is extremely important considering that public opinionabout 50% of Russiansthink it would be very difficult for them to live
without government support. Guaranties of social coherence remain the principal priority of the Russian government.
Interviewer: What can be said about the future of Putins ratings?
AAF: The events in Crimea that offered that region the possibility to choose
its own political future, gave Putin a reserve for resistance. That is why his ratings will remain relatively high for some time. Only if he loses his hold on social
stability will he be in deep political difficulty.
Interviewer: Are there any non-state (independent) centers for public opinion research that monitor the rating of Putin?
AAF: Yes. The Russian Public Opinion Research Fund (FOM), the Russian
Public Opinion and Market Research Holding (ROMIR), a branch of Gallup International, and the Regional and Political Research Agency (ARPI) are noteworthy. There are others. It is crucial that the results of the numerous surveys these
institutions conduct should not contradict each other. All their surveys demonstrate Putins popularity and strength.
Interviewer: What strategic mistakes by Western countries do you see in the
efforts to influence Russian internal affairs?
AAF: Western countries do not pay much attention to Russian history, and
they make a huge mistake doing so. Russia has chosen the way of sovereignty for
its internal and external politics and has done so according to the norms of international law. Western countries have caused more antagonism than diplomatic
sensibility. They invented the politics of limitation and sanctions towards Russia
hoping the Russian people would turn against their president. This tactic did not
work. On the contrary, the Russian people rallied behind their president and
even solidified their support for him. His popularity index has increased. There
is a character trait in the Russian genetic code that enables Russians to unite
their forces against foreign opposition if a threat to the country is posed. In this
case, Russian leaders actually gained additional public support. If Western countries had studied Russian history, they would have recognized this phenomena.
Interviewer: What typical Russian internal problems can be classified?
AAF: For the most part, corruption, an overbearing bureaucracy and a lack
of the fulfillment of presidential decrees are the main difficulties. There are
others.
Nonetheless, it should be noted that there have been some notable criminal
corruption scandals involving high officials and leaders of Russian regions. For
instance, the famous case of corruption in the Russian Ministry of Defense showed that high-ranking members of this ministry were stealing from the ministry.
Recently, one criminal syndicate in the Komi Republic was found to include government officials and businesspeople who were eventually convicted for their
crimes. Another famous criminal trial was the bribery case of a governor in the
Sakhalin region.
Interviewer: Why is there a problem enforcing presidential decrees?
AAF: There is not enough control at the local levels. This is especially true
for the usage of state financing in regions where financial funds, allotted to these
regions, are not used properly. In order to strengthen controls, the president put
into force the Russian Peoples Front that was recently created with public organizational representatives, public activists and ordinary Russian citizens.
Interviewer: Is Putin a warmonger?
AAF: I believe he is not. He does everything possible to avoid military conflicts, and at the same time, he responds to challenges and emergencies quite
adequately. Russian history shows that Russia has frequently been called on to
defend its borders, vast territories and enormous natural resources. This is the
reason why Russia is constantly challenged to protect itself. The Ukraine, Syria
and Turkey are just some contemporary threats that are typical of those Russia
has endured throughout its very long history. But the deliberate decision-making
style of the Russian government has been important in keeping Russia from getting into war. Russians do not want war! In fact, even Russias enemies have often benefitted from Russias deliberations that make Russia do all that is possible to avoid war.
Interviewer: What constitutes the Western strategy that is not connected to
the military mode of government change in Russia?
AAF: Putin perceives very clearly that our opponents are seeking to destroy
the economy of Russia. Those in opposition to us have added a political tactic to
the already existing social and economical problems. They are attempting to effectuate changes in Russian governing circles according to their own desires.
They do not hide these plans. Many other national groups, throughout centuries
of Russian history, have tried to bring Russia under their control. During these
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I believe President Putin expresses the qualities of a true leader. He struggles to achieve a vibrant national spirit, national unity, the consolidation of Russian society, humanitarianism, national security, the implementation of norms
and principles that adhere to international law, the elimination of terrorism, and
concern for a Russian destiny that makes all Russians and people throughout
the world proud of the Russian Federation.
He has said: We have both feet on the ground and view the future with
confidence.
For me, President Vladimir Putin made the Russian Ship of State flow with
dignity and courage!
February, 2016