Académique Documents
Professionnel Documents
Culture Documents
N I V E R S I T A T E A
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S--GHEORGHE VLDU ESCU (Roma nian Academy), ALEXANDRU BOBOC (Romanian
Academy), FLORIN CONSTANTINIU (Romanian Academy), CRISTIA N PREDA (University
of Bucharest), LAURENTIU VLAD (University of Buc harest) , VLADIMIR OSIAC (University
of Craiova), C TLIN BORDEIA NU (Petre A ndrei U niversity of Iai)
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Preside nt of th e Acad em y of the Rep ublic of M oldavia
MIC HAE L RA DU,
Sen ior Fell o w, F orei gn P olicy Resea rch I nstitute , C o- Cha ir ma n , FP RI s Ce nter o n
Terr oris m, Cou nter -Te rro rism an d Homela nd Sec urity , P hiladelp hia, U SA
YOHA NA N MA NOR ,
Profess or , U niversit y de Jer usalem , Israel
Preside nt , Ce nter fo r Mo nitori ng t he Impact of Peace (CMIP )
JOZ E PIR JEV EC,
Profess or , U niversit y of T rieste , Ital y
PATRI CIA GONZAL EZ-A L DEA
Profess or , U niversit y Francisco d e Vit oria, Ma drid , Spain
OL IVER FRI GGI ERI,
Profess or , U niversit y of Malta
CRIS TI NA BEJA N,
Wadha m Colle ge , Oxf ord , Great B ritain
SLAVC O A LMJA N,
Profess or , U niversit y of Novi Sad , Ser bia
Preside nt , Ar gos Ce nter fo r O pen Dialogue, Novi Sa d, Se rbia
NICU CI OBA NU
Preside nt , Liber tateaPublis hin g Hous e, Novi Sad , Serbia
SA NDOR R IC HT ER
Senior Ec onomist, Vie nna In stitute fo r I nte rnatio nal E cono mic Stu dies (W IIW )
JUNE TEU FE L DRE YER
Profess or , Depa rtme nt of Political Science , U niver sity of Mia mi, USA
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D--Editor in chief: AUREL P IURC
Deputy editor in chief: IO N DEA CO NESCU
Editorial board: CEZAR AVRAM, VLADIMIR OSIAC, MIHAI COSTESCU, ANCA PARMENA OLIMID,
COSMIN LU CIAN GHERGHE, CT LIN ST NCIULESCU, CTLINA GEO RGESCU, TITELA
VLCEANU, MIHAI GHIU LESCU
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Revista de Stiinte Polit ice. Revue des Sciences Polit iq ues was evaluated and authorized by the
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University of Craiova, 13 A. I. Cuza Street, Craiova, 200585, Dolj, Romania, Tel/Fax: +40251418515.
2009- Editura Universitaria
All rights reserved. All partial or total reproduction without the authors written agreement is strictly
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ISSN: 1584-224X
http://cis01.central.ucv.ro/revistadestiintepolitice/
University of Craiova Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities Political Science Department
CONT ENTS
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interwar period
Marusia CRSTEA, Romanian Kings official visits to London
Antonio MOMOC, Radical and moderate political groups in the Sociology
School of Bucharest
Mihaela Camelia BUZATU, Anul 1938 i nfiinarea Frontului Renaterii
Naionale context european i context naional
Cosmin Lucian GHERGHE, Planul Marshall i consecinele sale pentru Europa
Ionu ERBAN, Florian OLTEANU, The birth of EU. Historiographical and
political aspects regarding the period 1945-1970
Mihai GHIULESCU, De la internaionalismul socialist la naional-comunism.
Despre metamorfozele ideii naionale n Romnia comunist
R
ROOM
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NIIA
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7
16
21
25
32
36
41
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59
rvolution roumaine)
Anca Parmena OLIMID, Supradimensionarea i disproporionalitatea legislativ.
66
Uninominalul, reform electoral sau miz politic?
Ctlina Maria GEORGESCU, Political control, public organizations recruitment
73
and selection policies and the New Public Management
Gheorghe PRVU, Ramona GRUESCU, Roxana NANU, Structural Modifications in the
Romanian Economy under the Coercions Imposed by the Growth of the 81
Competitiveness
IINNTTEERRNNAATTIIOONNAALL P
W
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W
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ALLL W
WIIITTTH
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HE
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EC
CE
EN
NTTT IIIS
SS
SU
UE
ES
S???
Michael RADU, How to Kill Civilians in the Name of Human Rights:
88
Lessons from Sri Lanka
Ion DEACONESCU, Mihai Ovidiu CERCEL, Statul independent Kosovo cui
93
prodest?
Cezar AVRAM, Roxana RADU, Drepturile socio-economice ale cetenilor
97
europeni
Ctlina Maria GEORGESCU, EU competences in the field of public
106
administration of Member States and Candidate Countries
Mihai Alexandru COSTESCU, Olga COSTESCU, Management of public
113
institutions changes in the European Union integration
Revista de tiine Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques Nr. 21-22 2009
University of Craiova Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities Political Science Department
Republican Empire
Anca Parmena OLIMID, Learning from the Obama Campaign: reply to W.
Frederick Zimmerman (A historical and political lesson plan)
June Teufel DREYER, Chinas Power and Will: The PRCs Military Strength
and Grand Strategy
Shelley RIGGER, Taiwans Presidential and Legislative Elections
Petru Sorin DRGUIN, The National State and Global Politics
Irina Olivia POPESCU, Uniformizarea legislaiei la nivel european. Studiu
comparativ privind eroarea ca viciu de consimmnt n reglementrile
Statelor Membre
Radu RIZA, Doctrina suveranitii juridice ntre sincronie i diacronie
Alexandru ERBAN, Silviu Gabriel BARBU, Legislaie i jurispruden
european. Analiz comparativ privind perchetiia ca msur procesual
penal consacrat n Constituie i practica Curii Europene a Drepturilor
Omului i a Curii Europene de Justiie
Irina Olivia POPESCU, Libera circulaie n Uniunea European. Viziunea
reformatoare a Anteproiectului de Cod European al Contractelor n materia
nulitii actului juridic
119
134
143
155
166
173
179
183
189
M
MEEDDIIAA S
STTUUDDIIEESS
Snejana POPOVA, Discours mdiatiques sur limmigration (Etude compare de
194
200
219
N
NEEW
WB
BOOOOKKSS && IIDDEEAASS
Vasile Boari un vizionar european (Aurel Piurc)
Economia barbar i actuala criz mondial (Mihai Ovidiu Cercel)
Revista de tiine Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques Nr. 21-22 2009
226
228
POLITICAL HISTORY
THOUGHT AND PRACTICE
Aurel PIURC
Abstract: The article is structured into two parts: in the first part the
author makes some theoretical conceptual specification on minorities,
ethnical minority, minority of language, race and religion and
national minority. In the second part the author highlights and
analyzes some of the issues of the relation between the Romanian
education system during the interwar period and national minorities
from Transylvania.
Keywords: national minorities, inter-ethnic relations, education system,
confessional education, Romanianization, Hungarianization.
Revista de tiine Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques Nr. 21-22 2009
POLITICAL HISTORY
Aurel Piurc
Revista de tiine Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques Nr. 21-22 2009
Revista de tiine Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques Nr. 21-22 2009
POLITICAL HISTORY
Aurel Piurc
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Revista de tiine Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques Nr. 21-22 2009
POLITICAL HISTORY
Aurel Piurc
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Revista de tiine Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques Nr. 21-22 2009
POLITICAL HISTORY
Aurel Piurc
14
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Revista de tiine Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques Nr. 21-22 2009
POLITICAL HISTORY
THOUGHT AND PRACTICE
Marusia CRSTEA
Abstract: Within the interwar period, the Romanian diplomacy has
always followed the consolidation of the relationships with the great
European powers. In this context, a series of Romanian diplomats
Nicolae Titulescu, Take Ionescu, Grigore Gafencu, Victor Antonescu
have tried to intensify the diplomatic, economic and military
relations with Great Britain. Moreover, during 1924, 1936, 1938, the
Romanian sovereigns Ferdinand and Charles II have paid official
visits that contributed to a better knowledge of the two parties as
regards the bilateral and also international relations. One must
reveal that the press of the time has highlighted in highly-praised
terms the relations between the two monarchies noticing the
importance of the discussions between the delegations of the two
countries.
Keywords: monarchy, international relations, economic interests,
official visit, diplomatic instruments.
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Revista de tiine Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques Nr. 21-22 2009
POLITICAL HISTORY
Marusia Crstea
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Revista de tiine Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques Nr. 21-22 2009
POLITICAL HISTORY
Marusia Crstea
6
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Revista de tiine Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques Nr. 21-22 2009
POLITICAL HISTORY
THOUGHT AND PRACTICE
Antonio MOMOC
Abstract: The Sociology School of Bucharest has not been yet studied
from the perspective of the political views of its members. This article
represents only a part of a larger research that exhaustively
investigates the political orientations of the disciples, as well as the
mentor of the Sociology School. We have identified the groups formed
inside the School in the 30s and their relationship to the political
power.
Keywords: sociology, political view, elite, society, propaganda,
legionarism, communism.
fter the 1918 Union, the sociopolitical actors of the new Romanian
state proposed various modernization
projects. These political projects competed after 1929 to become solutions during
the Great Depression. The Sociology
School of Bucharest first through its
founder Dimitrie Gusti, and then in the
30s, through the already intellectually
grown-up disciples presented both to the
civil and political society with its own
modernization project, entitled Science of
the Nation1.
Dimitrie Gustis sociological, political and
ethical view involved more than the monographic research of the Ro-manian villages.
His ideal was achieving a Sociology of the
nation, based on researching all the
Romanian villages and cities, in order to
provide an exhaustive vision upon the
social realities in Romania. The outcome
of the huge research was going to become
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Revista de tiine Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques Nr. 21-22 2009
POLITICAL HISTORY
Antonio Momoc
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Revista de tiine Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques Nr. 21-22 2009
POLITICAL HISTORY
Antonio Momoc
5
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POLITICAL HISTORY
THOUGHT AND PRACTICE
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Revista de tiine Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques Nr. 21-22 2009
POLITICAL HISTORY
Mihaela Camelia Buzatu
Carol al II-lea, acum fiind instaurat regimul personal al suveranului, adoptnduse o nou constituie care s-l legitimeze,
lundu-se o serie de msuri ce au dus la o
implicare tot mai activ a monarhiei n
viaa politic, implicare ce o regsim n
scoaterea partidelor politice n afara legii i
n crearea climatului ce a dus la apariia
Frontului Renaterii Naionale.
Unul dintre evenimentele politice importante ale anului 1938 i primul n ordine cronologic, este cel petrecut la 10/11
februarie, atunci cnd guvernul GogaCuza i depune demisia, n locul su fiind
constituit guvernul condus de Patriarhul
Miron Cristea4; Henri Prost considera c
din acel moment suveranul devenise propriul su prim-ministru5. Lovitura de stat6
dat de rege, prin care acesta alctuia un
Consiliu de Minitri obedient i la conducerea cruia l numea pe patriarh, a fost
interpretat diferit de istoricii romni. O
prim orientare ar fi aceea, potrivit creia,
regele Carol al II-lea trecuse la instituirea
regimului personal dup o lung perioad
de tatonri, perioad n care a fcut tot
ceea ce a depins de el pentru a discredita
att partidele politice ct i instituia Parlamentului, istoricii susinnd ideea unui
plan privind instaurarea unei dictaturi nc
de la urcarea pe tronul Romniei, februarie
'38 reprezentnd doar momentul prielnic
pentru punerea n aplicare a planului7.
Al.Gh. Savu merge mai departe, afirmnd
c regele i propusese nc nainte de urcarea pe tron impunerea unei astfel de
forme de guvernare8. O teorie interesant,
care vine s o contrazic pe cea expus
anterior, este aceea lansat de Sorin
Alexandrescu:
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Revista de tiine Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques Nr. 21-22 2009
nului mpreun cu ali 13 legionari, pretextul fiind fuga de sub escort, n timp ce
erau transportai din nchisoarea de la
Rmnicul Srat la cea de la Jilava, n
noaptea de 29/30 noiembrie 193813. Anul
1938 ne apare astfel ca un an al victoriei
lui Carol al II-lea asupra Grzii de Fier;
este ns o victorie de scurt durat,
deoarece, cu sprijinul Germaniei i sub
conducerea lui Horia Sima, Garda se va
revigora i va deveni foarte puternic n
anii urmtori lui '38, cci n pnzele ei
btea vntul succeselor Reichului14.
Cel de-al doilea adversar al lui Carol
al II-lea partidele politice tradiionale
este mult mai uor de nvins; de aceast
dat opozantul principal al regelui nu putea
fi identificat n postura unei singure persoane, ba mai mult, era vorba de un numr
impresionant de partide15, a cror coeziune
era aproape nul. Rezultatul alegerilor din
decembrie 1937, potrivit cruia nici un
partid nu reuise s ating pragul de 40%
(prima majoritar) necesar formrii guvernului
i instalarea guvernului Goga-Cuza, au
reprezentat semnalul de alarm ce a dus la
trezirea partidelor; democraii se trezesc
i strng, n fine, rndurile.16 Era, ns,
destul de trziu, cel care va juca de acum
nainte rolul principal pe scena politic a
rii fiind Carol. Fr un sprijin extern,
precum cel al Grzii de Fier i avnd un
pronunat caracter eterogen, opus omogenitii Grzii, partidele sunt scoase n afara
legii la 30 martie17; cu toate acestea ele vor
continua s-i desfoare activitatea, vor fi
ns nlocuite, n mai puin de un an,
printr-o organizaie politic de tip monolit
Frontul Renaterii Naionale. Dac n
cazul Grzii de Fier, Carol al II-lea nu
oferise o alternativ politic la uciderea lui
Corneliu Zelea Codreanu, lipsa acestei
alternative determinnd mai trziu renaterea Grzii, alternativa la desfiinarea
partidelor politice a fost nsui Frontul Renaterii Naionale. n aceeai zi cu decretul
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Revista de tiine Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques Nr. 21-22 2009
POLITICAL HISTORY
Mihaela Camelia Buzatu
Nemulumirile s-au concentrat, firesc, mpotriva regelui Carol al II-lea. Cci, n timp
ce sub regimul parlamentar actele regelui
i gsiser o acoperire n guvern, iar actele guvernului n parlament i n partidul
aflat la putere, sub dictatur, datorit concentrrii puterilor statului n minile monarhului, lichidrii parlamentului i dizolvrii partidelor politice, Coroana rmsese,
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POLITICAL HISTORY
Mihaela Camelia Buzatu
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POLITICAL HISTORY
THOUGHT AND PRACTICE
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POLITICAL HISTORY
Cosmin Lucian Gherghe
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POLITICAL HISTORY
THOUGHT AND PRACTICE
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POLITICAL HISTORY
Ionu erban, Florian Olteanu
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POLITICAL HISTORY
Ionu erban, Florian Olteanu
5
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POLITICAL HISTORY
THOUGHT AND PRACTICE
De la internaionalismul socialist la
naional-comunism
Despre metamorfozele ideii naionale n Romnia comunist
Mihai GHIULESCU
Abstract: Twenty years after the fall of the communist regime we still feel
working its ideological mechanisms. The main reason is our incapacity to
understand what happened in society during the four decades of
communist rule. We thought that it is enough to know the facts and to
blame the perpetrators (although we never actually did that). But this is
only the first step. Furthermore, we must take an analytic approach. That
is why, in this article I aim to analyze the way in which communism
mixed with nationalism in Romania. I have a look at the principles of
socialist internationalism, at the practice of the so-called nationalcomunism in several socialist/communist countries and, finally, I focus
on the Romanian pattern, showing its ideas and its functioning. My
conclusion is that the national-communism is not a specific type of
nationalism, but a simple rhetoric, ignoring any sense and mixing
demagogically coloured elements from both ideologies.
Keywords: socialism, communism, nationalism, internationalism, history.
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POLITICAL HISTORY
Mihai Ghiulescu
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POLITICAL HISTORY
Mihai Ghiulescu
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POLITICAL HISTORY
Mihai Ghiulescu
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Naional-comunismul
Falimentul internaionalismului i
naionalismele compensatoare
Comunismul romnesc, ca de altfel
toate comunismele implantate de URSS
dup cel de Al Doilea Rzboi Mondial, s-a
gsit nc de la nceputurile sale ntr-o
criz de legitimitate. Internaionalismul,
manifestat n special ca ataament fa de
Moscova, i asumarea rolului de reprezentant al clasei muncitoare nu au reuit
s i aduc suportul popular de care ar fi
avut absolut nevoie. Cu timpul, el a
operat o schimbare de direcie ncercnd s
compenseze, n faa majoritii naionale,
lipsa democraiei prin adoptarea fi a
naionalismului majoritar. Chiar slbiciunea regimului l-a forat s cad n
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POLITICAL HISTORY
Mihai Ghiulescu
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Revista de tiine Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques Nr. 21-22 2009
ncercnd o schi cronologic a naterii i evoluiei naional-comunismului romnesc trebuie s precizm c momentul
schimbrii majore este plasat, de regul, n
1964, dar se accept faptul c el a fost
pregtit nc din deceniul trecut. nainte de
implantarea naionalismului, mai mult sau
mai puin oficial, ca politic de stat, a fost
nevoie de o desovietizare, de o afirmare a
autonomiei fa de Moscova, fr ca aceasta
s implice i o destalinizare puternic. S-a
argumentat c decizia plenarei din august
1953 a fost prima formulare a liniei naionale i a marcat cariera viitoare a lui
Gheorghiu-Dej. n cuvntarea sa de la 23
august 1953 acesta a pus un semn de egalitate ntre obiectivele istorice ale Partidului
Muncitoresc Romn (este interesant c acesta
s-a prezentat ntotdeauna ca romn, i nu
din Romnia, aa cum recomandase
Stalin), al naiunii romne i construcia
socialist a unui stat romn modern41.
Manifestarea, chiar dac slab, a independenei romneti ar fi survenit, aadar, la
foarte puin timp de la dispariia lui Stalin,
ntr-o vreme n care destalinizarea viitoare
nu era nc clar. Alte momente importante ar fi fost Congresul al II-lea din 1955
i plenara din 1958. Pentru Dej, campaniile de destalinizare lansate de Hrusciov
nu prevesteau nimic bine. Asemenea altor
veterani politici, el considera c noua politic nu putea dect s submineze sistemul, n
general, i regimul din Romnia, n special.
A profitat de ea numai n msura n care
era util scopurilor sale de autonomizare i
cucerire a puterii absolute, practicnd o
destalinizare strict controlat i limitat la
atacurile mpotriva fotilor rivali. A asigurat o romnizare a ealoanelor superioare
din partid i administraie, maghiarii i
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POLITICAL HISTORY
Mihai Ghiulescu
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Revista de tiine Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques Nr. 21-22 2009
Naiunea socialist i
patriotismul socialist
n prezentarea concepiilor despre naiune, naionalism, internaionalism, vom
apela la dou lucrri politologice ale epocii:
un manual universitar de Socialism tiinific50 i
un Dicionar politic51. Primul lucru observabil este existena a dou tipuri de naiune:
naiunea burghez i naiunea socialist.
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POLITICAL HISTORY
Mihai Ghiulescu
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Problema naional
n ciuda declaraiilor oficiale privind
respectarea drepturilor minoritilor naionale,
efectele politicii reale au lsat impresia unui
proces de omogenizare etnic n sensul scderii procentului de minoritari prin emigraie sau asimilare. nc din anii 50, a
fost desfurat celebra i misterioasa afacere a vnzrii evreilor, nceput de GheorghiuDej, continuat i extins de Ceauescu. n
aceeai perioad, maghiarii din Transilvania au
beneficiat de o regiune autonom dar, chiar
i aa, situaia lor a lsat de dorit.
n anii 60, potrivit unor observatori,
situaia maghiarilor pare s se fi mbuntit n ceea ce privete folosirea limbii materne, meninndu-se ns restricii referitoare la schimburile culturale. Dup desfiinarea Regiunii Autonome Maghiare, n
1960, n ciuda protestelor guvernului maghiar, problema maghiar a revenit n
discuie cu ocazia reformei administrativteritoriale. Ceauescu a promis c va ine
cont de structura etnic a populaiei i va
veghea la respectarea prevederilor constituionale cu privire la folosirea limbii materne n coli, administraie etc. n localitile n care triau naionaliti conlocuitoare. S-a inut de cuvnt numai parial.
Propunerea de creare a unui jude puternic,
cuprinznd zonele cu cea mai mare densitate de populaie maghiar, a fost ignorat.
n schimb, n noua organizare, maghiarii
erau lsai majoritari n mai multe judee
dect n perioada anterioar dar lipsii de
posibilitatea de a crea un bloc, cu even-
53
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POLITICAL HISTORY
Mihai Ghiulescu
Rescrierea istoriei
Se poate observa c discursul politic romnesc a cunoscut, n timpul celor aproape
50 de ani de comunism, mai multe etape.
Prima dintre ele a corespuns ultimilor ani
dinainte de instaurarea oficial a noului regim (1945-1948) i a fost marcat de
54
Revista de tiine Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques Nr. 21-22 2009
torii ale literaturii noastre n context universal este protocronismul61. Astfel, Neagoe
Basarab era privit ca un contemporan superior lui Machiavelli dar i ca un anticipator al barocului literar, Cantemir ar fi
fost un romantic avant la lettre, Heliade
Rdulescu, un psihanalist, Negruzzi, un predecesor superior al lui Flaubert, Alecsandri
un presimbolist iar Eminescu, nici mai
mult nici mai puin dect un strmo al
existenialismului. Protocronismului nu i
era suficient s reinterpreteze istoria, avea
nevoie i de o legitimare a sa ca teorie i,
pentru aceasta, i-a autoproclamat filiaia
cu operele marilor istorici i literai din
trecut: direcia principal urmat de cercetrile ultimelor dou decenii a fost dominat de acelai spirit ce-i nsufleise pe Iorga
i Clinescu: a dovedi valoarea n absolut,
scria Dan Zamfirescu62. Bineneles, maladia nu s-a putut limita la literatur, ci a
cuprins rapid ntreaga istorie. Totul ncepea
cu Australanthropus Olteniensis unul
din primele exemplare decisive n procesul
antropogenezei pe calea lui homo sapiens
(Mihnea Gheorghiu) , descoperit, chipurile,
la Bungiuleti, n Olt, aproape de
Scorniceti63, care trebuia s arate c aici
ncepe antropogeneza n Europa64 i continua, n antichitate, cu Burebista, conductorul unei armate unificate de 200000 de
oameni (cifr nemaiatins de nimeni pn
n epoca modern). Att de puternic pare
s fi fost mpratul dac, nct Cezar, terifiat, ar fi ordonat asasinarea lui de ctre un
commando special, numit inei-v bine!
CIA (adic Centuria Infesta Addita).
Era, prin urmare, normal ca un astfel de
personaj s se bucure de toat atenia CC
al PCR, care a hotrt ca, n 1980, cu
ocazia Congresului internaional de tiine
istorice de la Bucureti, s se serbeze fix
2050 de ani de la nscunarea sa65. Mircea
cel Btrn a devenit cel mare pentru c,
fr al su Rovine, Europa se pare c ar fi
fost islamizat. Mihai Viteazul a fost un
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POLITICAL HISTORY
Mihai Ghiulescu
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POLITICAL HISTORY
Mihai Ghiulescu
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ROMANIA TODAY
POLITICS, ADMINIS TRATION AND ECONOMY
Il y a 20 ans
(Un panorama constitutionnaliste de la
rvolution roumaine)
Mircea CRISTE
1. Le bouleversement de l'ordre
constitutionnel par la rvolution.
L'clatement d'une rvolution se produit,
comme condition gnrale, lorsque la
Constitution ne reflte plus les besoins et
les aspirations des citoyens. Il est galement requis qu'on ait soustrait au peuple le
contrle sur la Constitution, c'est--dire
qu'il n'a plus la possibilit, ni directement,
59
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ROMANIA TODAY
Mircea Criste
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ROMANIA TODAY
Mircea Criste
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105 reprsentants des partis et des formations politiques, 27 reprsentants des minorits nationales et 3 reprsentants de l'Association
des anciens dtenus politiques. Les partis
constitus aprs taient accepts aux dbats
du C.P.U.N. avec le statut d'observateurs.
A cette premire organisation du C.P.U.N.
on apporta trs vite des modifications par
le dcret-loi n 82 du 13 fvrier 199018, qui
a port le nombre des membres 253 et
qui a organis le nouveau Bureau excutif
et les commissions spcialises du C.P.U.N.
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ROMANIA TODAY
Mircea Criste
Notes
1
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19
65
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ROMANIA TODAY
POLITICS, ADMINIS TRATION AND ECONOMY
Supradimensionarea i disproporionalitatea
legislativ. Uninominalul, reform electoral sau
miz politic?
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ROMANIA TODAY
Anca Parmena Olimid
Camera Deputailor
Senat
33,09%
32,36%
18,57%
6,17%
3,15%
2,27%
100%
34,16%
33,57%
18,74%
6,39%
3,57%
2,53%
100%
Aliana PSD-PC
PDL
PNL
UDMR
PRM
PNG-CD
Total
Not: Prima coloan a tabelului indic partidul, iar cea de-a doua coloan
menioneaz procentul obinut de respectivul partid n alegerile legislative
din 30 noiembrie 2008 pentru fiecare camer a Parlamentului.
Tabel nr. 3. Rezultatul alegerilor legislative din 30 noiembrie 2008
(numr mandate)
Numr mandate
Partide politice
Camera Deputailor
Senat
115
PDL
51
114
Aliana PSD-PC
49
65
PNL
28
22
UDMR
9
0
PRM
0
0
PNG-CD
0
Total
216
137
Not: Prima coloan a tabelului indic partidul, iar cea de-a doua
coloan menioneaz numrul de mandate obinute de respectivul
partid n alegerile legislative din noiembrie 2008.
Numr
Numr mandate
mandate Senat
Camera Deputailor
143
341
1992
143
343
1996
140
345
2000
137
314
2004
137
315
2008
Not: Prima coloan a tabelul indic anul scrutinului legislativ, cea de-a
doua coloan menioneaz numrul de mandate pentru Senat, iar cea de-a
treia coloan, numrul de mandate pentru Camera Deputailor
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GL = (Vi - li)2
Am notat: GL indicele de
disproporionalitate; Vi procentul de voturi
obinute de partidul i; li ponderea
mandatelor obinute de partidul i9.
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ROMANIA TODAY
Anca Parmena Olimid
afirmaie vom mai aduga urmtoarea precizare: nainte de reforma electoral din
2008, voturile acordate partidelor neparlamentare (ce nu reueau s depeasc pragul
electoral) erau redistribuite conform sistemului celor mai mari resturi partidelor
care depeau pragul electoral. Aadar, la
alegerile legislative din 2000, mai mult de
1/5 din opiunile corpului electoral au fost
redistribuite partidelor parlamentare, adic
mai mult de 2,3 milioane de voturi pentru
Camera Deputailor i 2,2 milioane pentru
Senat. Cnd vorbim de comparaie, n termenii rezulatelor alegerilor, este evident c
n alegerile legislative din 2004, nu-mrul
voturilor irosite va ajunge la 11-12%, pentru
ca la alegerile din 2008, procentul nregistrat s fie de numai 7-10 % (aceasta
nseamn c procentul difer n funcie de
fiecare camer a Parlamentului).
Semnificaia alegerilor.
Argumente pro i contra
n baza unor astfel de observaii vom
analiza rezultatele alegerilor din noiembrie
2008 comparativ cu rezultatele alegerilor
din 1992 i 2004, n sensul argumentrii
non-reprezentativitii sistemului proporional
romnesc (iniial proporionalist, dar devenit ntre timp majoritarist11), dar mai ales
al efectelor pragului electoral de 5%. Este
evident c putem aprecia c reforma sistemului electoral din 2008 a soluionat problema reprezentativitii. n competiia electoral aa cum menionat anaterior pentru
cele 137 mandate de senatori i 334 de deputai s-au nscris 2960 de candidai n cele
453 de colegii uninominale. Dintre acetia
31 au fost candidai independeni, Aliana
PSD-PC, PNL, PD-L, PRM i PNG susinnd candidai n toate colegiile. La aceast
9360739
10239125
8723251
9081077
6396804
10964818
12287671
10891910
10231476
6888055
1604079
2048546
2168659
11503399
491251
Camera Deputailor
VVEPP
VVE
VP
8765014
10880252
2115238
1992
10049643
12238746
2189103
1996
8464543
10839424
2374881
2000
8866775
10188106
1321332
2004
6212380
6886794
674414
2008
Not: Am notat n tabel: VVEPP voturile valabil exprimate pentru
partidele care au depit pragul electoral; VVE voturile valabil exprimate; VP
voturile pierdute; VP voturile pierdute procentual. Prima coloan a tabelului indic
numrul voturilor valabil exprimate pentru cele ase scrutine electorale pentru
partidele care au reuit s intre n Parlament; cea de-a doua colan indic numrul
voturilor valabil exprimate pentru cele ase competiii electorale, iar cea de-a patra i
a cincea coloan indic numrul voturilor pierdute (n cifr absolut i procentual) la
alegerile legislative din 1992-200812.
Anul scrutinului
70
14.63
16.67
19.92
11.24
7.11
VP(%)
19.45
17.89
21.91
12.96
9.75
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ROMANIA TODAY
Anca Parmena Olimid
fapt este acelai cu scorul nregistrat de candidatul
nvins n turul doi al alegerilor.
10
Calcule asemntoare au fost realizate de Cristian
Preda, Sorina Soare, op. cit., p. 99 pentru perioada
1990-2004. Vezi pentru detalii cu privire la modul de
calcul al indicelui de disproporionalitate pentru
fiecare scrutin legislativ n perioada 1990-2000 n
Cristian Preda, Romnia postcomunist i Romnia
interbelic, Meridiane, Bucureti, 2002, pp. 59-60.
11
Relum aici expresia consacrat de raportul
Asociaiei Pro Democraia, Istoria unui dezacord:
Uninominalul, Bucureti, 2008, pp. 17-19. Materialul
poate fi accesat pe site-ul oficial la adresa
http://www.apd.ro/files/publicatii/brosura_uninomin
al.pdf. Vezi i Cristian Preda, Sorina Soare, op. cit.,
pp. 97-98.
12
Calcule cu privire la numrul voturilor pierdute n
alegerile legislative dup 1989 au fost fcute cu
ocazia raportului Asociaiei Pro Democraia, Istoria
unui dezacord: Uninominalul, pp. 17-19. Vezi i
Cristian Preda, Sorina Soare, op. cit., pp. 97-98.
Raportul Asociaiei Pro Democraia consacr
expresia voturi pierdute, n timp de Cristian Preda
i Sorina Soare utilizeaz sintagma voturi irosite.
13
Lavinia Stan, Diane Vancea, Alegerile
parlamentare din 2008: Vin vechi n sticle noi n
Sfera Politicii, nr. 131-132, anul XVII, 2009, pp. 313.
72
14
Ibidem.
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POLITICS, ADMINIS TRATION AND ECONOMY
Introduction
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ROMANIA TODAY
Ctlina Maria Georgescu
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ROMANIA TODAY
Ctlina Maria Georgescu
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ROMANIA TODAY
Ctlina Maria Georgescu
circumscribed role in the democratic process, one that is subservient to the political
office bearer and public opinion24. The
rationale might be further emphasised by
the fact that, although civil servants may
be appointed according to political patronage,
in the absence of a detailed examination
over their competency and efficiency, one
cannot necessarily validate the assumption
that this politically appointment-based
procedure establishes the increase in the
level of incompetence and corruption at
governmental level25.
On the other hand, one may also argue
that the merit-based career system, within
the civil service recruitment, selection and
promotion procedures, works for the increase in competence and efficiency of the
public organizations. Moreover, some authors
suggest that the three basic principles of
the merit system open competition,
appointment capabilities and political
neutrality should be endorsed through
the establishment of written, standardised
examinations, based on the job description
and person specification26.
Some authors argue in favour of the
middle-way, impersonated by the complementarity model27 in which political
employees could dominate administrative
practice28.
Others incline in favour of a clear separation of political offices form the other
merit-based public positions29 corroborated
to the creation and consolidation of a
generation of professional public servants,
neutral as regards the political spectrum
and endorsed by a clear definition of the
role, responsibilities and relations among
institutions30. The grounds invoked for this
cry for the elimination of political patronage
is that it causes a perilous instability of the
public office, especially as regards the
leadership, noticeable at every electoral
cycle at the level of the political clientele,
translated in the pervasive controlled
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Conclusions
Thus, public offices must be filled with
public employees, according to the legal
provisions, who meet the person specifications of the appointment. In Romania, a
great share of public offices are filled with
political appointees, a characteristic disapproved
by many political science theorists as it
was argued that it generates many flaws in
the system; thus some demand a discrimination among the civil servants public
office, the public office of the political
elected official and the political office37.
Keeping a balance between centrallysprung political control over the management
of human resources and managerial
flexibility within public organizations is
especially challenging due to the extensive
set of rules and regulations. The pace of
public organizational reform is also decelerated by the same centrally-introduced
rules and regulations that govern the
public management of human resources.
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Ctlina Maria Georgescu
22
80
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POLITICS, ADMINIS TRATION AND ECONOMY
81
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Gheorghe Prvu, Ramona Gruescu, Roxana Nanu
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ROMANIA TODAY
Gheorghe Prvu, Ramona Gruescu, Roxana Nanu
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ROMANIA TODAY
Gheorghe Prvu, Ramona Gruescu, Roxana Nanu
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INTERNATIONAL POLITICS
HOW TO DEAL WITH THE RECENT ISSUES?
Michael RADU*
Abstract: This article is an overview of the recent history of Sri
Lanka. Starting from the quarter of history of civil war, the author
argues that humanitarian feeling are no policy alternative to common
sense and that a military solution is, in some circumstances, the best
way to save civilian lives.
Keywords: conflict, human live, human rights, civilian casualties, NGOs,
military solution.
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INTERNATIONAL POLITICS
Michael Radu
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INTERNATIONAL POLITICS
Michael Radu
Notes
1
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INTERNATIONAL POLITICS
HOW TO DEAL WITH THE RECENT ISSUES?
Preliminarii
93
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INTERNATIONAL POLITICS
Ion Deaconescu, Mihai Ovidiu Cercel
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cazul lui Hashim Thaci, ajuns prim ministru al noului stat independent.
Duplicitatea american s-a relevat i
n faptul c multe cadre militare de conducere, ofieri U.C.K, au fost antrenai n
S.U.A n cadrul Planului de Pace, demers
care s-a soldat ulterior, cu apariia unei
fore militare redutabile, capabil s opereze eficace n zonele de conflict deschis,
ocupate de populaia de origine srb.
Un factor destabilizator din Kosovo la constituit i atitudinea exagerat de tolerant a autoritilor engleze care au favorizat radicalizarea aciunilor etnicilor albanezi. n cartea The Coming Balkan Caliphate,
aprut n 2007, autorul, Christopher Deliso
atrage atenia c Societatea Islamic albanez din Londra, condus de eicul kosovar Muhammed Stubla, a fcut un lobby
activ i a procurat fonduri pentru U.C.K..
nc din 1998, n capitala Angliei, la moscheea Finsbury Park, se fceau recrutri
masive de lupttori islamici pentru rzboiul
sfnt din Kosovo, sub conducerea eicului
Omar Bakri Muhammed, membru al AlQaeda.
Exist voci care susin c serviciul secret britanic M16 era la cunotin de inteniile i aciunile unor lideri musulmani
din Anglia, ndeosebi ale lui Omar Bakri
care declara c noi, islamitii, nu facem
distincie ntre civilizai i non-civilizai,
inoceni i non-inoceni. Singura distincie
pe care o facem este ntre musulmani i
necredincioi. Viaa unui necredincios n
Islam nu are nici o valoare.1
Este de-a dreptul incalificabil atitudinea tolerant a unor guverne occidentale
n legtur cu aciunile teroriste ale lui Agim
Ceku, cel care a condus operaiunea Storm
(Furtuna), soldat cu exodul a 250.000 de
civili srbi i uciderea a 15.000 de civili.
Dup ncheierea operaiunii Mistral din
Vestul Bosniei, generalul Agim Ceku a
revenit n Kosovo, devenind comandantul
U.C.K., iar n 2006 a fost numit prim-
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Ion Deaconescu, Mihai Ovidiu Cercel
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INTERNATIONAL POLITICS
HOW TO DEAL WITH THE RECENT ISSUES?
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INTERNATIONAL POLITICS
Cezar Avram, Roxana Radu
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Cezar Avram, Roxana Radu
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Cezar Avram, Roxana Radu
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constituie ns un mijloc de aprare a intereselor profesionale care aparine indivizilor, nu sindicatelor. Aceasta este o consecin a principiului egalitii care impune
un echilibru, o necesar conciliere ntre
dreptul la munc i dreptul la grev14.
Solidaritatea presupune, de asemenea,
dreptul de acces la prestaiile de securitate
social i la serviciile sociale care se acord
n caz de maternitate, boal, accident de
munc, dependen de alte persoane sau
btrnee, precum i n caz de pierdere a
locului de munc, n conformitate cu normele prevzute de dreptul Uniunii i de legislaiile i practicile naionale. Securitatea
social este definit ca fiind protecia pe
care societatea o acord membrilor si
printr-un ansamblu de dispoziii publice
contra mizeriei economice i sociale care i
amenin n caz de pierdere sau reducere
important a ctigurilor datorit bolii, maternitii, accidentului de munc, omajului, invaliditii, btrneii sau decesului,
precum i acordarea de ngrijiri medicale
i de alocaii familiilor cu copii15. Astfel,
orice persoan care are reedina i se
deplaseaz n mod legal pe teritoriul UE
are dreptul la prestaii de securitate social
i la avantaje sociale. De asemenea, orice
lucrtor are dreptul la protecie mpotriva
oricrei concedieri nejustificate n conformitate cu dreptul Uniunii i cu legislaiile
i practicile naionale.
Dreptul lucrtorilor la informare i la
consultare n cadrul ntreprinderii este un
alt drept care deriv din principiul solidaritii. Astfel, lucrtorilor sau reprezentanilor acestora li se garanteaz, la nivelurile
corespunztoare, informarea i consultarea
n timp util, n cazurile i condiiile prevzute de dreptul Uniunii i de legislaiile i
practicile naionale. Prin Directiva 94/45/
CE s-au pus bazele unei Comitet european
de ntreprindere i a unei proceduri n
ntreprinderile i grupurile de ntreprindere
de dimensiune comunitar n vederea
Consiliului nr. 80/987/CEE din 20 octombrie 1980 care se aplic tuturor lucrtorilor
salariai ai cror angajatori fac obiectul,
conform dreptului naional, n ceea ce privete patrimoniul lor, unei proceduri care
vizeaz despgubirea colectiv a creditorilor lor11.
Art. 12 din Cart recunoate dreptul la
ntrunire panic i asociere la toate nivelurile, n special n domeniile politic, sindical i civic. Principala form asociativ
bazat pe criteriul profesional o constituie
sindicatele. Sindicatele se constituie n
scopul aprrii drepturilor i promovrii
intereselor profesionale, economice, sociale,
culturale i sportive ale membrilor acestora
(salariai, funcionari publici sau persoane
care presteaz o activitate n baza unui raport juridic de munc). Unul dintre principiile fundamentale care guverneaz dreptul
muncii este principiul negocierii, negociere
care poate fi individual sau colectiv. Dreptul
la negociere este recunoscut, n art. 28 al
Cartei, att lucrtorilor, ct i angajatorilor,
n conformitate cu dreptul Uniunii i cu
legislaiile i practicile naionale.
Pe lng dreptul de a negocia i de a
ncheia convenii (contracte) colective, art.
28 prevede i dreptul de recurge la aciuni
colective, inclusiv la grev. De-a lungul
timpului, n funcie de ar i de circumstane, greva a mbrcat diferite forme: libertate (n sensul c ncetarea prestrii
muncii, n condiiile legii, nu atrage nici o
sanciune disciplinar sau penal), drept
(i, n consecin, absena oricrei culpe pe
care angajatorul ar putea-o invoca pentru a
pune capt contractului de munc sau
pentru a aplica alt sanciune), mijloc de
aciune sindical recunoscut i lucrtorilor
individuali12. Uneori dreptul la grev nu
este un drept fundamental distinct. El intr
n compunerea libertii sindicale, care
nglobeaz libertatea de a forma sindicate,
libertatea n interiorul sindicatului i libertatea aciunii sindicale13. Dreptul la grev
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Introduction
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Administrative capacities as
prerequisites for EU membership
The provisions set out in Copenhagen
and Madrid were not the only ones stating
the importance of administrative reform as
an indicator of willingness to become full
member of the EU. In its Avis of July 1997,
the Commission claimed that administrative
capacity is a condition for EU membership4 since, once admitted, new Member
States have only a short period of time in
which to transpose the huge body of
European law the acquis communautaire
within their national legislation, a demand
viewed by some as a rather new condition,
that was not on the Commissions agenda
regarding the countries which had acceded
in the first waves of enlargement5.
Actually, what interested the Commission
was the Member States ability to transpose EU policies and legislation at home.
This task could only be accomplished
through an efficient public administration.
The EU has no European administrative
law, nor does it have a public administration of its own, but depends on national
public administrations that function under
the subsidiarity principle6. And since the
EU depends on each of its Member States
administration to put its decisions into
practice, just as each of its Member States
depends on the other to implement every
piece of Community legislation, it thus
becomes very clear why the Commission
has emphasized the relation between EU
membership and performing national public
administrations.
As a result, Member States are not
restricted in their rights to organize their
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Ctlina Maria Georgescu
PHARE Program and the program established through the Commissions White
Paper for integration into the EU internal
market. This latter element was designed
to outstretch the phase of implementing
the legislation referring to the common
market, being pointed at boosting administrative capacities demanded precisely in
order to facilitate the transposition of
Community legislation. The Commissions
Agenda 2000 would unite these four units
under a new form of pre-accession strategy12.
In another document, the European
Commission Opinions Concerning the Accession
of the Central and Eastern European
Countries to the European Union, on the
efforts made by former Candidate Countries,
at present Member States, on the road to
accession, the Commission did not impose
a model, but rather general guidelines for
solving public administration issues, while
its responses to Member States have always
been centered on continuing the reform
process13. Public administration, political
and economic issues and the capacity to
take over the demands of EU membership
have remained a constant preoccupation
for the Commission as regards Candidate
Countries. Jacques Fournier (1998) found
that the Commission has dedicated an
entire chapter to the issue of public
administration capacities, an issue which
has also been dealt with in other areas:
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6
Ibidem, p. 13.
Ibidem, p. 13.
8
European Council in Copenhagen, 21-22 June
1993, Conclusions of the Presidency, p. 14.
9
Preparing public administrations for the European
administrative space, p. 14.
10
Jacques Ziller, EU Integration and Civil Service
Reform, in Preparing public administrations for the
European administrative space, p. 138.
11
Les Metcalfe, Meeting the Challenges of
Accession, in Preparing public administrations for
the European administrative space, p. 43.
12
Ibidem, p. 46.
13
Preparing public administrations for the European
administrative space, pp. 13-14.
14
Jacques Fournier, Administrative Reform in the
Commission Opinions Concerning the Accession of the
Central and Eastern European Countries to the
European Union, in Preparing public administrations
for the European administrative space, p. 111.
15
Ibidem, p. 113.
16
Agency for Public Management, Principles of
Good Administration in the Member States of the
European Union, Stockholm, 2005, p. 7.
17
Ibidem, p. 10.
18
Resolution 77(31) on the protection of the
individual in relation to the acts of administrative
authorities, adopted by the Committee of Ministers
on 28 September 1977 at the 275th meeting of the
Ministers' Deputies
19
Ibidem.
20
Agency for Public Management, op. cit., p. 11.
21
Ibidem, p. 16.
22
Ibidem, p. 12.
23
Working Party of the Project Group on
Administrative Law (CJ-DA), Principles of good
administration in Council of Europe member states,
Strasbourg, 2004.
24
Agency for Public Management, op. cit., p. 14.
25
Ibidem, p. 14.
26
Ibidem, p. 15.
27
Ibidem, p. 17.
28
Ibidem, p. 15.
29
Jacques Ziller, op. cit., p. 137.
30
Jacques Fournier, Governance and European
Integration Reliable Public Administration, p. 121.
31
Ibidem, p. 121.
32
Agency for Public Management, op. cit., p. 16.
33
Tony Verheijen, The European Union and Public
Administration Development in Central and Eastern
Europe, in Randall Baker (ed.), Transitions from
authoritarianism: the role of the bureaucracy,
Greenwood Publishing Group, 2002, p. 250.
Notes
1
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Mihai Alexandru Costescu, Olga Costescu
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Mihai Alexandru Costescu, Olga Costescu
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Project Cycle Management (PCM) represent the basis for strengthening such
capacity.
Change programs often fail to determine in advance how to measure success
or failure. The ideal plan should be carefully
monitored to assess the real impact of
taken actions on those involved. Evaluation
can refer to reviewing productive performances for a period of time, tracking work
absences, or a new survey on organizational attitudes and climate. All these can
lead to the conclusion that the problem still
exists because the initial diagnosis and
planning were erroneous or that new
factors, which require a different approach,
have emerged.
The manager may be interested in
changing a persons performance or the
average level of performance achieved by
a group of people. If the target represents a
single person, the general effort involved
to make a change may be different than
the one needed for a collective change. In
an attempt to change the behavior of certain people, it is necessary to know certain
things about the individual, and the change
must be adapted according to his needs,
values or interests. But, if the target is the
performance of a group (the results of
daily activities, presence and absence to
work, income etc.), the strategy should be
oriented towards collective changes in the
designated group.
A large number of people and organizations face the issue of collective changes
versus individual changes. For example,
traffic safety officials are concerned with
the rate of accidents and deaths during
holidays (a collective aspect) and, at the
same time, all these people are concerned
with the safety of their own children (an
individual aspect).
All strategies involving changes, either
at an individual or collective level, have
special people-adapted characteristics. When
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Bibliography
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
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Mackabin Thomas Owens
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Mackabin Thomas Owens
122
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Mackabin Thomas Owens
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Mackabin Thomas Owens
the belief that the globe can be transformed on the basis of the universal
principles articulated by the Declaration of
Independence, and what critics call the
messianic impulse is no aberration but
represents the mainstream of American
opinion regarding foreign policy. Of course,
as many scholars have noted, it is not the
only foreign policy tradition. Another is
what Walter Russell Mead has called the
Jeffersonian or Old Republican school.42
This school was adumbrated by Charles
Pinckney, who, as an advocate of the
dominance of domestic over foreign affairs,
can be properly described as isolationist.
Old Republicans such as John
Randolph of Roanoke and John Taylor of
Caroline were deeply suspicious of centralized power and its corrupting effects on
the people who wield it. They opposed the
War of 1812, calling itmerely war for
honour, a metaphysical war that could
not be justified by American interest and
which, by requiring a strong federal
government to wage it, would end in the
destruction of the last experiment in free
government. The Old Republican argument
is today embraced by many on the right of
the political spectrum, especially so-called
libertarians and traditionalist conservatives
but concerns about the impact of war on
growth of centralized governmental power
can also be observed on the political left as
well.43
There is also the aforementioned realist
school, which criticizes the tradition that
includes the Bush Doctrine. Realists stress
the importance of power and military
security in international affairs and are
most concerned about maintaining stability
and a peaceful balance of power. For the
realist, the states most vital interest and
its only meaningful goal, no matter its
form of government is to maintain sufficient
relative power to ensure its security.
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12
132
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44
133
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Anca Parmena Olimid
Ballots 03
Turnout
24956
7832
31%
27602
6572
24%
19%
31,8%
30259
11137
37%
34763
9376
27%
19%
36,5%
1334909
51248238%
38%
1436286
483993
34%
6%
13,9%
Change in
Number of
Voters
Voter
Turnout
Percentage
Change
Registered 03
CITY
WIDE
Turnout
ALL
15TH
WARD
ALL
24TH
WARD
Ballots 04
WARD/
TOTALS
Registered 04
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138
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2008
2004
2000
1996
1992
1988
0
Barack Obama
50
100
150
Democratic Party
John McCain
200
250
Republican Party
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Anca Parmena Olimid
Table 1. Most voters Sat News Media Wants Obama To Win. Joe the Plumber a Top
Campaign Story, released October 22, 200838 .Question 1: Who Does Media Favor in
the 2008 Election? (Based on Registered Voters)
Who does most
reporters want to
see win?
Obama/Democrat
McCain/Republican
Neither
Dont know
1992
1996
2000
2004
2008
50
22
6
22
70
9
8
13
%
52
17
5
26
59
17
3*
21
Notes
1
140
47
23
6
24
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34
38
Ibidem, p. 26.
John Talbott, Obamanomics How BottomUp Economic Prosperity Will Replace TrickleDown Economics, New York, Seven Stories
Press, 1st edition, 2008, p. 17.
36
James W. Ceaser, Andrew Busch, John J.
Pitney, op. cit., p. 27.
37
John Talbott, op. cit., p. 17.
35
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Since some of the PRCs actions indicate movement in one direction and others,
sometimes simultaneously, in another direction,
it becomes difficult to distinguish trend
from countertrend. Consequently, it is easy
for an analyst to find evidence that fits his
or her previously held opinion. Is China
peacefully rising, as the author of the first
quote argues, or is China a threat, which is
implicit in the second?
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Chinas Power and Will...
While it has been fashionable to conclude such analyses by pointing out that,
for all its increased capabilities, the PLA is
no match for the United States military,
this is to argue the question in the wrong
way. The Chinese government has no
intention of challenging the United States
in a global confrontation. One analyst, whose
study focused on the navy but could be
generalized into a broader scenario, points
out that on any given day, American forces
in the western Pacific may be surprisingly
weak, depending on maintenance status
and commitments in the Indian Ocean and
Persian Gulf. Windows of opportunity
would be available for Beijing to benefit
from its new naval power.8
Other events that underscore the
progress of military modernization include
the PLAs unveiling of its newest fighter
jet, the multirole J-10, and its successful
test, in January 2007, of a ground-based
medium-range ballistic missile to destroy a
weather satellite orbiting more than 500
miles in space. The J-10, introduced with
great fanfare the same month, was described as a role reversal in the global arms
industry, with analysts expressing surprise
at Chinas speed in moving from an armsimporting country to one with real promise
as a producer of cutting-edge military
technology.
By contrast, there was no initial
announcement of the anti-satellite test. News
was leaked to the magazine Aviation
Week and Space Technology, presumably
by sources within the U.S. Department of
Defense. Beijings confirmation came
only after American officials hinted that
the PLA might have carried out the test
without the knowledge of high-ranking
government officials.
At the same time, the PLAs National
Defense University was hosting a ten-day
conference on informationized military
training.9 Since the Gulf War of 1991, its
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Chinas Power and Will...
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Chinas Power and Will...
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accession to the World Trade Organization. Its governments fears were quickly
borne out. The maquiladoras, factories
that imported both components and raw
materials duty-free from the United States
and then reexported the finished products
to America, were forced out of business by
lower Chinese wages that produced lowerpriced goods, even after transportation costs
had been included. Factories relocated to
the PRC. Even such iconic products as the
national flag and statues of the countrys
patron saint, the Virgin of Guadaloupe,
virtually all were being imported from the
PRC.
Factories have closed in Central America
for similar reasons. Brazil also has lost
several hundred thousand lower-end jobs
to China. Manufacturers of higher-end
products are concerned as well. After the
Brazilian government agreed to recognize
China as a market economy, the influential
Industrial Federation of Sao Paolo criticized the action as a political decision that
could leave the countrys economy in a
vulnerable position and bring prejudicial
consequences to various sectors.
As if in confirmation, Brazils trade
surplus with China decreased by 51 percent
in the months following its grant of market
economy status (MES) to the PRC. Other
adverse consequences could follow. Under
World Trade Organization rules, it becomes more difficult to impose penalties
on MES countries for dumping goods.
Brazilian businesses worry not only about
the PRCs inroads into the domestic
market, but also about their countrys
ability to continue exporting products like
shoes and automobiles that Brazil has had
previous success with.
Argentina, which also granted MES to
China during Hu Jintaos November 2004
visit, saw its imports from the PRC
increase by 70 percent while its exports
expanded only 20 percent. In retaliation, in
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Assuaging Fears
China is aware of the concerns raised
by its rapidly increasing international profile,
and has made efforts to assuage them.
After it discovered that the term peaceful
rise was not having the desired effect, Beijing
replaced it with peaceful development.
Chinese premier Wen Jiabao, speaking to
a gathering of Southeast Asian states, described his country as a friendly elephant.19
Efforts have been made to use soft power
to dispel the image of an emerging military
and economic juggernaut. Confucius Institutes now exist in a number of countries.
These institutes provide introductions to
traditional Chinese culture, including a
version of the great sages teachings that
presents his native land positively. In this
endeavor, Confuciuss advocacy of a datong,
or great harmony, is set forth as Chinas
hope for the international community. The
institutes also assist the host countrys
educational institutions to offer courses in
the Chinese language. There have even
been discussions in the Chinese media
about replacing the dragon as the symbol
of the country with an animal with a more
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order, it will do so. Those who are suspicious of Beijings intentions point to the
advice paramount Leader Deng Xiaping
gave to PRC foreign and security policymakers in the early 1990s. Known as the
24 character strategy, it admonishes Chinese
to observe calmly; secure our position;
cope with affairs calmly; hide our capabilities and bide our time; be good at maintaining a low profile; never claim leadership. The phrase, make some contributions
was added later.22 A few years after, in a
1999 speech that was interpreted as trying
to restrain the countrys militants from a
more aggressive international posture, President Jiang Zemin made a statement with
a similar meaning, arguing that although it
may be
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16
154
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HOW TO DEAL WITH THE RECENT ISSUES
Shelley RIGGER*
Abstract: Taiwans newly-elected president, Ma Ying-jeou, is determined
to relax the tension that has gripped the Taiwan Strait for more than a
decade. His positions during the election campaign were calculated to
reassure both the Beijing government and the Taiwanese people. On the
one hand, he made it clear that he would remove barriers to improved
relations and reach out to the Chinese leadership. At the same time, he was
equally clear in his commitment to protecting Taiwans interests. Mas
positions strike a balance between preserving Taiwans de facto political
independence and moving toward a more constructive relationship with the
mainland. This approach enjoys widespread popular support in Taiwan.
Still, the devil is in the details, and implementing Mas ideas will require
cooperation from Beijing, and from other political actors within Taiwan
itself.
Keywords: independence, unification, election, popular preference,
foreign relations.
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thing.21
The third constituency Ma must persuade,
before his cross-Strait agenda can be fully
implemented, is his own party. Here again,
cautious optimism is warranted. On the
one hand, with the KMT in control of
nearly three-fourths of the legislature, Ma
should have an easy time passing legislation to execute his policies. On the other
hand, the KMTs large majority makes the
historically-fractious party, which only this
year repaired schisms of more than a
decade, harder to discipline than ever.
Mas ability to lead the KMT when it was
out of power was a matter of debate; now
that the party is back in control, reining in
its worst impulses will require a rmer
hand than he has demonstrated in the past.
Still, KMT legislators are not an ideological bunch; it may be possible to secure
their cooperation on cross-Strait policy by
providing side-payments of more immediate and material benet to them and their
districts.
As the reopened cross-Strait dialogue
began to bear fruit in the rst month after
Mas inauguration, the KMT legislative
leadership raised the issue of legislative
involvement in the negotiating process.
Speaker Wang Jin-pyng raised the possibility that the legislature might pass a bill
guaranteeing the body representation in
negotiations. While Wangs proposal met
with a stern reaction from the executive
branch, the Premier Liu Chao-shiuan afrmed
that cross-Strait agreements would be submitted for legislative ratication. It is
important for the two branches to work out
a balance of executive autonomy and legislative oversight; the fact that they do not
automatically agree is probably a healthy
sign. Nonetheless, these debates are fodder for
claims that the KMT is internally divided.
Conclusion
Taiwans relations with Beijing and
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/speeches/2007/1203_taiwan_bush.aspx
(accessed April 7, 2008).
21
Washington Sends Mixed Signals, Taipei
Times, April 8, 2008.
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168
contributions to the UN. Under the circumstances of the financial and economic
crisis that we cross there could take place
the upheaval of values with no guarantee
that they will not affect the impartiality
and independence of judges. However, it
is difficult to argue the existence of a homo
universalis outside from any historical and
national conditioning who could ensure a
fair trial. And after all, we can ask ourselves: What would a fair trial in this court
mean? What should be the values and
procedures in relation to which court
would function?
Far from being rhetorical, these questions
can get answers, but the situation remains
equally problematic because responses are
not fully convergent.
As Francis Fukuyama shows, Americans
and Europeans have different opinions
about the source of legitimacy at the international level; Americans consider that
this is rooted in the will of the democratic
majority in the constitutional nation-states,
and Europeans tend to believe that it relies
on the principles of justice which are
higher than the laws and the wills of the
nation-states taken separately.7 The foundations of these views are found in their
national histories, and from this point of
view, things are understandable, because
as it is expressed by Professor Neagu
Djuvara at a conference held at University
Al.I.Cuza of Iasi, Americans are some
Europeans who have evolved differently.
European vision could be substantiated
by bringing into question the phrase majoritys tyranny; this majority could take
correct procedural decisions that might not
respect the universal liberal values. Democratic majorities may decide to do
awful things to other countries and they
may violate human rights and decency
standards on which their democratic order
is based.
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5
Ibidem, p. 200.
apud Anton Carpinschi, Cristian Bocancea, tiina
politicului, Iai, Ed. Universitii Al.I. Cuza, 1998,
p. 54.
7
Francis Fukuyama, Construcia statelor. Guvernarea
i ordinea mondial n secolul XXI, Ed. Antet,
2004, p. 121.
8
Ibidem, p. 122.
9
Ibidem, p. 127.
10
Hotnews.ro, 29.01.2009, 21:42
11
apud Jan Riis Flor, Rudolf Carnap. Filosofia
ca sintax logic, n Anton Hugli, Poul Lubcke,
Filosofia n secolul XX, vol. II, Ed. ALL
EDUCATIONAL, 2003, p. 179
12
Ibidem, p. 180.
13
Hotnews.ro, 27. 01. 2009, 23:17.
Notes
1
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15
Ibidem, p. 301-302.
G. Boroi, Drept civil. Partea general.
Persoanele, Ed. Hamangiu, Bucureti, 2008, p. 215;
E. Chelaru, Drept civil. Partea general, Ed. All
Beck, Bucureti, 2003, p. 117-120; V.V. Popa,
Drept civil. Partea general. Persoanele, Ed. All
Beck, 2005, p. 100-108; A se vedea i Trib.
Suprem, col. civ, decizia nr. 231 din 25 februarie
1958, C.D. 1958, p. 175; Trib. Jud. Braov, decizia
civil nr. 370/1974, R.R.D. nr. 12/1975, p. 46.
17
Tr. Ionacu, Curs de drept civil. Teoria general
a obligaiilor, E.D.P., Bucureti, 1967, p. 49.
18
D. Chiric, Eroarea, viciu de consimmnt n
materie contractual, Dreptul nr. 7/2005, p. 21-22;
I. Deleanu, Cunoaterea legii i eroarea de drept,
Dreptul nr. 7/2004, p. 49-61.
19
J. Kocsis, Unele aspecte teoretice i practice
privind eroarea de drept, Dreptul nr. 8/1992, p.
39-42; Trib. Jud. Bihor, decizia civil nr. 449/1981,
R.R.D. nr. 8/1982, p. 38 i urm.; Trib. Jud.
Cara-Severin, decizia civil nr. 474/1985, R.R.D.
12/1985, p. 55 i urm.
20
C.S.J, decizia civil nr. 160/1993, Dreptul nr.
7/1994, p. 84.
21
A se vedea Cazul McInery v Banca Lloyds
[1974] 1 Lloyds Rep 246.
22
A se vedea Cazurile Dimmock v Hallett [1866] i
Bisset v Wilkinson [1927] AC 177
23
A se vedea cazul Esso Petroleum v Mardon
[1976] QB 801.
24
A se vedea cazul Benson v Consiliul Local
Lincoln [1999].
25
A se vedea cazul Banca Comercial din Sydney
v RH Brown i Asociaii [1972] 2 Lloyds Rep 360.
26
A se vedea cazurile Eurocopy v Teesdale [1992]
BCLC 1067, Attwood v Small [1838] 6 Cl & F
232.
27
A se vedea cazul Dery v Peek [1889] 14 App
Ges 337.
28
A se vedea cazul Howard Marine v Dredging Co
Ltd v Ogden & Sons Ltd [1978] QB 574.
29
A se vedea cazul Oscar Chess Ltd v Williams
[1957] 1 WLR 370.
16
Note
1
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Radu RIZA
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Radu Riza
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Radu Riza
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Alexandru Serban, Silviu Gabriel Bratu
ori de cte ori exist indicii temeinice c efectuarea unei percheziii este necesar pentru
descoperirea i strngerea probelor.
n doctrin s-a artat c prin efectuarea percheziiei se caut, n anumite
locuri, obiectele i nscrisurile ce pot servi
ca mijloace de prob n procesul penal i,
n caz de descoperire se ridic de la persoana sau instituia la care se gsesc.
Percheziia poate fi efectuat ca urmare a
refuzului de a se preda obiectele i nscrisurile solicitate, dar poate avea loc i distinct
de ridicarea de obiecte i nscrisuri3.
Percheziia poate contribui la rezolvarea cauzelor penale prin obiectele i nscrisurile pe care le poate da la iveal i care
pot avea relevan n elucidarea unor aspecte
ale cauzei penale4. Foarte important de reinut este faptul c percheziia domiciliar
poate fi dispus numai de judector i
numai dup nceperea urmririi penale,
aspect rezultat din coroborarea alineatelor
3 i 6 ale art.100 din Codul de procedur
penal. Din interpretarea per a contrario a
textelor menionate anterior mai reiese c
percheziia corporal sau asupra vehiculelor poate fi dispus i de alte persoane,
cum ar fi procurorul sau organul de cercetare penal, i chiar nainte de nceperea
urmririi penale.
De asemenea, mai semnalm regimul
diferit al percheziiei n funcie de faza
procesului penal n care este dispus.
Astfel, dac aceasta a fost dispus n cursul
urmririi penale se efectueaz de procuror
sau de organul de cercetare penal, nsoit,
dup caz, de lucrtori operativi. n schimb,
dac percheziia a fost dispus n cursul
judecii, instana are ea nsi posibilitatea
s procedeze la efectuarea percheziiei cu
ocazia unei cercetari locale. n celelalte
cazuri, dispoziia instanei de judecat de a
se efectua o percheziie se comunic
procurorului n vederea efecturii acesteia.
(art.102 din Codul de procedur penal).
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Consideraii prealabile
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Ineficacitatea contractelor n
dreptul naional.
n doctrina naional, nendeplinirea
condiiilor de validitate a unui act juridic
civil este sancionat cu nulitatea.
Nulitatea reprezint sanciunea de drept
civil care lipsete actul juridic civil de
efectele contrarii normelor juridice edictate
pentru ncheierea sa valabil1.
La nivelul doctrine de specialitate s-au
conturat urmtoarele funcii ale acestui
grad de ineficacitate a actului juridic civil:
1. funcia preventiv, care const n ameninarea cu nlturarea efectelor actului juridic, n cazul n care acesta se
ncheie cu nesocotirea dispoziiilor
normative ce reglementeaz condiiile
sale de validitate.
2. funcia sancionatorie funcioneaz atunci
cnd funcia preventiv nu i-a dovedit eficiena i const n ndeprtarea
efectelor ce contravin normelor juridice edictate pentru ncheierea valabil a actului juridic civil.
n funcie de felul (natura) interesului
ocrotit prin dispoziia legal nclcat la
ncheierea actului juridic, nulitate este: absolut, care sancioneaz nerespectarea, la
ncheierea actului juridic, a unei norme de
drept care ocrotesc un interes general, public
i relativ, care sancioneaz nerespectarea, la ncheierea actului juridic, a unei
norme de drept ce ocrotete un interes
particular, individual.
Nulitatea se mai clasific n funcie de
ntinderea efectelor sale, ca fiind: total
acea nulitate care desfiineaz actul juridic
n ntregime i parial acea nulitate care
desfiineaz numai o parte din efectele
actului juridic, care rmne n fiin i i
produce celelalte efecte, deoarece nu contravin legii.
n funcie de modul de consacrare
legislativ, nulitatea este: expres acea
nulitate ce este prevzut, ca atare, ntr-o
dispoziie legal i virtual acea nulitate
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Snejana POPOVA*
Abstract: This article presents the results of a comparative study of
media discourses on the immigration. The study reflects a concrete
event context (2006): Bulgaria awaits its entrance to the EU; a more
restrictive law on immigration is voted in France; in several countries
of Western Europe some restrictive measures towards immigration
are put to practice. The results of the linguistic study reveal two
different images of immigration within the two media studied. At the
same time, an in depth reading of the same results reveal a common
point the media of the two countries act according to the political
requirements.
Keywords: media, immigration, semantic field, image, media
discourse, political discourse.
a reprsentation de limmigration
dans les mdias reflte les processus
sociaux, les volonts politiques et les
comportements sociaux spcifiques pour
chaque pays. Lobjectif de cette recherche1
est de relever les convergences et les
divergences dans le traitement de ce problme par la presse bulgare et franaise.
Le texte ne contient que les pistes principales de la recherche et quelques conclusions auxquelles elle a abouti.
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Discours mdiatiques sur limmigration
mais en mme temps, pour limiter limmigration illgale, on btit un mur de 600 km
la frontire avec le Mexique.
Journaux tudis : 24 tchasa/24 heures
lun des deux journaux bulgares aux plus
gros tirages, dit par les experts tablode
hybride du fait quil mlange vrit,
sensation, divertissement. Proprit du
consortium WAZ depuis 1996 ; Dnevnik/
Journal considr par les experts
comme un quotidien bulgare de qualit ;
Sega/Aujourdhui qui prtend tre de
qualit, neutre, mais qui ne se prive pas de
certaines stratgies de la presse sensation
pour attirer plus de lecteurs ; Monitor/
niteur porte-parole des nationalistes
bulgares dans le pass (considrablement
plus modr aprs lapparition dun
journal du parti nationaliste Ataka en
2004-2005). Le Figaro le journal de
la droite en France, li aux ides politiques
de lUnion pour un mouvement populaire;
Libration orient gauche et soutenant
par tradition les droits des minorits ; Le
Monde journal reconnu de qualit.
Approche appliqu: Nous avons examin
les moyens linguistiques que les journaux
bulgares et franais ont utiliss pour crer
les images de limmigration.
Nous avons analys les termes dont
les journaux se sont servis pour dsigner,
dun ct, limmigration/les immigrants et,
de lautre, les actions produites ou subies
par les immigrs. Nous avons cern les
champs smantiques prdominants qui imposaient limage de limmigration dans
lespace publique bulgare et franais.
Ltude tait guide par le poids
(la frquence) des lexmes et des lexies
dans le corpus.
Description du corpus : Nous nous sommes
limits aux titres. Les titres annoncent la
nouvelle ou son analyse, reprsentent
souvent un condens du texte. On peut les
considrer comme des messages indpen-
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Snejana Popova
Ueberfremdung 7, cr en Autriche et
traduit en franais comme surpopulation
et emprise trangre . Colette Guillaumin
rflchit sur la lexie immigrationsauvage 8. Des lexies analogiques
continuent dapparatre Mathieu Valette
mentionne immigration incontrle ,
immigration croissante , immigration
invasion 9. Ces derniers lexmes sousentendent le danger que cache la prsence
des immigrs.
2. Immigration 2006
Lanalyse des deux corpus fait ressortir
une convergence vidente et une divergence importante entre la presse bulgare et
franaise :
La convergence : Les titres dans les
deux presses reprsentent limmigration/les
immi-grants en gnral comme subissant
les actions dautrui (31 titres dans le corpus
bulgare et 36 dans le corpus franais).
La divergence est lie lutilisation du
lexme de base immigration . Tandis
que le corpus des titres bulgares lutilise
dans des cas isols, pour le corpus franais
cest le lexme dont la frquence est la
plus leve. Dans les journaux bulgares
prdominent des mots qui font partie de
son champs smantique des personnages
collectifs (ouvriers bulgares, immigrants,
immigrants clandestins etc.).
Arrtons-nous tout dabord sur les
lexmes qui dsignent les immigrants dans
les titres de la presse bulgare.
2.1. La presse bulgare
Les termes prfrs par la presse bulgare sont ouvriers/bulgares/nos (17 occurrences).
Ces lexmes apparaissent le plus souvent
dans les lexies ouvriers bulgares , nos
ouvriers bulgares et roumains , les ntres ;
laccent est mis sur les raisons de limmigration vers les pays plus dvelopps.
Les journaux bulgares font une association entre limmigration bulgare
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Presse bulgare
Tendance vers une prsentation de
limmigration en personnages collectifs;
Ddoublement du discours : folklorisation
du discours sur les ntres ; gnralisation des autres , discours de distance ;
Dramatisation de limmigration travers le
jeu des chiffres et les restrictions exerces
par des Etats ;
Etatisation de la restriction lgard des
immigrants.
Presse franaise
Tendance vers une problmatisation au
niveau national ;
Consolidation du discours politique en tant
que principal pour tous les dveloppements
du sujet ;
Esthtisation du discours politique dans
la direction du politiquement correct
travers de formes diffrentes de substitution
et deuphmismes ;
Personnalisation du dbat sur limmigration.
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5
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Xenia NEGREA
Abstract: In this article we have examined how the stylistic
mechanisms of credibility and persuasion worked in the Romanian
press in the administration of a subject which not only generated huge
audiences, but also led to the construction of a label and a linguistic
mapping. Starting from the most popular theories regarding
credibility and persuasion, we have shown how the call to the
emotional side came first, at the expense of the rational fund, as a
characteristic gesture of the approach of a topic in the press in
Romania.
Keywords: journalism, writing techniques, credibility, persuasion,
style, ambiguity, symbol, subjectivity, emotional background, staging,
audience.
1. Introduction
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Xenia Negrea
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Techniques of rendering speech credible in todays Romanian press
(Fig.1)
On September 11 2007 the news
Shots fired in the Craiova streets is
published. It was viewed 665 times. The
material shows a street altercation between
two groups of young people and is based
on the story of a witness. The lead of the
article and the ending are the ones that
draw the attention. Although from the
conclusive lead the reader is informed that
In just two weeks, in Craiova there were
two armed attacks in the article only one
is told. Only the ending has a logic-
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Xenia Negrea
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Techniques of rendering speech credible in todays Romanian press
this town! I have other important problems, than to come into this town early in
the morning. In the neighborhood Faa
Luncii of Craiova police set up special
surveillance in the last weeks.
The climax of the creation of this
language map, for this newspaper, is
reached in August. Now appear in two
days, August 26 and 28, no less than five
articles.
On August 26, two accounts of the
same event, providing contradictory data,
both materials trying to give the idea of
maximum tension. Thus, if one talks about
the tension from the first line of attack:
Shots fired in the street shooting and high
tension in Craiova..., in an article called
One of the heads of Craiova underworld
was shot dead after a game of poker, the
other suggests the tension from the title:
Craiova, a town under siege. Regarding
the contradictory elements, they relate to
the cause of death. Thus one of the articles
states that Shot several times in the head
and abdomen, but in contrast, the other,
citing an official source says: The autopsy
was performed and it determined that the
victim was shot with one bullet in the
chest area; the bullet entered one side and
came out the other side.
The difference between the materials
presented now and those in the past is the
accumulation of data, the frequency of
such incidents, even if they themselves are
isolated. Because of this attempt to find
continuity in the conduct of events, to
expedite the qualification of the locality as
a city under siege the journalists
arguments are syncopated. However, the
articles recorded 1957 page views, and
2001 views respectively.
In the August 28 edition we identify
the highest number of reader and the most
articles devoted to the topic in the same
edition of the publication. There are three
materials on the same sub-theme, the
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Xenia Negrea
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Xenia Negrea
(Fig.2)
The article on August 28 2008, Caiac
fingerprinted after death, ranks the I place
of the articles read on the website
Evenimentul Zilei with 26724 reads.
The attack simulates a call for calm: The
number of massive forces of order out
yesterday in the street have made the city
of Craiova quiet. In fact, the material is a
recapitulation of events. A portrait is done,
seemingly positive, of the victim, and
throwing in the deeply ambiguous the
image already created. He is presented as a
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Xenia Negrea
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Techniques of rendering speech credible in todays Romanian press
(Fig.3)
On 22 March 2008, a new story in the
same field brings 352 views. This time, the
title is no longer neutral. The journalist
recourses to a title by decal: Robbery
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Xenia Negrea
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Xenia Negrea
and the aggression against them is reproduced several times, by repeating the
same group of words: Reporters were
spit, cursed and threatened. On the other
hand, the forces of order are evaluated
quantitatively as follows: Hundreds of
policemen and gendarmes, and some
lines below, in the sequence next to the
article, the hundreds become two
hundred. In the same material is repeated
the story of the shooting, the inability of
the forces of order to cope with the situation is denounced, and an attempt by
the authorities not to solve the case is
suggested. Gardianul covers Craiova until
May 22 2009, when the article, Catalin
Mavrichie, accused of killing Caiac, was
sentenced to 25 years in prison, recorded
617 visits.
3. Conclusions
In carrying out this study we started
from the main theories in the specialty
literature that define credibility and persuasion and we tried to check the way they
operate at the level of the Romanian press.
Its model is equivalent to the French
model, which accepts a high degree of
subjectivity, of emotional involvement of
the journalist in selecting and processing
information. However, as noted before by
the important researchers of the phenomenon
of Romanian journalism, in this space
journalism has a greater freedom in the use
of means of expression and argumentative
techniques. After we have presented the
main ways to build credibility and persuasion, we chose three of the most important
daily newspapers, in terms of visibility and
popularity, and we watched how they have
managed a press issue: street conflicts in
Craiova. The analysis led us to several
conclusions:
1. In managing this issue, the only rational
evidence that journalists brought were
their own observations on the scene,
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2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
Notes
1
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17
18
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Davian VLAD
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Davian Vlad
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The Main Music Radio Formats in Romania Today
ProgrammeLayout
Programming
Image
Presentation
Content
Layout
Music
Format
Research
Marketing
Figure no. 2
The public (state) radios have a different
status, due to their specific mission (they
are meant not only to inform and entertain,
but also to educate), but they have to
conceive a certain coherent music strategy
(format), too. Usually, the most used
music radio format by the European public
stations is Soft/Mix Adult Contemporary
(Soft/Mix A/C), as the mission of a public
radio station cannot permit a strict specialization (this kind of stations broadcast
also classical music, jazz, traditional music
and so on, because it must meet the expectations of a variety of groups of
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Oldies
Classic
Rock
70s, 80s
Classic Hits
Easy
Listening
Soft
A/C
A/C
Rock A/C
Rhythmic
NAC
Oldies
Urban
A/C
Rhythmic
A/C
Hot A/C
Adult CHR Modern A/C
AOR
Urban/Black
Dance/
Rhythmic
CHR
Top 40
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10682.2
1200.9
789.5
1864.9
343.8
1829.6
201.5
46.7
862.3
2447.7
83.1
2055.3
46.5
1119.3
2139.4
100
6.8
7.8
12.4
2.4
10.9
1.1
0.2
5.2
17.2
0.5
14.6
0.1
6.3
14.4
TOTAL
Radio 21
Radio Antena Satelor
Radio Europa FM
Radio InfoPro
Radio Kiss FM
Radio Magic FM
Radio Naional FM
Radio Pro FM
Radio Romnia Actualiti
Radio Romnia Cultural
Radio Romnia Regional
RFI Romnia
Radio ZU
Alt post
6163.9
824
212
1296
187.5
1293.3
165.3
34
542.7
1317.4
63.9
621.1
38.8
907.8
1497.8
224
100
7.7
3.6
15
2.1
12.6
1.6
0.4
5.3
16.6
0.6
7.4
0.2
8.6
18.1
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The Main Music Radio Formats in Romania Today
A/C and CHR/Top 40 (with all their subcategories). The rock-oriented radio stations
are not very popular with the Romanian
listeners. Thus, we can say that the Romanian radio market has its specific
trends/developments, although there are
strong similarities to what can be found in
other European countries and, lesser, USA
(where the rock-oriented stations are highly
popular).
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care stau la baza actualei dezvoltri socialpolitice, Europa a fost i continu s fie n
centrul dezvoltrii universale, o lume
contradictorie i controversat.
n cadrul acestor ample preocupri de
analiz a noii construcii europene, a
spiritualitii sale politice i morale, dar
mai ales a evidenierii identitii sale, se
nscrie i actualul volum al prof. Univ. Dr.
Vasile Boari, Noua Europ n cutarea
identitii. Ca orice nou entitate politic,
Uniunea Europen trebuie s-i creeze i
s-i stabileasc propria sa identitate. Tema
identitii U.E. nu este nou, dezbaterile de
idei pe marginea acestei probleme au
aprut nc din momentul punerii bazelor
primei construcii europene. Identitatea
este un concept de baz i referin n
tiinele socio-umane, produsul contiinei
colectivitii, cel ce individualizeaz, particularizeaz o colectivitate, o entitate politic de alta, i confer substana, originalitatea, i d un suflet al su. Dei volumul
de fa elaborat de d-l Vasile Boari, Noua
Europ n cutarea identitii, este constituit
din trei eseuri, avnd iniial destinaii
diferite, cum nsi autorul precizeaz, el
este o lucrare unitar aceasta fiind dat de
tema comun abordat de-Europa i cu
precdere de Uniunea European.
n studiul su, Vasile Boari realizeaz
o analiz profund i detaliat a problematicii identitii, evideniind diversitatea
abordrilor, pornind de la tradiionaliti
care n definirea Europei pun accent pe
factori primari; geografici, istorici, culturali,
spiritali sau a constructivitilor care afirm
c identitatea Uniunii Europene este n
curs de realizare datorit, n principal,
factorilor politici, ei neexcluznd participarea la acest proces i a altor factori
precum ar fi cei economici, culturali, spirituali i chiar religioi. In abordarea identitii Europei, prof.univ.dr. Vasile Boari
are n vedere i impunerea unei definiii
din perspectiva axiologic, fcnd apel la
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