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Table of Contents
Table of Contents....................................................................................................... 1
In the past, many states have enacted plans to reduce green house gas emissions
in various areas, such as: power plants and transportation....................................3
The states are learning to work together through formal agreements between
sub-national governments. .....................................................................................4
“One size fits all” federal policy fails (specifically in regards to pollution.).................5
Example of how a federal, “One size fits all” policy fails: The arsenic rule. ............5
Empirical evidence denies that decentralized regulation will cause a race to the
bottom. ................................................................................................................... 7
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In the past, many states have enacted plans to reduce green house
gas emissions in various areas, such as: power plants and
transportation.
Nicholas Lutsey (Ph.D., Transportation Technology & Policy from UNIVERSITY OF
CALIFORNIA, DAVIS, Institute of Transportation Studies , also B.S., Agricultural and
Biological Engineering, Cornell University; Postdoctoral scholar at University of California,
Davis, Institute of Transportation Studies) and Daniel Sperling (Director of the Institute of
Transportation Studies at the University of California, Davis; member of ten National
Academies committees on Gasoline Taxes, Hydrogen, Transport in China, Biomass Fuels R&D,
Sustainable Transportation, founding chair of standing committees for the U.S. Transportation
Research Board on Alternative Transportation Fuels (1989-’96), advises senior executives of
many automotive and energy companies, environmental groups, and national governments,
including review committees at three DOE national laboratories. “America's Bottom-Up
Climate Change Mitigation Policy” 2008, Energy Policy (scholarly journal about energy
policy) 36, 673-685 http://pubs.its.ucdavis.edu/publication_detail.php?id=1135
“Many state and city policy-makers have backed up their ‘‘top-down’’ G[reen ]H[ouse ]G[as ]
emission target-setting directives by enacting sector-specific policy mechanisms. The largest
GHG emissions contributors are power plants and vehicles, which represent 39% and 32% of US
GHG emissions, respectively (US EIA, 2007). Many states are now targeting these sources with
mitigation policies (PCGCC, 2007; CCC,
2007; Nadel, 2006). Other targets for state actions include residential energy usage (with
appliance standards) and agricultural and forestry sequestration. Local mitigation action areas
include land use, transportation planning, building codes, and waste reduction policies.”
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actions like emission target-setting, which at that time involved 10 states with 14% of US
electricity generation, lacked the necessary leverage for serious impacts. Earlier statements such
as this did not anticipate the snowball
effect now underway or the creative use of a variety of policy levers to effect change. The state
renewable
electricity standards cover more than half of US electricity generation, and states representing
about half of US vehicle sales are poised to adopt the California GHG regulation for vehicles.”
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protocols, and seek to ultimately merge those emission-reduction sub-markets. This trend toward
committed partnerships, often involving emissions trading, offers the prospect of overcoming
cross-boundary jurisdiction issues (e.g. electricity generated in one state is consumed in another),
and also cross sectoral issues (e.g. farm-grown ethanol blended in gasoline in other states).”
In contrast, the variation in both the benefits of cleanup activities and costs of certain other forms
of pollution can vary dramatically across different jurisdictions. This, for example, can be the
case for various forms of air and water pollution, where one size doesn’t fit all. An efficient
outcome in such a setting requires different standards for environmental quality depending on
how damaging the effects are and how costly it is to control the polluting activity.
Example of how a federal, “One size fits all” policy fails: The arsenic
rule.
A particularly interesting and provocative case in point arose in the waning days of the Clinton
administration in 2000, when EPA introduced a new measure to reduce the permissible level of
arsenic in U.S. drinking water by 80 percent. The “arsenic rule” applied to all jurisdictions in the
nation. Careful analysis of the new provision revealed that it promised only a minuscule
reduction in health risk on a national scale. EPA estimated that the tough new standard could
save approximately 20 to 30 statistical lives per year (the value of a “statistical” life is typically
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understood by economists to be the cost of reducing the average number of deaths by one). But
this estimate was subject to sufficient uncertainty that it is not unreasonable to believe that no
lives would be saved under the standard. Of special interest in this case was the enormous
variation across the country in the cost per household of meeting the arsenic standard. Huge
economies of scale exist in the treatment of drinking water such that the new measure could be
met in a large water district like New York City for under $1 per year per household. In fact,
many large districts were already in compliance with the new standard. But in very small water
districts, largely in rural areas, the cost of meeting the new standard was in excess of $300 per
household per annum, dwarfing any prospective gains. Indeed, far greater health benefits could
be achieved if such sums were used for other public (or private) health measures, such as
increasing the frequency of mammograms, colon screenings, or a host of other procedures. One
size certainly didn’t fit all in this case: the arsenic rule may have made sense for large water
districts, but it was economically wasteful for smaller districts.
Basic economics thus suggests an important principle for the structure of environmental
regulation: polluting activities that degrade environmental quality in a local jurisdiction should
therefore be a local responsibility (including the setting of standards). This way, regulatory
measures can be tailored to the specific circumstances of each jurisdiction.
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because their air was cleaner. The Rust Belt states accordingly lobbied for a
federal requirement that every new factory of a certain type had to install
the same abatement technology.
However, a closer look suggests that both in theory and in practice the case for a race to the
bottom is not very compelling. A standard theoretical model in which government seeks to
maximize the well-being of its citizenry reveals no such race. People care about the quality of the
environment—and a government that fails to respond to these concerns is unlikely to stay in
office. Moreover, the existing evidence provides little support for this view. Under the Reagan
administration in the 1980s, several measures were introduced that effectively moved the
responsibility for environmental management on a number of fronts back to the states, creating a
favorable setting for a race to the bottom. Three empirical studies have carefully examined this
episode, however, and none found any evidence of a competitive reduction in environmental
standards. On the contrary, increased state spending on environmental programs and
improvements in environmental quality continued unabated through this period.
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Federalism is an engine of legal innovation in the United States. As Justice Brandeis commented,
“[i]t is one of the happy incidents of the federal system that a single courageous state may, if its
citizens choose, serve as a laboratory; and try novel social and economic experiments without
risk to the rest of the country.” Through these experiments, citizens are able to get better laws.
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Charles Tiebout famously observed that while political mechanisms for local government
services and taxes may be clumsy and inefficient, citizens can always vote with their feet by
immigrating to jurisdictions that provide better services for their tax money. The Tiebout
hypothesis shows that even without direct markets for government services, federal competition
can lead to efficient outcomes. Legal scholars have for many years examined the positive effects
of federalism in fields such as contract law, local government and tax law, and corporate law. As
scholars such as Larry Ribstein have shown, individuals’ ability to choose the best law for their
needs leads to competition that improves the quality of law and the efficiency of transactions.
Corporate law has been the scene of a particularly vigorous discussion about the benefits of
federalism.
In decentralized countries the incentives to actively take part in the political process are further
strengthened, because the individual influence on politics is larger, and personal, local relations
are more important than in centralized countries. Thus, individuals and firms have incentives to
invest in jurisdiction-specific, local human capital and relations. Consequently, decentralization
strengthens local attachment of individuals and firms. This counteracts the direct effects of
decentralization on the incentive to migrate.
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the same time that each will be controlled by itself.” Two centuries later,
[Supreme Court] Justice [Sandra Day] O’Connor would invoke the intentions
of the Framers on behalf of the Court in Gregory v. Ashcroft. She identified
the tyranny prevention championed by the Framers as “the principal benefit
of the federalist system.”