Cahiers du Centre dtudes

Chypriotes 43, 2013

SOMMAIRE
Avant-propos, par A. HERMARY, Prsident du Centre ...................................................... 9
CONFERENCE
in Honour of Athanasios Papageorghiou
The Archaeology of Late Antique and Byzantine Cyprus (4th-12th centuries AD):
Recent Research and New Discoveries
(dir. Maria Parani and Demetrios Michaelides, University of Cyprus, October 2012, Nicosia)

Foreword: Maria PARANI and Demetrios MICHAELIDES ............................................... 11

Publications of Athanasios Papageorghiou ................................................................. 14
Charalambos BAKIRTZIS, ratosthne, les hydrocarbures et saint Onsiphore .......... 21
Isabella BALDINI, Early Byzantine churches in Crete and Cyprus, between
local identity and homologation ............................................................................ 31
Olivier BONNEROT, A Study of Materials used in the Production of Wall Mosaics
in Cypriot Early Christian Basilicas ...................................................................... 51
Alexandre BOURRIER, La basilique Hors-les-murs ( At Meydan ) dans la
topographie de la ville portuaire de Kourion ........................................................ 63
William CARAHER, R. Scott MOORE, Brandon R. OLSON, Amy PAPALEXANDROU,
The South Basilica at Arsinoe (Polis-tes-Chrysochou): Change and innovation
in an Early Christian Basilica on Cyprus .............................................................. 79
Salvatore COSENTINO, A Longer Antiquity ? Cyprus, insularity and the Economic
transition ................................................................................................................ 93
Thomas W. DAVIS, A New Window on Byzantine Kourion ...................................... 103
Giorgos GEORGIOU, An Early Christian baptistery on the south coast of Cyprus ..... 117
David METCALF, Imperial involvement in the governance of Cyprus during
the years 653-965: Archaeological evidence from lead seals ............................. 127
Rania MICHAIL, The Early Christian baptisteries of Cyprus (4th-7th centuries AD):
Typological analysis of the architecture and of the baptismal structure ............. 137

CCEC 42, 2012

Doria NICOLAOU, Liturgical Furnishings from Early Christian Basilicas of Cyprus

(4th-7th Century) ................................................................................................... 155
Tassos PAPACOSTAS, The Troodos Mountains of Cyprus in the Byzantine period:
Archaeology, Settlement, Economy ................................................................... 175
Athanase PAPAGEORGHIOU et Andras FOULIAS, Larchitecture funraire Chypre
du Ier au Xe sicle ................................................................................................... 201
Stylianos PERDIKIS, Le monastre des Hieren (des Prtres) Paphos.
Du paganisme au christianisme............................................................................. 227
Despina PILIDES, Excavations at the Hill of Ayios Yeoryios (Nicosia) Area VIII:
The churches ......................................................................................................... 243
Eleni PROCOPIOU, Larchitecture chrtienne dans la rgion dAmathonte
lpoque byzantine (IVe-XIIe sicles). Recherches archologiques 1991-2012 ...... 253
Ian RANDALL, Continuity and Change in the Ceramic Data: The Byzantine
Problem and Cyprus during the Treaty Centuries ............................................ 275
Charles Anthony STEWART, Military Architecture in Early Byzantine Cyprus ........ 287
Marina TOUMPOURI, Book Production in Cyprus (9th-12th century). The illustrated
manuscripts as evidence of artistic production on the island .............................. 307
DOSSIER
FRANCE DE CHYPRE, 1192-1474)
(dir. Gilles GRIVAUD, Universit de Normandie, Rouen)

Introduction par Gilles GRIVAUD ..............................................................................

Dan Ioan !"#$%&'( La France de Chypre de Nicolas Iorga. Aux origines de
lide de la France hors de France .................................................................
Isabelle ORTEGA, Rflexions sur une anthroponymie nobiliaire compare entre
la principaut de More et le royaume de Chypre, travers la Chronique de
More et les Lignages dOutremer ......................................................................
Pierre-Vincent CLAVERIE, Les Roussillonnais dans le royaume de Chypre
la fin du Moyen ge, une minorit comme toutes les autres ? .........................
Chris SCHABEL, Like God from Heaven, but they dont call him King.
The Rebellion against James I of Cyprus ............................................................
Ludivine VOISIN, Francs de Chypre et monastres grecs : le jus patronatus
en question ..........................................................................................................
Michalis OLYMPIOS, Looking Anew at the curvilinear tracery of the Bellapais
Abbey Cloister ....................................................................................................
Vronique FRANOIS, Vaisselle de terre et pouvoirs politiques Chypre
aux poques comnne, franque et vnitienne ......................................................
Philippe TRLAT, Le got pour Chypre. Objets dart et tissus prcieux imports
de Chypre en Occident (XIIIe-XVe sicles) ............................................................
Pagona PAPADOPOULOU, Betwixt Greeks, Saracens and Crusaders. Lusignan
Coinage and its Place in the Eastern Mediterranean (1192-1324) ......................

329
333

349
363
379
393
405
423
455
473

SOMMAIRE

Gilles GRIVAUD, Les voyageurs de langue franaise et la domination vnitienne

sur le royaume de Chypre (1480-1550) ............................................................... 493
Angel NICOLAOU-KONNARI, La France de Chypre de Louis de Mas Latrie ........ 505
TUDE
Marie-Louise von WARTBURG, Vestigia Leonis. Ceramica dorigine veneziana
e norditaliana rinvenuta a Cipro ......................................................................... 523

COMPTES RENDUS DOUVRAGES

1. P. SCHERRER, G. KOINER, A. ULBRICH (eds.), Hellenistiches Zypern und weitere
Beitrge zur Antike, Graz, 2010 [Sabine Fourrier] ............................................................. 551
2. Michael K. TOUMAZOU, P. Nick KARDULIAS, Derek B. COUNTS (eds.), Crossroads and
Boundaries. The Archaeology of Past and Present in the Malloura Valley, Cyprus,
Boston, 2011 [Giorgos Papantoniou] ................................................................................. 553
3. Brbel MORSTADT, Anne Viola SIEBERT et collaborateurs, Von Aphrodites Insel.
Zyprische Altertmer im Museum August Kestner, Hanovre, 2013 [Antoine Hermary] ... 557
4. Philippa M. STEELE (d.), Syllabic Writing on Cyprus and its Context, Cambridge, 2013.
Philippa M. STEELE, A Linguistic History of Ancient Cyprus. The Non-Greek Languages,
and their Relations with Greek, c. 1600-300 BC, Cambridge, 2013 [Anna Cannav] ...... 559
5. Marc AYMES, A Provincial History of the Ottoman Empire: Cyprus and the Eastern
Mediterranean in the Nineteenth Century, Londres, Routledge, 2013 [Alexis Rappas] ... 566
6. Benjamin ARBEL, Evelien CHAYES, Harald HENDRIX (d.), Cyprus and the Renaissance
(1450-1650), Turnhout, 2012 [Philippe Trlat] .................................................................. 570

Cahiers du Centre dtudes

Chypriotes 43, 2013

BETWIXT GREEKS, SARACENS AND CRUSADERS

Lusignan coinage and its place in the Eastern Mediterranean (1192-1324)

Pagona PAPADOPOULOU
Rsum. La priode des croisades connut une srie dvolutions qui transformrent la
Mditerrane orientale en modifiant la production et la circulation montaires des
nouveaux tats de lOrient latin. Plusieurs tendances caractrisaient les monnayages de
la rgion : limitation des monnayages des tats voisins, linspiration tire de la tradition
numismatique de la patrie des conqurants ou encore ladoption de modles frapps par
des tats puissants dans le domaine politique, conomique/commercial ou militaire. Cette
tendance, qui favorisait comme prototypes les monnayages de la Mditerrane orientale
(byzantin, fatimide, etc.), continua jusquau milieu du XIIIe sicle. La floraison des cits
commerciales italiennes modifia cependant cette situation, car les prototypes pour les
monnayages locaux furent ensuite fournis par les monnayages occidentaux (vnitien,
angevin, etc.).
Dans ce contexte, le monnayage des Lusignan se rvle comme une exception. On discerne
deux moments importants. Le premier correspond lintroduction par Guy de Lusignan
dun systme hybride, combinant des lments byzantins et croiss/occidentaux. Ce
systme facilitait les contacts du jeune royaume avec lOrient crois et lEmpire byzantin.
Le deuxime se traduit par la rforme montaire dHenri II (1285-1324) qui conduisit
labandon de ltalon dor et lintroduction dune monnaie dargent pur, le gros.
Ceci permit Chypre de mieux sintgrer dans le rseau commercial de la Mditerrane
orientale, o largent prdominait durant la premire moiti du XIVe sicle. Bien que le
monnayage chypriote prsente des affinits avec dautres monnayages contemporains
(byzantin et croiss au XIIe sicle, captien et angevin aux XIIIe-XIVe sicles), il est loin de
constituer une imitation de ceux-ci. En tenant compte des tendances de lpoque et des
particularits de lconomie chypriote, on peut affirmer que les deux rformes montaires
des Lusignan se caractrisaient par leur degr dinnovation et par leur ralisme.

It is generally accepted that coin iconography conveys the ideological messages of

the issuing authority to a broad audience, i.e. all coin users. Studies on the nature of
these messages and the mechanisms used to formulate and diffuse them through coinage
are relatively abundant with regard to Roman coinage but rather scarce and of a general
nature in the case of medieval coinages. Yet, the connection between coinage, ideology,
and identity becomes especially interesting in the case of the Eastern Mediterranean from
the late 11th to the 15th century. The period witnessed the creation and development of

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CCEC 43, 2013

different states, composed of autochthonous populations and new-comers with different

backgrounds and religions, who at a certain point were inevitably going to affect and
change one another.1
Coinage was widely used during the Late Middle Ages along with ceramics it is one
of the most common archaeological finds but its production in the Eastern Mediterranean
was mainly a state prerogative. Thus unlike religious and burial practices, language,
literature, art, architecture, pottery and textiles, coins fail to provide information about
their users identity a topic particularly interesting in the case of the Crusader states2
and tend to be more informative regarding state ideology and the projected identity of
the ruling classes. Ideological considerations, however, were not the only concerns of an
issuing authority, since the primary function of coinage was the facilitation of taxation
and commerce. In what follows, I will consider the Lusignan coinage in Cyprus as a case
study on the role of coins as a means for the dissemination of the rulers ideology and for
the facilitation of economic activity in the Eastern Mediterranean during the 13th century.
The crusader movement changed the political map of the Eastern Mediterranean
radically and led to the creation of several new states, each of which minted its own
coinage. A new trend emerged in the region, namely the imitation of other coinages and
the appropriation of their symbols and motives.3 This kind of imitation was not limited to
coin iconography, a feature pertaining mainly to ideological issues, but affected also the
fabric of coinage (metal content, shape, weight), thus revealing the existence of economic
considerations behind this practice.
Issuers drew their prototypes from three sources:4
1. A broad overview of coinage and identity in 13th century Anatolia and the Balkans, but without
any reference to Cyprus, can be found in Morrisson 2011.
2. The question of identity in medieval Cyprus, and its expression on different media, was
thoroughly researched in the framework of a recent colloquium at Kings College London.
Papacostas, Saint-Guillain (forthcoming). For similar questions with regard to the Frankish Morea,
see now Gerstel 2013.
3. Imitation was certainly not an innovation in minting practices. Earlier examples from the
medieval world include the Ostrogothic, Visigothic, Lombard and Vandal kingdoms, which,
from the 5th to the 8th century, imitated the Byzantine coinage (Grierson, Blackburn 1986, p. 2838 [Ostrogoths], 46-49 [Visigoths], 58-72 [Lombards]; Morrisson 2003, p. 65-74 [Vandals]), the
Arab-byzantine coinage (Foss 2008) and the contemporary Arab-sasanian silver and copper coins
!"#$%&'()**+,-.(/00/1()234#4.(/0005(&-.64+(+%7-.8(694(:736(;47-*+(*<(694("7=$(4>;=.3-*.'(694(
mid 11th century Danish imitations of Byzantine coins (Hendy 1970), etc. It remained, however,
a rather limited phenomenon until the end of the 11th century, when it developed to a prominent
practice in the Eastern Mediterranean either Byzantine, Crusader, or Islamic. A brief but clear
overview of this phenomenon is offered in Stahl 2013. For similar evolutions during the same
period in the Western Mediterranean, see Spufford 1988, p. 167-169.
4. An interesting exception to this rule form the coinages of the Artuqids and the Zengids, who did
not restrict their imitative repertoire to contemporary or slightly earlier coinages, but also imitated
ancient coins, apparently still available to the coin engravers of the time. Spengler, Sales 1992 and
Spengler, Sales 1996 respectively.

 FRANCE DE CHYPRE : P. PAPADOPOULOU, LUSIGNAN COINAGE

475

Coinages circulating in the recently conquered lands prior to the conquest. Close
observation of this type of imitations reveals a consistent pattern: almost without
exception the newly created states began their minting by imitating the already circulating
lower denominations of the previous regime, a coinage intended mainly for everyday use.
This practice aimed at securing peoples confidence in the new currency through the
resemblance of form and iconography and was usually pursued for an average period
of forty years. Examples include the copper coinage of Antioch and Edessa, imitating
the Byzantine folleis circulating in the area before the arrival of the Crusaders,5 and the
imitative trachea of the Latin empire of Constantinople that were based on 12th century
Byzantine prototypes.6 A comparison of the latter with the seals of the Latin emperors
of Constantinople is particularly revealing: whereas the trachea adopt the metal content,
iconography, shape and even the inscriptions of their Byzantine prototypes (several
among them bear the names of Byzantine emperors of the previous century, but none the
name of a Latin emperor), their seals, albeit bilingual (Greek and Latin), are characterized
by the presence of the name and titles of the emperor as well as by western iconography.7
It is evident that the choice of prototype and tradition was in direct relationship with the
used medium and its intended users or recipients.
As far as the production of precious metal coinage was concerned, it was undertaken
at a later stage: the saracene bezants, i.e. the imitative gold dinars of the Kingdom of
Jerusalem, based on the prototype of the Fatimid dinar, only started being minted around
1140,8 whereas the perperi latini, the gold hyperpyra closely imitating the hyperpyra of
the emperor of Nicaea John III Vatatzes (1221-1254), were issued by the Latin Empire of
Constantinople from the 1240s onwards.9
Coinages representing the numismatic traditions of the conquerors homelands.
Examples include the deniers and oboles minted by the Kingdom of Jerusalem, the
Principality of Antioch and the County of Tripoli in the 12th and 13th centuries,10 as well
as the deniers tournois issued in Frankish Greece during the 13th and 14th centuries.11 It
should be underlined that in all these cases, the minting of westernising coin issues

5. Metcalf 1995a, p. 22-30 (Antioch), 31-39 (Edessa).

6. Hendy 1999, p. 53-54.
7. Morrisson 2011, p. 161-162; Morrisson 2006. It is interesting to note, along with Ccile
Morrisson, that the seals of Baldwin II (1228-1261), the last Latin emperor of Constantinople before
the city was reconquered by the Byzantines in 1261, were much closer to the Byzantine tradition.
8. Metcalf 1995a, p. 43-51.
9. Oberlnder-Trnoveanu 2000, p. 508-509.
10. Metcalf 1995a, p. 52-79 (Kingdom of Jerusalem), 117-139 (Principality of Antioch), 156-168
(County of Tripoli).
11. Metcalf 1995a, p. 252-286; on the monetary production of the Frankish Morea, see now Baker,
Stahl 2013.

476

CCEC 43, 2013

started only after the aforementioned period of ca. forty years since the conquest had
elapsed.
Coinages of other states holding a prominent position in the political, commercial,
and military scene. Two phases can be clearly discerned: the first one, from the late 11th to
the mid 13th century, is characterized by the use of Byzantine coins as the main prototypes
for the imitative issues. The phenomenon was not limited to the Crusader states (cf. the
previously mentioned coppers of Antioch and Edessa and the Latin imitative trachea), but
was of a wider scope. In 1194, Venice introduced the silver grosso, whose iconography
derived from the Byzantine electrum aspron trachy (trikephalon),12 whereas the monetary
products of the Empire of Thessalonica served as the prototype for the first issues of the
newly founded Serbian Kingdom at the beginning of the 13th century.13
The second phase (mid-13th to 15th centuries) saw the reverse of this process: western
coinages became the predominant circulating medium in the Eastern Mediterranean,
serving as prototypes for the locally produced currencies.14 Thus, the Venetian silver
grosso was imitated by the Byzantines, the Serbians and the Bulgarians, the gigliato of
Naples was taken up as a prototype for several issues in the Aegean and the gold ducat of
Venice led to a series of imitative issues in Latin-ruled Chios, Mytilene and Rhodes, as
!"##$%&$'($)*+"&,&-$.+"$/%*'.%#$,0$.+"$1"2#'3$,0$4256(,7#8-$%(5$*,&&'9#2$,.+":$*#%/"&$'($
Islamic Asia Minor.15
As will be seen, the Cypriot royal coinage diverged from this pattern, both in the
nature of its monetary production and in the duration of its imitations, if we can call them
like that.16
After its secession from the Byzantine Empire under Isaac Komnenos in 1184 and a
brief, but troubled period under Richard Lionheart and the Templars, the island of Cyprus
12. Stahl 2000, p. 18-19, 21.
;<=$>?%('@"?'A$BCC;-$*=$DEFDGH$I"(52$;GGG-$*=$J<KFJ<D=
>?%('@"?'A$BCC;-$*=$DEFDGH$I"(52$;GGG-$*=$J<KFJ<D=
14. This phenomenon resulted not only from the increased commercial power of the Italian
maritime cities and the weakening of the Byzantine Empire, but was also due to a shift in the
movement of precious metals gold and silver in the Mediterranean. Watson 1967 and below.
15. Stahl 2013, p. 248-250.
;J=$>.$&""L&-$+,!"?":-$.+%.$.+"$M
>.$&""L&-$+,!"?":-$.+%.$.+"$M:&.$(,(F12N%(.'("$'&&8"$,0$.+"$'&#%(5$/,(0,:L"5$.,$.+'&$*:,.,.2*"=$
$:&.$(,(F12N%(.'("$'&&8"$,0$.+"$'&#%(5$/,(0,:L"5$.,$.+'&$*:,.,.2*"=$
In 2002 Simon Bendall attributed to Richard Lionhearts short stay in Cyprus a small copper coin
of Byzantine inspiration, bearing the Latin inscription REX. The attribution is quite plausible, since
'.$'&$/,(M:L"5$92$.+"$&L%##$,8.*8.$%(5$.+"$.2*"O&$3(,!($*:,?"(%(/"&$P%9,8.$;Q$3(,!($&*"/'L"(&$
of which ca. 10 from Cyprus), as well as stratigraphic data from the Saranda Kolones excavations
in Paphos. Less certain is the reason that prompted the striking of these coins: both ceremonial
distribution on the occasion of Richards wedding with Berengaria in Limassol in May 12, 1191
and troop payments have been proposed. In any case, the type imitated the Byzantine tetarteron or
the half-tetarteron, the smallest denominations circulating in 12th century Cyprus, but declared the
issuers identity by stating his title but not his name in Latin. It was thus in concordance with
the minting practices of the Crusader states described previously. Bendall 2002; Schulze 2003;
Bendall 2004.

 FRANCE DE CHYPRE : P. PAPADOPOULOU, LUSIGNAN COINAGE

477

passed to the king of Jerusalem Guy of Lusignan (1186-1190/94) in 1192. Guy introduced
an innovative monetary system that combined Byzantine and western/Crusader elements,
thus rendering Cyprus the only Crusader state that adopted a hybrid monetary system
immediately upon its creation.
His precious metal coinage was of Byzantine inspiration (Fig. 1). The white bezant
of Cyprus derived its concave shape, iconography and, to some extent, its metallic
composition from the Byzantine electrum aspron trachy or trikephalon, but did not
constitute a direct imitation. It has been observed that its possible iconographic prototype
was offered by the trikephala of Manuel I Komnenos (1143-1180).17 This is certainly not a
coincidence, since Manuels issues form a major element in the surviving trikephala from
the island; they must have arrived there in large quantities and were still readily available
in the 1190s.18 They thus offered an obvious choice to Guy, who, nevertheless, made
two significant changes: on the obverse, Christ is blessing by using the gesture of the
trinitarian benediction of the Latin church, and not the orthodox one used on Byzantine
coinage;19 on the reverse, the Byzantine stemma with pendilia worn by the emperor was
replaced by a Latin crown with three pointed edges, while the labarum-headed scepter,
a purely Byzantine imperial attribute, was replaced by a scepter cruciger.20 Although the
changes were minor, they focused on the two pillars of the new order on the island: royal
power and the Latin Church, thus underlining its differences with the previous regime.
The inscriptions, written in Latin, conveyed a similar message.21 At first glance, this
might seem as an obvious choice, but was in fact done contrary to previous and later
17. Morrisson, Bompaire 1995, p. 1457. The obverse derives from Manuels second trikephala
issue (Hendy 1999, Pl. XII, 3) and the reverse from his last one (Type E, Hendy 1999, Pl. XIII, 6).
18. Metcalf 1991.
19. Metcalf 1998a, p. 27-28.
20. Both the crown and the insignia copy the ones born by Guy and his predecessors on their seals
as kings of Jerusalem. Schlumberger 1877, p. 10, Pl. 1.2.
21. Regarding the inscriptions content, it has long been suggested that Guy, being king of
Jerusalem but only lord and not king of Cyprus, deliberately chose the formula REX GVIDO/DE
CIPRO to be engraved on his bezants (Metcalf 1998a, p. 28, Pl. 1, nos 1-5), deniers (Metcalf 1998,
p. 78-79, Pl. 17, nos 3-13), and coppers (Metcalf 1998a, p. 111, Pl. 16, nos 12-14) in order to
avoid the direct combination of the words REX and DE CIPRO. Starting from Hugh I (1205-1218), his
successors, who held the title of king of Cyprus, used the legend REX CIPRI. Schlumberger 1878, p.
149 and most recently Metcalf 1998a, p. 2-3. This interpretation, however, overlooks the fact that
Guy used the same formula on his coppers reading REX GVID D/E IERVSALEM (Metcalf 1998a, p. 107,
!"#$%&'$()*$%+%%,#$-(.$/01*$.2*31/2$/02$456/$/05/$02$75*$)48615""9$6:)7(2.$;1(<$)4$=2:>*5"2?$1($%%@&$
and that his predecessors on the throne used a different legend [BALDVINVS REX DE IERVSALEM from
Baldwin III (1143-1163) onwards (?) (Metcalf 1995a, p. 52-57) and AMALRICUS REX DE IERVSALEM for
Amaury (1163-1174) (Metcalf 1995a, p. 57-71)]. In light of this, it would be prudent not to ascribe
<:25/$*1<(1865(62$/)$/02$7):.$):.2:$)4$A>9B*$1(*6:13/1)(#$A1C2($/02$5?D1<>1/9$:2<5:.1(<$/02$?1(/$
attribution of his DE IERVSALEM coppers (see below), two solutions are possible: if they were minted
in the Kingdom of Jerusalem, they presented an innovation in mint practices, that was adopted by
the Cypriot mint for Guys issues. If they were minted in Cyprus, they presented a particularity of

478

CCEC 43, 2013

Crusader minting practices. As previously mentioned, the Antiochene coppers and the
imitative trachea and hyperpyra of Latin Constantinople bore Greek inscriptions, the
saracene bezants Arabic or Arab-like ones. In this respect too Guys coinage presented an
unprecedented feature.
If iconography and language were to a certain extent influenced by concerns of
ideological order, this was not the case of shape, weight, and metal content features
closely connected to the economic function of coinage. Although white bezants look very
much like the Byzantine trikephala, with the exception of shape, they differ significantly
from them. One would have expected Guy to adopt the fineness and weight of the
trikephala, thus rendering his new issues absolutely compatible with the coins already
circulating in the island. Careful weight statistics and metal analyses have shown that
this was not the case. The following table presents the average weight and metallic
composition of Byzantine trikephala and Cypriot white bezants:22
Average
weight(g)

Au(%)

Ag(%)

Cu(%)

Weightofpure
Au(g)Ag(g)

Total
precious
metal
weight(g)

(1092
1180)

4.20

26.8

60.4

12.5

1.12

0.25

1.37

(1180
1203)

4.20

10.8

78.4

10.8

0.45

0.33

0.78

(1192ca
3.74
1290)

16.8

64.2

19.0

0.63

0.24

0.87

Denomination
Byzantine
trikephalon

Cypriot
whitebezant

The differences in both weight and metal content are obvious. Unfortunately Guys
coinage is extremely rare, since at present only six specimens are known.23 They present
fluctuations regarding their weight but tend to be heavier than the later average and seem

the local mint that was later abandoned. A further solution would be to consider the DE CIPRO part
of the legend as referring to the mint place, but such an interpretation ignores the similarities with
the DE IERVSALEM copper. In this latter case the division of the legend between the obverse and the
reverse in the middle of the word DE makes it clear that the DE IERVSALEM refers to the royal title,
and not to the mint place.
22. After Morrisson, Bompaire 1995-1996, p. 35, Table 1. The weight for the white bezants is
!"#$%&#'%(#$)*$+*!,$-.#/01#2-3$4"#'#%-$!"#$1#!%550/$/)1.)-0!0)2$.'#-#2!-$!"#$%&#'%(#$)*$!4#2!,6
eight specimens dating from Guy de Lusignan to Henry II (1285-1324), kept at the Bibliothque
nationale, Paris. A detailed presentation of the metallic composition of each specimen can be found
in Barrandon et al. 1994, p. 821, Table 2.
23. Metcalf1998a,p.27.

 FRANCE DE CHYPRE : P. PAPADOPOULOU, LUSIGNAN COINAGE

479

to adjust to the actual weight of Manuels trikephala.24 Only one of these bezants, a gilded
and pierced specimen (4.05g), has been analyzed. Its metallic composition (16.2% Au,
65.5% Ag, 18.3% Cu) diverges significantly from the trikephalon, but a single specimen
does not offer a solid basis for comparison.25 Thus any conclusions drawn on the intentions
of Guy on that matter would be inconclusive. In general, however, as Ccile Morrisson
and Marc Bompaire have observed, the metallic composition of the white bezant is closer
to that of Manuels trikephala (an average of 19.4% Au, 69.4% Ag, 11% Cu) as seems
to be the case also with their iconography and weight.26 This is certainly no coincidence,
since, as already mentioned, Manuels issues form a major element in the surviving
trikephala and must have been present on the island in large quantities.27
Guys monetary system was completed by another two, smaller denominations. The
billon denier, worth 1/48th of the bezant, continued the tradition of the Crusader deniers.
It was going to form a permanent component of the Cypriot monetary system, probably
even after the introduction of the silver gros. Like its Latin inscriptions, its iconography
was also of western/Crusader inspiration: a cross on the obverse and a schematized
gateway or fortification with a star in it on the reverse (Fig. 2).28 On the seals of later
kings of Cyprus, the gateway or fortification was intended to represent the city of Nicosia
as is revealed by the inscription CIVITAS NICOSSIE.29 There is no reason to assume something
different in the case of the deniers.
The denominational system was completed with two types of copper coins (oboles?).
Their relationship to the other denominations is not known. After Guy their issue was
discontinued with the exception of a short revival as commemorative issues under
Henry I (1218-1253) and possibly Henry II (1285-1324).30 It would be tempting to see
in these coppers the continuation of the Byzantine copper tetarteron or half-tetarteron,
circulating on the island before 1192, but the evidence contradicts this hypothesis. As
mentioned, there were two types of copper coins: the rarer among them bore a star on
the reverse and the inscription REX GUIDO DE CIPRO, thus offering a secure attribution to the

24. Morrisson, Bompaire 1995-1996, p. 36. Only three of these specimens have been weighed:
!"#$#%$!&'($)*'$+,-.&!,/$)0#1'$2$.$32456.$)78$24529.$*'+:';!-1',/<=$#7'$-+$,-.&!'*$3>49?.<@$0A!$-!+$B)7$
is ragged. Again, the evidence does not allow us to draw any secure conclusions. Metcalf 1998a,
p. 28 and p. 138 (Pl. 1). Later bezants present remarkable stability of weight and metal content.
Barrandon et al. 1994, p. 820.
25. Barrandon et al. 1994, p. 821, Table 2.
26. Morrisson, Bompaire 1995-1996, p. 36.
27. See above, n. 18. The fact that Manuel I minted trikephala in very large quantities led to the
adoption of the term manuelata in order to refer to this denomination in Greek and Latin documents
of the 12th and the 13th centuries. Hendy 1999, p. 252.
CD4$E'+-8'+$)$!/:'$-7$!&'$7)('$#%$FA/@$!&'$G
E'+-8'+$)$!/:'$-7$!&'$7)('$#%$FA/@$!&'$G*+!$8'7-'*+$),+#$+''($!#$-7;,A8'$)7$)7#7/(#A+$!/:'$
$*+!$8'7-'*+$),+#$+''($!#$-7;,A8'$)7$)7#7/(#A+$!/:'$
of the same iconography reading DE CIPRO on both faces. Metcalf 1998a, p. 9, 77-81, Pl. 17.
29. Metcalf 1995b, p. 368.
30. Metcalf 1998a, p. 10.

480

CCEC 43, 2013

mint of Cyprus and the period after 1192 (Fig. 3).31 The other one, although much more
common, presents problems of attribution. It was initially considered as an issue of the
!"#$%&'(&)(*+,-./0+'1(."#2+("3(4&,+(35+("#.2,"63"&# REX GVIDO DE IERVSALEM (Fig. 4). The
recorded provenances, however, are predominantly Cypriot and the issue was transferred
to Cyprus.32
This view needs to be revised for several reasons. First of all, the assumption that Guy
might have used the DE IERVSALEM inscription in Cyprus before it occurred to him to use
the legend DE CIPRO, as Michael Metcalf suggested, cannot be accepted.33 It would mean
that the issue predated the introduction of the bezant and the denier, both mentioning
Cyprus on their legends, and that the new monetary system was introduced in two phases,
which is rather improbable. Moreover, the fabric of this type differs from that of the other
small denominations, a problem that could only be solved by the assumption of a second
mint being active on the island,34 which is again rather improbable. The iconography of
the type also speaks against a Cypriot attribution, since the Holy Sepulcher, depicted
&#( "3.( ,+7+,.+1( ".( /( 0/#%'/,8( &)( *+,-./0+'( 3,/%"3"&#/009( /..&2"/3+%( :"35( 35+( !"#$%&'(
of Jerusalem on coins and seals.35 Finally, the volume of the issue seems too large and
stylistically diverse for a period of only two years (1192-1194).36
Numismatically speaking, the evidence of provenance is considered to be secure, but
the circumstances of Guys reign in the Holy Land were exceptional as he lost most of his
kingdom soon after his accession to the throne. This could be the reason for the restricted
circulation of this type in the Holy land. I would thus suggest reattributing this issue to the
Kingdom of Jerusalem. When Guy went to Cyprus, he must have brought with him the
available coined quantities that had not yet been put into circulation.37 He later minted on
the island a very small quantity of this denomination with the legend DE CIPRO and a star
on the reverse, similar to the one found on the gateway of his deniers a symbol that for
some reason must have been associated with Cyprus or Nicosia and its mint. The fact that
the local issue was extremely limited, and that this denomination was discontinued after
Guys death, are indications that the Jerusalem coppers were not adequately integrated in
the new Cypriot monetary system and were abandoned.

31. Metcalf 1998a, p. 111-112, Pl. 16, nos 12-14.

32. Metcalf 1995a, p. 177-180; Metcalf 1998a, p. 107-110, Pl. 16, nos 1-11.
33. Metcalf 1995a, p. 178-179.
34. Metcalf 1995a, p. 179; Metcalf 1998a, p. 109.
35. It is represented on the coins issued in the name of Amaury (1163-1174). Metcalf 1995a,
57. Along with the Dome of the Rock and Davids tower, it is also one of the three landmarks of
Jerusalem showed on the seals of the kings of Jerusalem throughout the 12th century and on the
seal used by Guys brother, Aimery (1194-1205), as king of Jerusalem and Cyprus. Metcalf 1995b,
p. 366-367, Fig. 1.
36. Metcalf 1998a, p. 108-109.
37. Michael Metcalf considers this possibility, but seems to discard it. Metcalf 1998a, p. 108.

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481

Guy, as lord of Cyprus, created an original, hybrid system combining elements from
the Byzantine tradition of the island and his Crusader background, a decision that was
well informed. Regarding the bezant and its prototype, the Byzantine trikephalon, it has
long been observed that the latter formed the main circulating medium in the island as
far as higher denominations are concerned, a fact that differentiated Cyprus from the
rest of the empire where the gold hyperpyron prevailed.38 At the same time, hyperpyra
are completely absent from the archaeological and written record of the island. This
particularity, however, is not found exclusively in Cyprus, but also in southern Asia
Minor, Crete and Rhodes, which formed a special circulation area in the south-eastern
territories of the empire. There is evidence that the Byzantine state was aware of this
particularity and supported it until 1204.39
In this context, Guys decision to adopt an electrum concave coin as the highest
denomination of his new monetary system was completely justified. The white bezant
represented a currency to which the islands population was accustomed and for which
the primary material was provided by the Byzantine trikephala. Trikephala and bezants
must have circulated side by side with one another for a while, since die-studies have
shown that Guys production was extremely limited, certainly insufficient for the local
needs, and his brother Aimery (1194-1205) discontinued the issue of coinage.40 No
mixed hoard has been recorded hoards containing bezants are in any case extremely
scarce but the assimilation of the two coinages in peoples conscience is evident in coin
terminology. The term trikephala is used for the white bezant in the earliest translation
of the Constitutio Cypria specifying the amount of money received by the Archbishop of
Nicosia during his annual visit to the Greek bishoprics.41 A similar process can be observed
with the term byzantii albi. Initially, it was used in Venetian and Genoese documents in
order to describe the Byzantine trikephala, but later it was applied to the white bezants.42
Moreover, the introduction of the white bezant allowed Guy to create a currency that
was compatible both with the neighboring regions of the Byzantine Empire, that in 1192
was still considered a major Mediterranean economic power, but also with the saracene

38. Metcalf 1991, p. 238.

39. Papadopoulou 2010, p. 208-210.
40. Metcalf 1998a, p. 29.
41. Constitutio Cypria (1260): LX solidorum Turonensium summam, vel tot byzantios qui illis
aequivalent; Barberinus gr. 390: !"#$%&'( )*+,-( '%.+&/)-( 0 '1& 234,(& '5 6)%& '+-$/7(8(
3(9 (1260-1287). See Morrisson, Bompaire 1995, p. 1459 and n. 14.
42. Morozzo della Rocca, Lombardo, 1940, n 191 [1167], p. 191; Imperiale di SantAngelo,
n 96 [1174], p. 218, col. 1. After 1217 the term bisantios albos is used several times in the cartulary
of the Cathedral of Saint Sophia in Nicosia in order to refer to the white bezants: Coureas, Schabel
1997, passim. It is also mentioned in a document issued in 1248 by the papal legate in Cyprus Eudes
of Chteauroux: Du Cange, 1883-1887, p. 801 (s.v. byzantius).

482

CCEC 43, 2013

bezant, with which it had a simple exchange rate of 3 to 1.43 Contact with the Crusader
states was also facilitated by the lower denominations of his hybrid system. Indeed, it is
particularly during this early period, and up to the 1230s, that Cypriot deniers are found
in the Crusader mainland and vice-versa. Guys realistic and successful choices allowed
his monetary system to continue for more than a century.
In the second half of the 13th century important monetary changes took place in the
Eastern Mediterranean as a result of the discovery of new silver mines in Europe and the
intensification of commerce between East and West. The gold - silver ratio became higher
in the Eastern and Southern Mediterranean, and Italian merchants recurred to the use of
silver either coined or in ingots in their transactions with these regions, a trend that
was going to last at least until the 1340s. A shift from gold to silver coinages was evident
in the Eastern Mediterranean. By the mid-13th century the Venetian silver grosso became
an international coin widely imitated in the region, while the Anatolian states (Cilician
Armenia, the Seljuk Sultanate of Rum and the Empire of Trebizond) issued silver coins
weighing 3g. In the West, the reign of Louis IX (1226-1270) saw the creation of the gros
tournois (Fig. 9), a heavy silver coin that was soon imitated by the County of Tripoli,
and the Angevin Kingdom of Naples left the gold standard in favour of a silver one with
the introduction of the silver gigliato (1303) (Fig. 12).44 Cyprus actively participated in
this movement of precious metals, since 14th-century merchants manuals include it as a
major destination for silver.45 One cannot be certain, however, whether this was equally
valid for the period before 1291, when the fall of Acre and the collapse of the Crusader
states increased the islands role in the Eastern Mediterranean trade networks. Be that as
it may, in conjunction with the described changes, an important development took place
in Cyprus with the creation of a silver coin of purely western inspiration that replaced the
white bezant: the gros.
The introduction of the Cypriot silver gros and its half, the gros petit took place
in the reign of Henry II, but its exact date still escapes us.46 Any hypothesis needs to rely
on the coins themselves, since the written sources continue to refer to white bezants. The
troubled history of Henrys reign (1285-1324), which was interrupted by the usurpation
of his brother Amaury (1306-1310) and his own exile to Cilicia (1310), offers some hints

!"#$%&'$'()&*+,'$-*.'$/0$1$2*-*)'+'$3'4*+.$./$"$5$6&7.'$3'4*+.2$-'8
%&'$'()&*+,'$-*.'$/0$1$2*-*)'+'$3'4*+.$./$"$5$6&7.'$3'4*+.2$-'8').'9$.&'$7+.-7+27)$:*;<'$/0$
$').'9$.&'$7+.-7+27)$:*;<'$/0$
.&'$)/7+2$*0.'-$.&'$9'3*2'='+.$/0$.&'$2*-*)'+'$3'4*+.$7+$)*#$11>?$@/+;A$BC"$,/;9D#$E.$72$)/+F-='9$3A$
a notarial act of Lamberto di Sambuceto at the very beginning of the 14th century: Desimoni 1895,
p. 6-7.
44. This phenomenon and its wider context is described with clarity in Spufford 1988, p. 147-239,
267-288.
45. Spufford 1988, p. 152-156 and maps 17-19.
46. In the legend of the last known white bezants the kings name is abbreviated as H (Fig. 5).
It has been widely accepted that it refers to Henry II rather than Hugh III (1267-1284): Morrisson,
Bompaire 1995, p. 1464.

 FRANCE DE CHYPRE : P. PAPADOPOULOU, LUSIGNAN COINAGE

483

regarding the classification of the first gros issues. The following table presents the four
issues of this period:
Ruler

Obverse

Reverse

HenryII
(heavyseries)

Kingseatedon
ahighbacked
throne.

LionofCyprus.

Inscriptions
French:
HenrireideIerusalem
etdChipr

Latin:
HenryIIand
CrossofJerusalem. LionofCyprus. HenricIrlmeCiprirex,
Amaury
AmalricgubnatorCipri

Amauryalone

LionofCyprus.

HenryII
(lightseries)

Kingseatedona
backlessthrone
withliondevices.

Latin:
Impaledshield
AmalricTirensis
(crossof
dominus,
Jerusalem/lion
Ciprigubnatoetretor
ofCyprus).
JerusalemetCipri
regisfilius
Crossof
Jerusalem.

French:
HenrireideIerusalem
etdeChipr

Weight*

Dateof
issue*

4.74g

1290s?

4.5g

1306/9

Fig.
6

13061310,
possibly
7
1309?

4.37g

1310?

4.56g

1310
1324

11

* Weights and dating according to Metcalf 1996, p. 6-7.

According to the schema put forward by Michael Metcalf, after an initial issue in white
bezants, Henry II reformed the monetary system of the island sometime before 1300 and
introduced a flat silver coin, the gros. The first series in his name (heavy series, Fig. 6)
were much heavier than the ones that followed (4.74g) and quite rare. Their inscriptions
are in French, as was the case also with the bezants of Henry II.47 The joint issue of Henry
II and Amaury, which must date from the period of Amaurys usurpation (1306-1310), is
of purely heraldic iconography (Fig. 7). Based on the fact that the type was minted on a
limited scale, Michael Metcalf suggested that its issue lasted only for a few months before
Henrys arrest and exile to Armenia in 1310.48 It was followed by another heraldic type
on the sole name of Amaury (Fig. 8).49 Both Amaurys types bear inscriptions in Latin.
Finally, Henrys light series (Fig. 11) with French inscriptions again were certainly
minted upon Henrys restitution to the throne of Cyprus (1310) since their iconography
and weight standard prevailed almost until the end of the Lusignan Kingdom (1489).50

!"#$%&'()*+$,--.)/$0#$1/$2-3!,/$4*#$,35#$67&8(9$:8;(7:0':<8;$9)=$>&&8$?;&=$+<7$'9&$@
%&'()*+$,--.)/$0#$1/$2-3!,/$4*#$,35#$67&8(9$:8;(7:0':<8;$9)=$>&&8$?;&=$+<7$'9&$@7;'$':A&$>B$
$7;'$':A&$>B$
Hugh III (1267-1284) on his deniers: Metcalf 1973-1975, p. 81-83.
48. Metcalf 1998a, p. 6-7, 41-42, Pl. 3, nos 6-12.
49. Metcalf 1998a, p. 8,42-43, Pl. 4-5.
50. Metcalf 1998a, p. 9-14, 43-63 Pl. 6-19. Based on worn specimens of this type from the
4)09<;$)8=$C7:8:$9<)7=/$%:(9)&*$%&'()*+$9)=$:8:':)**B$;?DD&;'&=$)$@7;'$09);&$<+$A:8':8D$+<7$'9&$
light series antedating Amaurys usurpation. Although he does not entirely abandon this view in
later works, the evidence from die-links and the rest of his argumentation leave, in my view, no
doubt about its incorrectness: Metcalf 1998a, p. 6-7.

484

CCEC 43, 2013

Many uncertainties remain regarding the introduction of the gros. Perhaps the most
important is the date of Henrys monetary reform, which is still inconclusive. Considering
that the heavy gros type was minted before Amaurys usurpation in 1306, it has been
suggested to date the reform in the 1290s in connection with the fall of Acre in 1291
and the refugee waves that flooded Cyprus.51 It is not evident, however, how such an
event could have provoked a monetary reform, except if we assume that the refugees
carried with them large amounts of silver. It would be more prudent to treat 1291 as a
terminus post quem, since it meant a radical change in the role of Cyprus (and Famagusta
in particular) in the trading networks of the Eastern Mediterranean. In the present state of
research, and given the silence of the written sources on the matter, it is impossible to be
more precise regarding the date of the reform.
Another problem is the prototype that inspired Henry in the creation of the gros. As
we have seen, the 13th century was a period of imitation, especially for states like the
Kingdom of Cyprus, with a minor position in the international political and economic
statu quo. Michael Metcalf suggested as the prototype of the Cypriot gros the French
gros tournois, a silver coin of 4.01g introduced in 1266 by Louis IX (cf. Fig. 9).52 Indeed,
this silver issue was successful, and according to documentary evidence, available in
Cyprus.53 Moreover, it had already been imitated by the County of Tripoli, although the
Tripolitan production ceased after 1287.54 Nevertheless, the only resemblance between
the two coins is the fact that they are silver, since the gros tournois was significantly
lighter than the Cypriot gros and no exact rate of exchange could be set between the two
currencies.55 The same holds true for their iconography, with the exception of the type on
Amaurys name, which bears a resemblance to the French gros.
In fact, if one tries to compare the Cypriot silver gros with the prevailing silver coins
of its time, one would find that they present similarities in iconography and other
characteristics but these are not significant enough to lead to the characterization of one
of them as its prototype. Starting with its weight, even in the case of Amaurys lighter
gros, it is significantly higher than the other circulating silver coins: the Venetian grosso
weighed 2.18g, the gigliato of Naples 4g, the Seljuk dirham 3g, the new tram of Cilician
Armenia ca 2.7g, the gros of Tripoli 4.22g. Along with a significant weight, the Cypriot
gros maintained a particularly high silver content (11/12 pure silver).56
51. Stewart 2002, vol. 2, p. 54; Morrisson, Bompaire 1995, p. 1465.
52. Metcalf 1998b, p. 81.
53. Metcalf 1995a, p. 201, n. 7.
54. It is not excluded that the Tripolitan gros offered the prototype for the French gros tournois:
Metcalf 1995a, p. 152.
55. Morrisson, Bompaire 1995, p. 1462-1463.
56. Morrisson, Bompaire 1995, p. 1461. This was in sharp contrast with some of the aforementioned
currencies, such as the Armenian silver trams and takvorins, that with an 80% silver content under
Levon II (1270-1289) experienced a drastic debasement in the following reigns: Bedoukian 1962,
p. 53-54, 86, 110-112.

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485

In terms of iconography, the different types of gros minted until 1324 present affinities
with the numismatic and sigillographic repertoire of the period. Henrys heavy series
(Fig. 6) seem to rely heavily on previous Lusignan issues: the elaborate throne on the
obverse had been used in the representation of the enthroned Christ in the last bezant
issues (Fig.5) and the lion of Cyprus on the reverse on the deniers of Henrys father,
Hugh III, as was also the case with the use of French on the inscriptions.57 The main
novelty of the heavy gros was thus the enthroned ruler. This representation of the ruler
in maiestatem, as it is commonly known, had been widely used in western European
and Crusader coins. The type was common on the Armenian trams,58 which according
to documentary evidence were plentiful in transactions taking place in Famagusta as late
as 1299.59 In the second half of the 13th century, however, it was replaced by equestrian
or other representations of the ruler.60 It was also used on a French gold coin of the
period, the petit royal dor of Philip IV the Fair (1284-1314) that was minted in 1290 and
possibly served as the prototype of the gigliato of Naples.61 More important, however, is
the sigillographic evidence. The type of the enthroned ruler can be found on the seals of
the kings of Jerusalem,62 the Latin kings of Constantinople63 and on those of the Kingdom
of Cyprus. Unlike the heavy gros, however, in all these cases the king is seated on a
backless throne and is holding a scepter cruciger. The only exceptions are the Cypriot
seals on which, from the reign of Henry I onwards, the king is holding a scepter with fleur
de lis.64 It seems then that, at least in the case of the heavy gros, inspiration came from the
royal seals, but the design was completed by borrowing from earlier issues.
On Amaurys issues, the heraldic element prevails; a neutral, prudent choice for a
usurper. Besides the lion of Cyprus, he depicted the arms of Jerusalem consisting of a
cross potent with crosslets (Fig. 7-8). The latter had already been used by Charles I Anjou
(1266-1285) on his gold and silver carlini (cf. Fig. 10) minted in Naples since 1278, that
is, a year after he also assumed the title of king of Jerusalem.65 Clearly, Amaury intended
57. Metcalf 1995a, p. 187 and 195 respectively.
58. This iconographic element of the Armenian trams was inspired by the bracteates of the
!"#$%&'"$("#)#'*"&#+',-'.//012//034'56)'%77#89:7";'76"'#)+%<'787<"'7)'76"'=#>7'?8&@')A'B#$"&8%&'
Cilicia, Levon I (1199-1226) in 1199. It is interesting to note that it was the same emperor who gave
the crown to Aimery of Cyprus two years earlier: Bedoukian 1962, p. 9, 56-57.
59. Metcalf 1995a, p. 201, n. 7.
60. Thus, the Armenian tram could not have served as the prototype for the gros, as suggested
by Rapti 2008, p. 46. Moreover, Stewarts discussion of the connection between the Cypriot gros
and the Armenian coinage is outdated, since for the Armenian part it relies on older, no longer
acceptable attributions: Stewart 2002, vol. 2, p. 59-61.
61. Stewart 2002, vol. 2, p. 56.
62. Schlumberger 1877, passim.
63. Nesbitt 2009, p. 188-189, nos 97-98.2.
CDE''F"7G%<A'/00H9I'(E'J31'%&;'=
F"7G%<A'/00H9I'(E'J31'%&;'=@E'DE''
'@E'DE''
65. Grierson, Travaini 1998, p. 5.

486

CCEC 43, 2013

to declare Cypruss right on the crown of Jerusalem, something obvious on his issue as a
sole ruler as well. Although he was not a king himself, he demonstrated his dynastic claim
on both thrones by adding his quality as son of the king of Jerusalem and Cyprus on the
inscriptions. The general appearance of this coinage, with the concentric circles on the
obverse, is certainly inspired by the French gros tournois (Fig. 9), a prominent currency
on the island by that time. Amaury adapted the iconography of the gros tournois for his
own needs by replacing the cross of the obverse with the lion of Cyprus and the chtel of
Tours with an impaled shield, bearing the arms of Cyprus and Jerusalem. It is curious that
while promoting the legitimacy of the Cypriot kings regarding the throne of Jerusalem vis-vis the Angevin claimants, Amaury chose to depict on the reverse a shield that strongly
reminded the shield of Jerusalem impaling Anjou on Charles Is carlini (cf. Fig. 10).66 The
fact that this type of carlini had been discontinued since 1302, renders his choice even
more peculiar. Be that as it may, Amaurys coinage demonstrates a rapprochement with
the other French royal lines the Capetians and the Anjou. It is expressed not only in
terms of iconography, but also in terms of epigraphy since his choice of Latin inscriptions
was in accordance with the practices followed in Paris and Naples.
Henrys light series (Fig. 11) also present similarities with Capetian and Angevin
issues. Numismatists have suggested as its possible prototype either the French gold petit
royal dor of Philip IV introduced in 1290 or its imitation, the Angevin silver gigliato
introduced by Charles II Anjou (1285-1309) in 1303 (cf. Fig. 12).67 The resemblances
in both cases are striking despite the fact that the reverse of the suggested prototypes is
decorated with a cross fleury. One, however, hesitates in naming either of them as the
direct prototype of the gros. In the case of the petit royal, the main objections consist in
the general reluctance of medieval mint-makers in imitating gold coins for silver issues68
and in the absence of this coin from the written and archaeological evidence for Cyprus.
The latter holds true for the Napolitan gigliato as well, since there is very little evidence
about its presence on the island. Moreover, although it was a silver, very successful and
widely imitated coin, its main area of circulation and imitation was Provence and the
Aegean in the third decade of the 14th century.69 It is thus rather unlikely, though not
impossible, that Henry II would have chosen it as a prototype in the early 14th century.
As demonstrated at the beginning of this study, there were certain factors that led to the
imitation of a foreign currency; in this case none are present. Thus no direct prototype
can be traced for the Cypriot light gros, whose iconography seems to have drawn from a
well-established European and Crusader tradition.

66. Stewart 2002, vol. 2, p. 63. .

67. See the relevant discussion in Stewart 2002, vol. 2, p. 55-61, keeping in mind the
aforementioned caveat regarding the Armenian coinage.
68. Cf. Stewart 2002, vol. 2, p. 58.
69. Grierson 1965.

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487

A connection of the Cypriot gros coinage with the Angevin coinage should not,
however, be entirely ruled out. When describing Charles Is monetary reform of
1278 Philip Grierson and Lucia Travaini comment that these changes completed the
assimilation of the coinage of the Mezzogiorno to that of the rest Western Christendom.70
One could claim that Henry did exactly the same when he left the white bezant in favor
of the gros. Charles I, however, did not abandon the gold standard in 1278. It was Charles
II who discontinued the production of gold carlini in the 1290s, while maintaining the
production of silver carlini. They were soon replaced by a heavier silver coin, the gigliato,
in 1303.71 The monetary system of Naples in its form under Charles II, presented several
similarities with that of Cyprus:72
There was a gold money of account (bezant/ tari) worth 2 silver coins;
The denominational pattern was completed by lower denominations (deniers)
reminiscent of the previous monetary system, which were not connected to the silver coin.
The local currency circulated exclusively in the realm.
The mint was controlled for the kings profit.
There were affinities in the typology of the coins.
To these similarities one cannot fail to add the chronological coincidence in the
abandonment of the gold standard: although Charles IIs introduction of the gigliato
occurred only at the beginning of the 14th century, the issue of gold carlini was
abandoned in the 1290s, i.e. at about the same time when Cyprus was leaving the bezant.
Unfortunately, besides dynastic marriages, there is no substantial evidence demonstrating
the relations between Lusignan Cyprus and Angevin Italy. It is perhaps significant to note
that in a recent study Gilles Grivaud suggested the existence of a parallelism between
the palace that Henry II erected in Nicosia and the Castel Nuovo, which Charles I built
in Naples between 1279 and 1282.73 Could this be a coincidence or should one look for
closer ties between the two kingdoms at the end of the 13th and the beginning of the 14th
century? In the current state of research the question must remain open.
If one considers the Lusignan coinage as a whole in comparison with 13th and
th
14 century monetary practices in the Eastern Mediterranean, one would tend to conclude
that it presented uncommon features. Both monetary reforms that took place on the island
were realistic, innovative, and relied only partly on existing traditions. Even when a
prototype was adopted as in the case of Guys system this was modified according
to the islands particularities. This is especially true of Henrys reform: although the
Cypriot coinage remained a regional currency, the shift to the gros allowed Cyprus to
better integrate itself into the trade networks of the Eastern Mediterranean, where in the
first half of the 14th c. silver was predominant; and to take advantage of the metal that was

70. Grierson, Travaini 1998, p. 5.

71. Grierson, Travaini 1998, p. 5.
72. They have been observed and collected by Morrisson, Bompaire 1995, p. 1467.
73. Grivaud 2012, p. 140.

488

CCEC 43, 2013

being transported there. Henrys early shift to silver, whether influenced by the Anjou or
not, could even be characterized as ground-breaking, since it preceded the prevalence of
silver coinages in the Aegean and Byzantium by almost forty years. In the turbulent era
after the fall of the Crusader states, Henry strengthened his kingdoms ties with Western
Europe through the nature, the iconography, and the inscriptions of his coinage, leaving
behind the obsolete Byzantine model. The monetary system he introduced was going
to survive until the end of the Lusignan Kingdom, although, failing to adapt to the new
conditions created by the gold ducat in the area during the 14th century, it soon became
obsolete itself too.
Centre dhistoire et civilisation de Byzance, UMR 8167, Orient et Mditerrane
ILLUSTRATIONS
All illustrated coins belong to the collection of the Ashmolean Museum of Art and Archaeology,
University of Oxford, United Kingdom. The author is grateful to Dr. Julian Baker, Assistant Keeper
at the Heberden Coin Room, for kindly providing her with the photographs. The drawings are from
Schlumberger 1878.

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Figure 1. Guy of Lusignan (1192-1194),

white bezant. Drawing. (30mm).

Figure 2. Guy of Lusignan (1192-1194),

denier. Ashmolean Museum
(= Metcalf 1995a, Pl. 24, no 629)
and drawing. (19mm).
Figure 3. Guy of Lusignan (1192-1194),
copper. Drawing. (17,5mm)

 FRANCE DE CHYPRE : P. PAPADOPOULOU, LUSIGNAN COINAGE

Figure 4. Guy of Lusignan (1192-1194), copper.

Ashmolean Museum, inv. no HCR7262
(= Metcalf 1995a, Pl. 28, no 628) and drawing.
(17mm)

Figure 6. Henry II (1285-1324),

gros (heavy series, 1290s ?- 1306/9).
Ashmolean Museum, inv. no HCR7265
(= Metcalf 1995a, Pl. 26, no 670)
and drawing. (26mm).

491

Figure 5. Henry II (1285-1324),

white bezant
(before the 1290s?). Drawing. (25mm).

Figure 7. Henry II (1285-1324)

and Amaury (1306-1310), gros.
Drawing. (26mm)

492

CCEC 43, 2013

Figure 9. Philip III (1270-1285), gros

tournois (Ashmolean Museum).

Figure 8. Amaury (1306-1310), gros

(1310?). Ashmolean Museum, inv. no
HCR7266 (=Metcalf 1995a, Pl. 26, no 673)
and drawing. (26mm)

Figure 10. Charles II of Anjou (1285-1309),

carlino dargento. Ashmolean Museum.

Figure 11. Henry II (1285-1324), gros (light series,

1310-1324). Ashmolean Museum (=Metcalf 1995a,
Pl. 28, no 706) and drawing. (25mm)

Figure 12. Robert of Anjou

(1309-1343), gigliato, Naples.
Ashmolean Museum.